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Journal articles on the topic 'Women's policymaking'
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1
Eto, Mikiko. "Women's Leverage on Social Policymaking in Japan." Political Science & Politics 34, no. 02 (June 2001): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096501000403.
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Banaszak, Lee Ann. "Feminist Policymaking in Chile. By Liesl Haas." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 883–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003781.
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The election of Michelle Bachelet as president of Chile in January 2006 was heralded in the world press as an advancement of women's rights in Chile. Not only did Bachelet's election increase women's representation at the highest levels, but it also raised expectations that Chile would adopt more women-friendly policies as well. Although focused on the years between the democratic transition and the election of Bachelet, Liesl Haas's Feminist Policymaking in Chile speaks volumes to the questions of how and why such representation makes a difference. Although the women's movement and feminist policymaking in Chile have been well mined by gender scholars, Haas provides a different perspective, both in terms of time frame and of theoretical argument. The book is notable for its extensive documentation of the legislative process, church activism, and feminist policymaking in Chile in the posttransition era. This rich description will make it valuable to gender scholars wishing to understand the Chilean case and to Latin Americanists wishing to understand more about gender politics in Chile. But my particular interest, and my focus in this review, concerns what the book tells us about the reasons that feminist policies get adopted in a particular place at a particular point in time.
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Mohamad Saleh Baqutayan, Shadiya, and Fauziah Raji. "The Impact of Religion and Culture on Leadership Styles of Women Policy-Makers in the Education Industry." Journal of Science, Technology and Innovation Policy 7, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/jostip.v7n1.64.
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This qualitative study is purposive in sampling and explored a small number of women leaders in the education industry who are policymakers of Malay Muslim origin of their experiences in leadership positions. Policymaking here involved policies at the micro-level, which related more to their institutions and organizations. The researcher examined the women's leadership styles and the factors that influenced how they lead explicitly. Likewise, the researcher focused on how gender, culture, and religion may relate to women's experiences. Basic interpretive and descriptive qualitative research methods were employed. Data were collected through in-depth individual interviews. Participants interviewed included nine women leaders in the public and private sector who were either teachers/lecturers or administrators in the education industry. These women held positions within the top echelon of their organization or institution. The finding of this research indicated that gender, religion, and culture play an important role in women's leadership experiences, therefore, themes emerged around influences on the women's approaches to leadership, with particular emphasis on the role of the larger environment in impacting women's leadership behaviors. To further focus on the impact of culture and religion on women's leadership styles, the researcher conducted a focused discussion group on the second group of Malay Muslim women leaders. This group of women leaders compromised mainly of women leaders who are department and section heads but still involved in policymaking decisions albeit within their department or sections. This study can provide insight into the landscape of women‘s leadership roles and how to support these leaders.
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Leite, Marianna. "After the summit: women's access to water and policymaking in Brazil." Gender & Development 18, no. 1 (February 25, 2010): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13552071003600059.
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Watson, Sara D. "Holistic Policymaking: "Neo-Liberalism" as Illustrated by the Women's and Disability Rights Movements." Policy Studies Journal 21, no. 4 (December 1993): 752–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb02172.x.
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Chun, Jahyun. "Social Divisions and International Reconciliation: Domestic Backlash against Foreign Policymaking between Japan and South Korea." International Studies Perspectives 20, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz013.
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Abstract The so-called “Comfort Women” Agreement, ratified in December 2015, was intended to bring closure to South Korea's historic grievances against Japan regarding the issue of wartime sexual slavery. However, tensions were reignited when the process and content of the deal were heavily criticized, exacerbating the strained relations between the two countries, as well as divisions within them. Little attention has been given to what happened after the Asian Women's Fund was established in 1995, how bilateral relations shifted, and how the politics changed within South Korea and Japan. This study examines the domestic divisions and conflicts in Japan and South Korea following the introduction of institutions intended to achieve reconciliation. More specifically, it analyzes the factors underlying these divisions and suggests some solutions. In order to do so, this study studies the 1995 Asian Women's Fund and the 2015 “Comfort Women” Agreement, analyzing the implications of these cases in the domestic politics of and bilateral relationship between Japan and South Korea.
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Haas, Liesl. "The Women's Movement Inside and Outside the State. By Lee Ann Banaszak." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 885–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003793.
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In this impressively researched and thought-provoking book, Lee Ann Banaszak explores the role of “movement insiders”—women's movement activists working inside the federal bureaucracy—in shaping policy on women's rights. Through a series of engaging narratives, she highlights the often-invisible role of feminist lawyers, regulators, other members of the civil service, and political appointees in shaping important policies on such issues as equal employment, educational equity (particularly Title IX), and foreign policy (women in development). Banaszak's investigation into the role of feminist activists within the bureaucracy illuminates the critical role that the movement played within the state on a number of policy issues. More broadly, her argument for an expanded view of the dynamics of social movements, movement–state intersections, and policymaking represents a needed corrective to the rather stark dichotomies that often dominate the study of social movements.
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Çinkir, Sadife. "Sustainable development through lifelong learning: A good practice about women entrepreneurship from Turkey." Andragoske studije, no. 2 (2020): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/andstud2002201c.
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Women form half of the world's population, but the same cannot be said for their active participation in economic development. Sustainable, strong economies can be achieved through equally active involvement in the process by developing or keeping up to date the skills of individuals in society. This paper focuses on women's contribution to sustainable development as entrepreneurs through Lifelong Learning. The paper consists of two sections. The first section discusses the relationship between accessibility to digital age-appropriate education and sustainable development in Lifelong Learning. The second section is a good practice of the impact of the "Women First in Entrepreneurship" project on developing women's entrepreneurship. It covers the reasons for the project and its implementation process, outputs, and impact. To increase women's participation in the labor market as part of sustainable development in today's economy, the project, which began in 10 pilot provinces, is currently being implemented across Turkey. The project has been implemented under the coordination of the Turkish Directorate General for Lifelong Learning since 2015. The General Directorate of Lifelong Learning is the highest policymaking authority in Turkey to strengthen the adult education system.
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JOHNSON, JANET ELISE, MERI KULMALA, and MAIJA JÄPPINEN. "Street-level Practice of Russia's Social Policymaking in Saint Petersburg: Federalism, Informal Politics, and Domestic Violence." Journal of Social Policy 45, no. 2 (November 26, 2015): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279415000689.
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AbstractDespite the growth in studies of Russian social policy, the reality of the social policy process – most of which is regionally based – remains a puzzle. In this article, we stake a claim for the importance of studying street-level social service provision in Russia's regions to advance the understanding of social policymaking in authoritarian-leaning regimes. We show that – albeit in small ways in only some places – Russia has expanded its welfare state, taking on an issue neglected by the Soviet regime in response to activism. Using the lens of work against domestic violence, we conduct a case study of women's crisis centres in Saint Petersburg. We show the limitations of the two usual state-society frameworks – those looking at civil society and at the welfare state. Building on their strengths, we construct a de facto feminist framework that focuses on how much and what kind of help citizens receive from both state and societal actors. In Russia's social policymaking, shaped by federalism, we find mixed success –civic organizations have weakened, but the state has taken on civic initiatives at local levels – and point to the importance of the informal politics of speaking in code and navigating elite networks.
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Oakley, Ann. "The forgotten example of 'settlement sociology': Gender, research, communities, universities and policymaking in Britain and the USA, 1880–1920." Research for All 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/rfa.01.1.03.
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Many of the social investigations carried out in social settlements established in Britain and the USA in the period from the 1880s to the 1920s are early examples of participatory research based on a theory of knowledge with 'citizen experience' at its centre. This research, much of it done by women, was often methodologically innovative and enormously influential in shaping public policy. Its history is bound up with that of disciplinary specialization, in which women's research and reform work have been classified, and thus hidden, as 'social work'.
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Azis, Ardhana Ulfa, and Mia Siscawati. "Janus Faced of Women's Parliament Family Line: Representation of Women in Politics and Party Oligarchy." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 2 (February 2, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i2.2404.
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The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.
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Antone, Nicoleta, Darya Kizub, Julie Gralow, Jo Anne Zujewski, and Allison Dvaladze. "Identifying Facilitators and Barriers to Patient Advocacy for Women's Cancers: Findings from Eastern Europe/Central Asia WE CAN Summits." Journal of Global Oncology 4, Supplement 3 (October 2018): 3s. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.18.10010.
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Purpose Patient advocacy plays an important role in alerting policymakers to the public’s concerns about women's cancers and advancing cancer awareness, early diagnosis and care in high-income countries. Patient advocacy for women's cancers is growing in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) but remains less developed and understudied. This study aimed to describe facilitators and barriers to advocacy from the point of view of advocates for women's cancers participating in Eastern Europe/Central Asia Women's Empowerment Cancer Advocacy Network (WE CAN) Summits. Methods We conducted semistructured, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with participants representing cancer advocacy organizations from 14 countries attending the 7th Eastern Europe and Central Asia Women’s Empowerment Cancer Advocacy Network (WE CAN) Breast and Cervical Cancer Advocacy Summit held in Romania in 2015. Discussions and interviews were recorded and transcriptions were coded and analyzed. Findings were presented and discussed at the 8th WE CAN EE/CA Summit in Ukraine in 2017. Results Nine in-depth interviews and three focus groups with a total of 36 participants were conducted. Challenges to advocacy included limited collaboration with the medical community, government, and local authorities; a lack of trust between survivors, physicians, and policymakers; difficulty in adapting existing early diagnosis and treatment recommendations to local context and resources; limited organizational professionalism and program monitoring; societal stigma toward cancer; and limited funding. Key facilitators included highly committed staff and volunteers, effective collaboration, and use of social media for networking and to obtain clinical information. Conclusion Our findings highlight the challenges and facilitators of patient advocacy in the Eastern Europe/Central Asia region, involving patient support groups, advocacy organizations, health care systems, policymaking, and societal attitudes and cancer awareness. To advance patient advocacy for women's cancers in the region, the following needs were identified: the dissemination of resourceadapted information for improving patient outcomes, improved program monitoring, and improved dialogue between survivors, medical professionals, and local governments. AUTHORS' DISCLOSURES OF POTENTIAL CONFLICTS OF INTEREST The following represents disclosure information provided by authors of this manuscript. All relationships are considered compensated. Relationships are self-held unless noted. I = Immediate Family Member, Inst = My Institution. Relationships may not relate to the subject matter of this manuscript. For more information about ASCO's conflict of interest policy, please refer to www.asco.org/rwc or ascopubs.org/jco/site/ifc . Julie Gralow Consulting or Advisory Role: Puma, Novartis, Genentech/Roche, Pfizer, Merck, Sandoz, Astra Zeneca, Immunomedics Darya Kizub Employment: Everett Clinic Jo Anne Zujewski Employment: Leidos (part time as an independent contractor for Leidos in support of NCI Center for Global Health) Consulting or Advisory Role: performed consulting services for PMK biomedical and BeyondSpring Pharmaceutical
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Kathlene, Lyn. "Power and Influence in State Legislative Policymaking: The Interaction of Gender and Position in Committee Hearing Debates." American Political Science Review 88, no. 3 (September 1994): 560–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944795.
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There is an implicit assumption behind advocating for more minorities or women in elected office, namely, that these officials will bring a new power and influence to their underrepresented groups. However, for women, this idealized viewpoint ignores the social dynamics that subordinate women's words and actions even in “well-balanced” male and female group interactions. Using transcribed verbatim transcripts of 12 state legislative committee hearings, this research analyzes the conversational dynamics of committee members, witnesses, chairs, and sponsors. Sex differences among committee members are highly significant, even after accounting for political factors and structural features of the hearing. In addition, male and female chairs do not conduct hearings in the same way, and these differences affect the behavior of witnesses and committee members. The findings suggest that as the proportion of women increases in a legislative body, men become more verbally aggressive and controlling of the hearing. Women legislators may be seriously disadvantaged and unable to participate equally in legislative policymaking in committee hearings.
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Anitha, Sundari, and Aisha K. Gill. "Making Politics Visible: Discourses on Gender and Race in the Problematisation of Sex-Selective Abortion." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (November 2018): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0137-4.
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This paper examines the problematisation of sex-selective abortion (SSA) in UK parliamentary debates on Fiona Bruce's Abortion (Sex-Selection) Bill 2014–15 and on the subsequent proposed amendment to the Serious Crime Bill 2014–15. On the basis of close textual analysis, we argue that a discursive framing of SSA as a form of cultural oppression of minority women in need of protection underpinned Bruce's Bill; in contrast, by highlighting issues more commonly articulated in defence of women's reproductive rights, the second set of debates displaced this framing in favour of a broader understanding, drawing on postcolonial feminist critiques, of how socio-economic factors constrain all women in this regard. We argue that the problematisation of SSA explains the original cross-party support for, and subsequent defeat of, the policies proposed to restrict SSA. Our analysis also highlights the central role of ideology in the policy process, thus making politics visible in policymaking.
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Spehar, Andrea. "Women's Movements as Agents of Change: The Politics of Policymaking and the Reform of Domestic Violence Laws in Croatia and Slovenia, 1991–2004." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 33, no. 3 (July 2012): 205–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2012.694773.
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Klein, Jennifer. "A New Deal Restoration: Individuals, Communities, and the Long Struggle for the Collective Good." International Labor and Working-Class History 74, no. 1 (2008): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000148.
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Much of the literature on the New Deal over the last fifteen years has sought to extend it in time and scope. The New Deal has become the New Deal Order. More than the legislation and programs of the Great Depression years under President Roosevelt, it encompasses or designates particular political coalitions brought together under a dominant Democratic Party, expanded citizenship rights, Keynesian economic policymaking, rising standards of living through collective bargaining and public investment, checks on the prerogatives of business, and working-class enfranchisement that continued well beyond the Roosevelt years.1 We talk about the New Deal when we refer to the G.I. Bill, Truman's economic and social policies or organized labor's gains in the late 1940s, Republican President Eisenhower's extension of Social Security in the 1950s, Lyndon Johnson's enactment of Medicare, and can even include the passage of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) laws in 1970 as the New Deal's last gasp, under President Nixon. Other historians have extended the New Deal back in time, linking its programs more firmly with social policy and industrial relations experiments in the Progressive Era, the First World War, and the 1920s. Widow's pensions, war labor boards, unemployment insurance, industrial democracy became the basic building blocks of the New Deal.2 Historians have also been revising the histories of later social movements, such as the African-American freedom struggle or the women's movement, and relocating them as New Deal movements.3 So we no longer think in terms of the “interwar period”—which was always more of a European periodization—just as we no longer talk about the New Deal as emerging full-blown from the forehead of Roosevelt and an inner-circle, male Brain Trust and ending with the Supreme Court packing incident.
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Matthews, Abigail A., Rebecca J. Kreitzer, and Emily U. Schilling. "Gendered Polarization and Abortion Policymaking in the States." Forum 18, no. 1 (September 21, 2020): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-1003.
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AbstractWidening, asymmetric polarization is evident in both the U.S. Congress and state legislatures. Recent work unveils a new dimension to this polarization story: newly elected Republican women are driving this polarization. Women are more likely to legislate on women’s issues than men, yet women’s shared interest in representing women doesn’t preclude their identity as partisans. In this article, we explore the effect of today’s political climate on state legislators’ policy representation of women’s issues. We ask what effect does gendered polarization have on women’s issues? To test this, we evaluate bill sponsorship in the states on the quintessential “women’s issue” of abortion. Our research design focuses on bill introductions and uses on an original dataset of pro- and anti-abortion rights bill introductions, which we analyze using an event count model. We find that overall polarization leads to the introduction of fewer restrictive abortion bills, but as polarization between women lawmakers grows, legislators are more likely to introduce anti-abortion rights legislation. Gender polarization has consequences on the types of bills legislators introduce and for how scholars should study polarization.
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Seibicke, Helena. "Gender Expertise in Public Policymaking: The European Women’s Lobby and the EU Maternity Leave Directive." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 2 (March 15, 2019): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz007.
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Abstract Civil society organizations are involved in EU policymaking processes, but are faced with the potential dilemma of providing efficient expertise while at the same time advocating for their interests. This article asks whether the European Women’s Lobby, an EU-level umbrella organization representing women’s interests, manages this inbuilt tension by empirically investigating the balancing of three different types of expertise-based claims (procedural, technical, and normative) in a concrete instance of policymaking, namely the European Maternity Leave Directive. The analysis shows that although the EWL engaged in technical expertise provision, it infused the policy process with normative expertise-based claims.
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Meier, Henk Erik, and Cosima von Uechtriz. "The Key Role of Sport Policies for the Popularity of Women’s Sports: A Case Study on Women’s Soccer in Germany." Sociology of Sport Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 328–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.2019-0126.
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Athletic success in women’s sports, in particular in women’s soccer, is strongly linked to macrolevel gender equality within societies. There is also evidence that macrolevel gender equality matters for sport consumption. This study explored the role of mesolevel institutions for the popularity of women’s soccer. The example of reunified Germany illustrates that macrolevel gender equality might be less important for the popularity of women’s sport than mesolevel gender equality, that is, policy priorities adopted by sport associations and other actors involved in sport policymaking. The study comes with practical implications for the future popularity of women’s soccer.
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Wallace, Alicia. "Policymaking in a ‘Christian nation’: women’s and LGBT+ rights in The Bahamas’ 2016 referendum." Gender & Development 25, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2017.1286802.
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Winslott Hiselius, Kronsell, Dymén, and Rosqvist. "Investigating the Link between Transport Sustainability and the Representation of Women in Swedish Local Committees." Sustainability 11, no. 17 (August 29, 2019): 4728. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11174728.
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Abstract: There are large discrepancies in the transport sector along gender lines in travel patterns and means of transportation used, but also in attitudes and norms among citizens, planners and decision-makers, with women generally more positive towards measures involving the lowering CO2 emissions. At the same time, the number of women involved in transport-related decisions is low. This is a problem for gender equality but possibly also for sustainability. A careful review of previous studies indicated a lack of analyses on the subject based on quantitative data at the local level. We investigated a possible link between women’s presence in local policymaking and more sustainable transport policies, and whether it is possible to capture such an effect. The main contribution of this paper is a methodological approach in which, besides generating unique data on representation in municipalities (confirming men’s dominance, specifically in transport policymaking), possibilities for quantitatively measuring gender and the level of sustainability in transport planning are discussed and tested. Challenges in collecting relevant data and analyzing possible covariances in the data set are discussed and presented as well as suggestions for further investigations into the possible link between gender and sustainable transport performance.
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Ahmad, Niaz, Abida Bano, and Shughla Ashfaq. "Women’s Political Empowerment through Local Government in the Patriarchal Society of Pakistan." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.1.1.
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The democratic local government empowers community members to decide their destiny. However, it bears different meanings for different people in different socio-cultural settings. This study assesses the intended outcome of the local government system, revived by General Pervez Musharraf’s regime in Pakistan since 2001 regarding women’s political empowerment. In the Devolution Plan 2001, the gender quotas of 33% have been reserved for women in all the three tiers of local government at the district level. However, the existing informal institutional forces like socio-cultural and religious practices did not let women to fully participate and achieve the desired political status. Local women’s representatives have not been able to participate meaningfully in the policymaking at the local level. Therefore, this study suggests revising the design of the local government with a focus on eligibility criteria for the candidates. Moreover, to ensure the political empowerment of women, policymakers should focus on other alternatives like women education, political awareness, and monitoring by the civil society and media.
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Engberg-Pedersen, Lars. "Do norms travel? The case of gender in Danish development cooperation." Progress in Development Studies 18, no. 3 (May 1, 2018): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464993418766583.
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Questioning diffusion and translation as central concepts describing how norms influence policies, the article analyses the drafting process of a recent gender equality policy in Danish development cooperation. Three global norms (gender mainstreaming, sexual and reproductive health and rights, and women’s empowerment) and their influence on the policy are examined, and it is argued that the contingency of policymaking circumscribes the role of global norms. A variety of intra- and extra-organizational factors affect the drafting of the policy, and it is the interaction between these factors and the norms, rather than diffusion or translation of global norms, that best describes the normative influence on Danish gender equality policy.
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Kushandajani and Laila Kholid Alfirdaus. "Women’s Empowerment in Village Governance Transformation in Indonesia: Between Hope and Criticism." International Journal of Rural Management 15, no. 1 (April 2019): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973005219836576.
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Since the launch of Law No. 6/2014 regarding villages, scholarly concerns on village studies are growing. However, studies focusing on gender equality in Village Law implementation are still few. This article discusses the responses of the village government to gender problems in their respective areas. Based on field research in two villages in Java, namely Panggungharjo and Lerep, this article recognizes that there is greater attention on gender issues since the implementation of the law. However, village heads still dominate village policymaking. Further, although gaining some supports, gender issues are still placed as the secondary among the village development priorities. They also lack of empowerment programs that will have a direct impact on the improvement of gender equality. Considering these criticisms, there is a crucial need for the national government to issue regulations that will encourage a stronger assertion of gender equality in Village Law implementation.
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Thai, Nguyen Van, and Jose Roberto Guevara. "Women and Water Management: A Policy Assessment—A Case Study in An Giang Province, Mekong Delta, Vietnam." Asia-Pacific Journal of Rural Development 29, no. 1 (June 2019): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1018529119860949.
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Women in developing countries are domestic water managers and therefore can be regarded as the primary beneficiaries of water supply project, particularly domestic water supply services (DWSSs). Globally, women are active in water supply policymaking, planning and implementation. However, women are often excluded from water management activities; this can result in the failure of water projects. Research to date shows that women’s exclusion from water management processes stems from top-down approaches and traditional norms and gender differences. The work described in this research involved an examination of the effectiveness of DWSS policies implemented in rural Vietnamese communities, and was designed to produce an understanding of women’s roles and responsibilities in water management, specifically within the Vinh Phuoc community of the Mekong Delta of Vietnam. The research found that women participation in Vinh Phuoc was greatly restricted in the water management and in the public sphere in general. Also, it sought to reveal whether women are involved in water management activities and the roles they play in achieving final outcomes.
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Kurtege Sefer, Bengu. "A gender- and class-sensitive explanatory model for rural women entrepreneurship in Turkey." International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 12, no. 2 (February 24, 2020): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijge-07-2019-0113.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to offer a new gender- and class-sensitive framework for research on rural women entrepreneurship by focusing on the women’s agricultural cooperatives in Turkey. Although these cooperatives have been promoted as ideal bottom-to-top organizations to integrate women into economy as entrepreneurs, there has been significant decline in their numbers. This paper tackles with this contradictory situation and intends to offer an alternative research framework on the viability of the women’s agricultural cooperatives in Turkey. Design/methodology/approach The paper is built on a critical assessment of the existing literature. It argues that a framework that brings together macro-, meso- and micro-factors will provide a springboard to unfold the gendered processes integral to rural female entrepreneurship in Turkey. Drawing on intersectional theory, the multilayered factors which operate to rural women’s (dis)advantages through the cooperatives are unfolded as policymaking, policy implementation and everyday experiences. Findings For policymakers and implementers, it points out the need for a holistic and integrated understanding of rural female entrepreneurship and for re-formulation of policies at the state level. For rural women, it draws attention to the measures required to be taken at the cooperative level to overcome inequalities. Originality/value This paper is original in making explicit social, political and economic embeddedness of female entrepreneurship in rural Turkey.
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Forester, Summer. "Protecting women, protecting the state: Militarism, security threats, and government action on violence against women in Jordan." Security Dialogue 50, no. 6 (October 29, 2019): 475–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619877799.
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Contrary to our understanding of when states act on women’s rights, Jordan adopted a policy on violence against women at the same time as it faced a number of external and internal security threats. In this article, I query the relationship between militarism and the gender policymaking process in Jordan to make sense of this puzzle. I specifically consider the ways in which a feminist conceptualization of militarism offers a more fruitful understanding of government action on violence against women in Jordan than studying this policy development through the lens of patriarchy, state institutions, and/or feminist activism alone. Indeed, evaluating the development of Jordan’s Family Protection Law through the lens of militarism and related security practices reveals the depth and breadth of these phenomena: the martial values and priorities of the Jordanian regime extend beyond the realm of traditional, ‘high politics’ security issues and impact civil, social, and even interpersonal relations – relations that are always already gendered – that are seemingly far removed from military concerns. I argue that the Jordanian government adopted its policy on violence against women because this enhanced the state’s image in the international arena and appeased domestic audiences by adhering to a gendered logic of protection that maintains the state as the ultimate protector of women. Overall, the article deepens our understanding of how militarism and the security climate influence the gender policymaking process, particularly in semi-authoritarian regimes.
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Sinha, Amit Kumar, and Pushkar Anand. "Feminist Overview of International Investment Law—A Preliminary Inquiry." Journal of International Economic Law 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgab008.
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ABSTRACT There have not been many studies to evaluate the tenets of international investment law from a feminist perspective. Thus, a study from a feminist perspective is not only desirable but also necessary to understand the position of women in this regime. To fill this gap, the article presents an analysis of the normative and structural frameworks of international investment law from a feminist standpoint. This article finds that women are under-represented in the structural framework of international investment law, and the normative framework barely touches upon the issues of women. The article suggests measures to gender-mainstream the investment law regime. It concludes that gender inclusiveness of the international investment regime can only be achieved when international investment policymaking is complemented by a flexible but robust municipal structure that supports gender equality and women’s participation in economic activities.
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Yu, Qiwei, Liqiang Zhang, Kun Hou, Jingwen Li, Suhong Liu, Ke Huang, and Yang Cheng. "Relationship between Air Pollutant Exposure and Gynecologic Cancer Risk." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 10 (May 18, 2021): 5353. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18105353.
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Exposure to air pollution has been suggested to be associated with an increased risk of women’s health disorders. However, it remains unknown to what extent changes in ambient air pollution affect gynecological cancer. In our case–control study, the logistic regression model was combined with the restricted cubic spline to examine the association of short-term exposure to air pollution with gynecological cancer events using the clinical data of 35,989 women in Beijing from December 2008 to December 2017. We assessed the women’s exposure to air pollutants using the monitor located nearest to each woman’s residence and working places, adjusting for age, occupation, ambient temperature, and ambient humidity. The adjusted odds ratios (ORs) were examined to evaluate gynecologic cancer risk in six time windows (Phase 1–Phase 6) of women’s exposure to air pollutants (PM2.5, CO, O3, and SO2) and the highest ORs were found in Phase 4 (240 days). Then, the higher adjusted ORs were found associated with the increased concentrations of each pollutant (PM2.5, CO, O3, and SO2) in Phase 4. For instance, the adjusted OR of gynecological cancer risk for a 1.0-mg m−3 increase in CO exposures was 1.010 (95% CI: 0.881–1.139) below 0.8 mg m−3, 1.032 (95% CI: 0.871–1.194) at 0.8–1.0 mg m−3, 1.059 (95% CI: 0.973–1.145) at 1.0–1.4 mg m−3, and 1.120 (95% CI: 0.993–1.246) above 1.4 mg m−3. The ORs calculated in different air pollution levels accessed us to identify the nonlinear association between women’s exposure to air pollutants (PM2.5, CO, O3, and SO2) and the gynecological cancer risk. This study supports that the gynecologic risks associated with air pollution should be considered in improved public health preventive measures and policymaking to minimize the dangerous effects of air pollution.
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Lynn Dobbs, Kirstie, and Peter J. Schraeder. "Evolving role of North African civil society actors in the foreign policymaking process: youth, women’s, labour and human rights organisations." Journal of North African Studies 24, no. 4 (September 19, 2018): 661–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2018.1525011.
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Opoku, Maxwell Peprah, Beatrice Anyango, and Beatrice Atim Alupo. "Women in politics in Kenya: an analysis of participation and barriers." Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies 7, no. 1 (February 25, 2018): 1506. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/generos.2018.3179.
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Women constitute more than half of the world’s population but their representation in the political arena has consistently been lower compared to men. Since representation is important in the allocation of resources, laws have been passed to guarantee gender parity in decision-making. In Kenya, the 2010 Constitution introduced a two-third gender rule to enhance parity in legislative bodies at both lower and national legislative bodies. From a sociological perspective, this paper assessed the extent of participation of women in the political development of Kenya. The qualitative study used interviews to analyse the contribution of women in politics. In all, 30 key informants, made up of 11 males and 19 females, were purposively recruited for the study. The study found that there were hindrances to women’s effective political participation which included; political environment characterized by violence propaganda, discrimination based on gender and lack of support from fellow women. The study and its implication for policymaking has been discussed extensively.
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Waters-Bayer, Ann, and Wolfgang Bayer. "Enhancing local innovation to improve water productivity in crop - livestock systems." Rangeland Journal 31, no. 2 (2009): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rj09009.
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In their efforts to adapt to changing conditions and grasp opportunities, small-scale farmers have been innovating since time immemorial. With increasing scarcity of water, harnessing water productivity in crop–livestock systems will require enhancing such local innovation processes, including both endogenous development and local adaptation of exogenous interventions. The paper highlights the importance of taking an innovation systems perspective in this endeavour. The various actors involved in agricultural production, extension, research, education, policymaking and trade who can contribute to or constrain innovation processes need to be recognised and their interactions understood. Particularly in the realm of working with water – often the task of women and girls – gender aspects must be addressed, including women’s role in innovation processes and the impact of change in water access and use on women’s workloads and decision-making. The paper presents examples of technical and socio-institutional innovation to improve crop–livestock water productivity that have been developed by local resource users. It demonstrates how scientists and technical advisors in research and development organisations can harness these dynamics in local knowledge by identifying local innovations, exploring together with local people the rationale behind them, and explaining in scientific terms why they work. It argues for an approach to research that allows farmers to be creative and that strengthens their capacities to continue to adapt to changing conditions. It stresses the role of researchers in revealing how farmers are developing solutions that challenge official policy, and then joining forces with farmers to bring about policy change to accommodate and encourage local innovation. Thus, it presents one ‘intervention’ that could enhance crop–livestock water productivity: promoting an approach of recognising local innovation and engaging in participatory research with local people who are developing their own ways to make the most of scarce water.
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Cadesky, Jessica. "Built on shaky ground: Reflections on Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 3 (September 2020): 298–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020953424.
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In October 2017, Canada launched its Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). While Canada’s explicit use of the words “feminist” and “feminism” may be refreshing, critical questions on the FIAP’s interpretation and application of these concepts remain. These challenges are not unique to the FIAP. Rather, the central weaknesses of the FIAP can be seen as symptomatic of several endemic challenges that persist in the current policies and practices that seek to promote gender equality in the developing world and beyond. This article presents the theoretical and conceptual lineage that has informed the FIAP, drawing from challenges present within literature on security, gender equality, and gender mainstreaming. Three main shortcomings relevant to both the literature and the FIAP are explored: first, the assumptions and essentialization of “gender” to mean “women ”; second, the frequent conflation of “gender equality” with “women’s empowerment”; and last, the paradox of gender, gender equality, and feminism being simultaneously over-politicized and depoliticized to suit prevailing policy environments, with particular implications for the global coronavirus pandemic, as well as impacts in fragile and conflict-affected states. This analysis sheds light on persistent challenges in feminist foreign policymaking and offers insights for the development of Canada’s White Paper on feminist foreign policy.
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Collins, Andrea M. "Old habits die hard: The need for feminist rethinking in global food and agricultural policies." Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 5, no. 1 (February 16, 2018): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v5i1.228.
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A number of global initiatives designed in recent years address global food security and aim to reduce the vulnerability of small-scale and peasant farmers in the face of expanded transnational investment in large-scale agriculture and land acquisition. While there have been efforts to consider women within such initiatives, global governance institutions often overlook the complex gendered dimensions of food systems alongside agricultural land and labour markets. Although institutions emphasize the need for “women’s empowerment”, few policy recommendations have considered its practical application. Indeed, many governance initiatives that address food security or promote land security tend to depoliticize inequalities, which shows the importance of feminist food studies from the perspective of global food and land policy. Integrating a feminist food studies lens to the global governance of food and agriculture allows us to explore the complexities of gendered relations in agricultural practices. A more complete understanding of everyday material, socio-cultural and corporeal experiences within agricultural practices provides a greater understanding of the mechanisms by which gender relations structure food production, land ownership, resource access and governance processes. By using a feminist food studies lens we see a more complete picture of the realities of local resource management and the potential implications for global policymakers such as the World Bank, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the United Nations Committee for World Food Security (CFS). Through this framework, I illustrate how feminist analyses challenge conventional approaches to gender in global policymaking related to food and agricultural production.
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Løken, Marianne. "Write your choice! Rewriting stories about @typical educational choices." Nordic Studies in Science Education 14, no. 1 (January 19, 2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/nordina.5445.
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SummaryThis thesis focuses on the phenomenon of atypical educational choices, and builds on a qualitative study. The informants are young women who have chosen STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics), as their area of study, in a field where women are underrepresented. This is particularly true for subjects such as mathematics, physics, computer science, and certain fields of engineering. Seventeen young women participated in this study, and their personal stories were collected between 2009 and 2012. The thesis describes the informants’ experiences from their perspective, and lends them meaning. These stories about choices are interpreted within a Norwegian context, yet the topics discussed in the three articles are also relevant outside Norway, since the low number of women in STEM has been an international issue for decades. The overarching objective of the thesis has been to gain a better understanding of women’s atypical educational choices. The study includes narrative analyses of empirical material, as well as theory development inspired by feminist and posthumanist perspectives. In order to gain insight into the phenomenon of atypical educational choices, the following questions were posed: 1) How can empirical analyses of young women’s personal stories of choices provide greater knowledge of atypical educational choices? and 2) How can feminist and posthumanist theoretical approaches to empirical analyses facilitate a rereading of these stories about educational choices? These two questions generated research questions, which are examined in each of thesis’ three articles. Altogether, these articles offer ideas on how research on educational choices, as well as participation in STEM may be informed by feminist scientific theory, and can be understood from sociocultural and sociomaterial perspectives. It is in light of these interdisciplinary, theoretical approaches that the thesis contributes to the research field of science education.Article I examines how a framework inspired by feminist scientific theory may facilitate more nuanced gender stereotypical conceptions and attitudes under recruitment for STEM. This article will provide an understanding of how more recent research on recruitment to STEM can facilitate policymaking, how these measures can be utilised in the discourse on scientific theory, and how a unilateral focus on gender differences may cause the research field to miss nuances that are necessary to ensure greater diversity in STEM. This article incorporates various perspectives from feminist criticism of natural science in its analysis of gender attitudes expressed in one of the largest Norwegian projects directed at increasing recruitment to the natural sciences, particularly among girls. Furthermore, the article raises questions as to whether changing the image of natural sciences is sufficient in improving gender balance in these subjects, or whether more comprehensive changes are needed in gendered practices.Article II examines how personal stories about atypical educational choices may challenge gender stereotypical conceptions of educational choices. This article incorporates the insight from Article I, and further develops this insight, focusing on how women’s stories of educational choices may challenge gender stereotypes of women and STEM. This article problematizes gender stereotypes as a generalisation of girls, and of girls in STEM, and shows how personal stories may challenge conventional discourses on girls in STEM. The conclusion is that research of local stories and experiences may facilitate more nuanced perspectives on girls in STEM, by challenging gender stereotypical conceptions within the natural sciences.Article III (in review) examines how using a sociomaterial perspective in the analyses of stories about educational choices can facilitate an understanding of how both material and personalised experiences are involved in the choice of technology studies. The article develops and applies a sociomaterial framework. These analyses build on previous analyses of personal stories of atypical educational choices, based on the rereading of four stories about choice. These are read and analysed from a posthumanist perspective. The purpose of this article is to examine how sociomaterial and posthumanist perspectives can facilitate a new understanding of young women’s choices of, and participation in STEM.
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Wyndham-West, Michelle. "Gender and dementia national strategy policymaking: Working toward health equity in Canada through gender-based analysis plus." Dementia, October 6, 2020, 147130122096462. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1471301220964621.
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This article discusses the results of a content and critical discourse analysis of Canadian federal policy documentation relating to the development of a national Canadian dementia strategy. These documents span from 2013 and focus upon Canadian federal policy directives and directions up to the release, and including the release, of a national strategy in June 2019. The analyses, supplemented by a subtextual examination of these documents guided by Bacchi's (2012) “What's the Problem Represented to be?” framework, focuses upon the treatment of gender in policy documentation and the specific gender related policy framework, known as GBA+ (gender-based analysis and intersectionality), which is intended to bring about health equity to disadvantaged groups. As women, particularly, working class women and their carers, as well as women with additional intersecting factors, such as being lesbian or bisexual, are less likely to receive the dementia related care and services they need, precipitating a premature move to residential care, GBA+ is an essential policy framework in the attempt to address these inequities. However, findings point to a superficial treatment of gender, GBA and GBA+ in federal policy documents and lack a meaningful invocation of women's gendered and intersectional lived experiences of dementia. Additionally, the Canadian federal government's Dementia Strategy for Canada: Together We Aspire (2019) is grounded in a rendition of citizenship that do not work to unearth the complex relationships between citizenship, old age, gender and intersectional factors. As a result, the Dementia Strategy for Canada: Together We Aspire (2019) presents a version of citizenship that homogenizes older adults and prevents representations of older adults as diverse, complex and continually changing groupings. Therefore, inspired by Bartlett et al. (2018), I advocate for the application of a feminist and intersectional citizenship lens in Canadian federal dementia-related policymaking documentation going forward.
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Donevan, Meghan. ""In this Industry, You're No Longer Human": An Exploratory Study of Women's Experiences in Pornography Production in Sweden." Dignity: A Journal of Analysis of Exploitation and Violence 6, no. 3 (May 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.23860/dignity.2021.06.03.01.
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Despite being a global, billion-dollar industry, very little is known about the conditions women face within the pornography industry. The aim of this study was to explore women’s experiences in pornography production, with a particular focus on structural antecedents to entrance, coercion, and violence within the industry, as well as current needs and any barriers to exiting the industry. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with nine women with experiences in pornography production in Sweden. Participants identified young age, financial insecurity, earlier exposure to sexualized violence, and poor mental health as typical antecedents to entering the pornography industry. Once in the industry, women risk manipulation and coercion by pornographers and porn buyers, making it difficult to maintain personal boundaries. Women are regularly harassed by porn buyers who send requests to purchase specific sexualized acts online or offline. The greater a woman’s vulnerability, the more difficult it is to resist pornographer’s and porn buyer’s demands. Experiences in prostitution and other forms of commercial sexualized exploitation are common. A significant barrier to exiting pornography production is the distress of having one’s pornographic images remain online indefinitely. In order to exit the pornography industry and access real alternatives, participants stressed the importance of vocational training, further education and psychosocial support. This study is an important step in elucidating the situation faced by women in pornography production. Further documentation of harms and assessment of needs is warranted for policymaking and the development of effective support services for this vulnerable population.
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Lauder, Hugh. "Notes Towards a New Agenda for Policy-Making in Aotearoa/New Zealand." New Zealand Annual Review of Education, no. 2 (October 25, 1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/nzaroe.v0i2.848.
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As the smoke cleared away from the battlefield during the truce of Christmas 1992, a degree of clarity began to emerge about the state of education in New Zealand. After four years of struggle it became apparent that however the outstanding issues were resolved in 1993 there would be legacy of problems, largely but not wholly, associated with those reforms that sought to turn education into a market and knowledge into a commodity. Not all reforms were tarnished by the market brush. Some, like the development of the national curriculum, appeared to be serendipitous, while others like government support for more Kura Kaupapa Schools betokened a degree of tolerance and understanding not, hitherto, associated with recent educational policymaking. Yet others, were clearly glossed by market policies but betokened the deeper trends of post-industrial society - the rise in tertiary enrolments for example. 1993 is, of course, a key year, for an election at least allows the possibility of taking stock of the current direction of educational policy. Equally importantly, it is women's suffrage year and many of the educational problems that now comfront us are ones women, in one way or another will ultimately have to cope with.
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Reingold, Beth, Rebecca J. Kreitzer, Tracy Osborn, and Michele L. Swers. "Anti-abortion Policymaking and Women’s Representation." Political Research Quarterly, March 4, 2020, 106591292090338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912920903381.
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To what extent and under what conditions do women in elective office lead the way on conservative women’s interests? The few existing studies find that, contrary to most research on women’s descriptive and substantive representation, legislative activity on conservative women’s issues in the United States is driven primarily by Republican men. This article takes a new look at the heart of conservative policymaking by analyzing the sponsorship of anti-abortion bills in twenty-one state houses, from 1997 to 2012. We find that conservative Republican women stand at the forefront of anti-abortion policy leadership in state legislatures. However, their distinctive leadership is highly constrained; it is most likely to emerge in policy contexts that use women-centered issue frames and within competitive partisan environments. These complex interactions between gender, ideology, issue framing, and partisanship call for new theories and concepts of women’s representation as not only gendered, but also deeply embedded in the strategic interplay of polarized, partisan politics.
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Wiener, Elizabeth. "Getting a High Heel in the Door: An Experiment on State Legislator Responsiveness to Women’s Issue Lobbying." Political Research Quarterly, July 9, 2020, 106591292093918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912920939186.
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Are women in office more likely to providvae access to women’s lobby groups than men in office? If so, how can women’s strategic lobbying increase the responsiveness of male legislators? This paper presents a field experiment examining how women and men in state legislatures respond differently to women’s organizational lobbying. My findings suggest that substantial gender gaps do exist; women are twice as likely to respond to a women’s issue group’s simple meeting request. That said, meeting requests signaling constituent mobilization have heterogeneous effects across legislator gender, doubling the likelihood that a male legislator will respond and effectively closing gender gaps in responsiveness. My results identify how women’s lobbying can employ distinct lobbying strategies on descriptive and nondescriptive representatives to successfully gain their attention. In distinguishing differing pathways toward maximizing opportunities for women’s organizational inclusion in policymaking, this paper importantly informs women’s groups lobbying in state legislatures, wherein low levels of descriptive representation often persist.
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Potter, Rachel Augustine, and Craig Volden. "A Female Policy Premium? Agency Context and Women’s Leadership in the U.S. Federal Bureaucracy." Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, August 5, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muaa028.
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Abstract Although there are descriptive and substantive benefits associated with women serving in leadership posts in the bureaucracy, we ask whether there is a policy benefit associated with women’s leadership. Simply put, is there a policy premium to having women as bureaucratic leaders? We focus on agency rulemaking, a policymaking activity conducted by nearly all federal agencies. Across three presidential administrations, we find no evidence of an across-the-board premium associated with women’s leadership. However, our results are consistent with a conditional policy premium—wherein women leaders are particularly effective in advancing ambitious rules and in shepherding rules through to finalization—in agencies that have a working environment that is supportive of women and, to some extent, in agencies that focus on women’s issues. One key implication is that, rather than working to tear down “glass walls,” reformers would be better served by improving the workplace climate for women within agencies.
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Wadhwa, Soma, and Devutty Retnakaran. "Barriers and Enablers to Women’s Participation in the Workforce: A Case Study from India." Review of Market Integration, May 31, 2021, 097492922110136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749292211013680.
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Less than one-fourth of women in the working-age group are in India’s workforce. This article draws from multiple studies of a 5-year-long programme that intervened to connect a million underprivileged women to employment opportunities across five Indian states. The article’s objective is twofold. One, identification of the barriers that keep women from joining and continuing in the workforce. Two, documentation of the enablers that the programme devised for women to overcome these barriers. The studies employ qualitative research methodologies to service these objectives, deriving their sampling typologies from the programme’s quantitative monitoring data. We find that severe impediments keep women from the workforce, especially so in the case of underprivileged women. These include curtailed mobility; mismatch in aspirations, education, training and work; first-generation-employee disadvantage; and traditionally gendered work division reinforced by male preference in the new urban economy’s emerging jobs. We schematise the programme’s services as a continual provision of information, counselling and mentorship to enable women to surmount these barriers—from girlhood to their adult lives. The programme design could provide insights for policymaking towards improving women’s participation in India’s workforce.