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1

Fallon, Kathleen. "Getting Out The Vote: Women'S Democratic Political Mobilization In Ghana." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.1h361h315l806060.

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Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as a means to mobilize women, that they have attempted to mobilize women to participate in elections, and that their mobilization efforts influenced the political behavior of women. Implications of these findings for our understanding of women's mobilization in sub-Saharan Africa in comparison to those in Latin America are discussed.
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Msuya, Norah Hashim. "Concept of Culture Relativism and Women’s Rights in Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 8 (July 16, 2019): 1145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619863085.

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This article discusses the challenges of the realization of women’s rights in relation to the concept of culture relativism in sub-Saharan Africa. It examines how the concept of culture is misconstrued with a traditional hierarchy and patriarchy approach that intervenes in the realization of women’s rights in sub-Saharan African states. Many societies are concerned that the promotion of gender equality would interfere with local culture; hence they feel that gender equality should not be promoted for ethical reasons. Women have been left with the unpleasant situation of choosing between their rights or their culture. Through secondary analysis and a critical review of the literature, the article engages in the debate on cultural diversity and gender equality, to challenge the existing stereotypes in sub-Saharan African cultures. It argues that traditional and cultural practices should adhere to the values of equality and human rights. The article proposes that cultural considerations will have to yield whenever a clear conflict with human rights norms becomes apparent.
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Dugassa, Begna F. "Women's Rights and Women's Health During HIV/AIDS Epidemics: The Experience of Women in Sub-Saharan Africa." Health Care for Women International 30, no. 8 (August 3, 2009): 690–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07399330903018377.

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4

Chu, Jessica. "Gender and ‘Land Grabbing’ in Sub-Saharan Africa: Women's land rights and customary land tenure." Development 54, no. 1 (February 28, 2011): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/dev.2010.95.

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Massay, Godfrey. "The struggles for land rights by rural women in sub-Saharan Africa." African Journal of Economic and Management Studies 11, no. 2 (December 12, 2019): 271–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajems-03-2019-0120.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide examples of how rural women in Tanzania have addressed land rights challenges, showcasing three interventions implemented by Tanzanian Civil Society Organizations. It demonstrates that women have used both legal and traditional systems to negotiate and mediate their claims to land. Although the interventions featured have been greatly shaped by the work of civil society organizations, they have equally been influenced by rural women movements and individual rural women. The cases selected provide understanding of women’s land rights issues in both privately and communally held property/land. Design/methodology/approach This paper presents literature review of the existing secondary data on the subject coupled with the interviews. Findings Informal and formal approaches have been used by rural women to negotiate their claims on both communal and private lands. CSOs have equally shaped the approaches employed by rural women. Research limitations/implications This research was mainly based on the secondary data and few key interviews. There is a need to conduct further analysis of the issues. Practical implications This paper highlights the role of CSOs in improving the participation of women in decision-making bodies. The wave of large-scale land-based investments has caused insecurity of land tenure for women. The paper shows some ways to address the problem in communal lands. Social implications Socially, the papers shows the power relations involved in the struggles over land, as well as the role of traditional systems and bylaws in protecting the rights of women. Originality/value The paper provides dynamics of gendered approach used by women to negotiate their claims in communally held lands. It also highlights the role and space of local and international CSOs in shaping the local context of resistance on land rights. It is a very useful paper for academics and practitioners working on land rights.
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Whitehead, Ann, and Dzodzi Tsikata. "Policy Discourses on Women's Land Rights in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Implications of the Re-turn to the Customary." Journal of Agrarian Change 3, no. 1-2 (January 2003): 67–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1471-0366.00051.

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Clayton, Amanda, Cecilia Josefsson, Robert Mattes, and Shaheen Mozaffar. "In Whose Interest? Gender and Mass–Elite Priority Congruence in Sub-Saharan Africa." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758767.

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Do men and women representatives hold different legislative priorities? Do these priorities align with citizens who share their gender? Whereas substantive representation theorists suggest legislators’ priorities should align with their cogender constituents, Downsian-based theories suggest no role for gender. We test these differing expectations through a new originally collected survey data set of more than 800 parliamentarians and data from more than 19,000 citizens from 17 sub-Saharan African countries. We find that whereas parliamentarians prioritize similar issues as citizens in general, important gender differences also emerge. Women representatives and women citizens are significantly more likely to prioritize poverty reduction, health care, and women’s rights, whereas men representatives and men citizens tend to prioritize infrastructure projects. Examining variation in congruence between countries, we find that parliamentarians’ and cogender citizens’ priorities are most similar where democratic institutions are strongest. These results provide robust new evidence and insight into how and when legislator identity affects the representative process.
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8

Белова, Анна Валерьевна, and Константин Алексеевич Петров. "THE PROBLEM OF SOCIAL DEPRIVATION OF WOMEN IN THE SOCIETIES OF POST-COLONIAL SUBSAHARIAN AFRICA." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: История, no. 2(58) (August 16, 2021): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vthistory/2021.2.088-102.

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Статья посвящена анализу проблемы социальной депривации женщин в обществах постколониальной Тропической Африки. Автор сконцентрировал внимание на изучении важнейших социальных институтов, которые являются определяющими для женской повседневности в субсахарском регионе, - семье, образовании и здравоохранении. В статье выявлены ключевые аспекты депривации: минимальный возраст вступления в брак, главенство в семье, статус женщины, родительские права и обязанности, доступ к образованию, причины отсева девочек из школ, доступ к репродуктивной медицине. Автор приходит к выводу, что главным фактором депривации на постколониальном этапе развития субсахарских обществ остаются обычаи и традиционные практики, способствующие сохранению стереотипов фемининности и формированию типичных гендерных сценариев. The article is an analysis of the problem of social deprivation of women in the societies of postcolonial Tropical Africa. The author focused on the study of the most important social institutions that are decisive for women's everyday life in the Sub-Saharan region - family, education and health care. The author identifies the key aspects of deprivation: the minimum age at marriage, domination in the family, the status of women, parental rights and responsibilities, access to education, reasons for girls dropping out of school, access to reproductive medicine. The author concludes that the main factor of deprivation at the postcolonial stage of development of sub-Saharan societies remains customs and traditional practices that contribute to the preservation of stereotypes of femininity and the formation of typical gender scenarios.
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Robinson, Rachel Sullivan. "Population Policy Adoption in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Interplay of Global and Local Forces." Population Horizons 13, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pophzn-2016-0001.

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AbstractSub-Saharan African countries have the highest population growth rates in the world, and are also the poorest. In response to a variety of global and local forces, during the 1980s and 1990s two thirds of sub- Saharan African countries adopted national population policies to reduce population growth. Drawing from existing research and using the texts of population policies to illustrate key points, this article summarises the factors that drove population policy adoption in the region. Globally, powerful donors with significant leverage promoted population policies as a solution to lagging socioeconomic development while international organizations spread norms about women’s rights and reproductive health. Locally, technocrats working within relevant ministries backed efforts to increase contraceptive prevalence, and population policies furthered political projects unrelated to population. The interplay of global and local forces led to governments adopting population policies. Ultimately, continued high desired fertility and limited implementation capacity have prevented population policies from significantly lowering fertility, but these policies have likely increased the availability of contraception, created important discursive space related to gender and sexuality, and provided countries with an opportunity to test procedures and approaches for policy-making on sensitive issues.
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10

Paradza, Gaynor, Lebogang Mokwena, and Walter Musakwa. "Could Mapping Initiatives Catalyze the Interpretation of Customary Land Rights in Ways that Secure Women’s Land Rights?" Land 9, no. 10 (September 23, 2020): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land9100344.

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Although land forms the basis for marginal livelihoods in Sub-Saharan Africa, the asset is more strategic for women as they usually hold derived and dependent rights to land in customary tenure areas. Initiatives to secure women’s land tenure in customary areas are undermined by the social embeddedness of the rights, patriarchy, lack of awareness by the communities, legal pluralism, and challenges of recording the rights. As pressure on customary land tenure increases due to foreign and local land-based investment interests, land titling initiatives, tourism, and mineral resources exploration, communities and women within them are at real risk of losing their land, the basis of their livelihoods. Women stand to lose more as they hold tenuous land rights in customary land tenure areas. Accordingly, this study analyzes case studies of selected mapping initiatives in Sub-Saharan Africa to interrogate the extent to which mapping both as a cadastral exercise and emerging practice in the initiation of participatory land governance initiatives, catalyze the transmission of customary land rights in ways that have a positive impact on women’s access to land in customary land tenure areas. The results indicate that mapping initiatives generate opportunities, innovations, and novel spaces for securing women’s access to land in customary tenure areas which include catalyzing legislative changes and facilitating technology transfer, increasing awareness of women’s interests, providing opportunities for women to participate in decision-making forums, providing a basis for securing statutory recognition for their land rights, and improving natural resource stewardship. The potential challenges include the community’s capacity to sustain the initiatives, the expense of the technology and software, widespread illiteracy of women, power asymmetries and bias of the mapping experts, increased vulnerability of mapped land to exploitation, the legal status of the maps in the host community and /or country, compatibility with existing land recording systems, statutory bias in recording land rights and the potential of mapping initiatives to unearth existing land boundary conflicts. These challenges can be mediated by sensitive planning and management to ensure real and sustainable land tenure security for women. The paper contributes to debates around customary land tenure dynamics, specifically the issues pertaining to registration of primary and derived customary rights to land. These includes policy debates and choices to be made about how best to secure tenuous customary land rights of women and other vulnerable people. The paper also contributes to our understanding of what instruments in land registration toolkits might strengthen women’s land rights and the conditions under which this could be done.
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Nahar, Shamsun, and Cecilia Mengo. "Cultural roadblocks on women’s reproductive health rights: a qualitative interpretive meta-synthesis from South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa." Health Care for Women International 40, no. 7-9 (May 14, 2019): 931–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07399332.2019.1602775.

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12

Thorgren, Sara, and Adesuwa Omorede. "Passionate Leaders in Social Entrepreneurship: Exploring an African Context." Business & Society 57, no. 3 (October 26, 2015): 481–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650315612070.

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Nonstate actors such as social enterprises are increasingly influential for addressing pressing social needs in sub-Saharan Africa. Moving responsibility from the state to private entrepreneurs calls for a greater understanding of how single individuals achieve their social mission in a context characterized by acute poverty and where informal institutions, such as trust and collective norms, are strong governance mechanisms. This study recognizes the role of leader passion as a key element for gaining people’s trust in the social enterprise leader and the social mission. Qualitative data were collected on 37 leaders of Nigerian social enterprises in arenas such as health, women’s rights, children’s rights, AIDS/HIV care and education, and sustainable development. Drawing on 100 semistructured interviews, the authors develop an inductive model illustrating how leader passion interrelates with the social enterprise organizing and outcomes.
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13

Bishwajit, Ghose, Sajeeb Sarker, and Sanni Yaya. "Socio-cultural aspects of gender-based violence and its impacts on women’s health in South Asia." F1000Research 5 (May 5, 2016): 802. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.8633.1.

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This review attempts to shed light on the socio-cultural roots of gender-based violence (GBV) and its impact on women's health with a special reference to reproductive health in the context of South Asia. It also identifies the policy and capacity gaps that impede the implementation of gender-related development goals and makes recommendations in light of the ongoing situation. Led by the growing recognition of the pivotal importance of women’s and child’s health in national development processes, the issues surrounding gender-based violence (GBV) are being given increasing prominence in the global public health agenda. However, developing regions such as South Asia and Sub Saharan Africa are lagging far behind in this respect and failing to prioritize and implement gender-related development strategies. South Asian nations in their pursuance of gender-related goals are faced with host of infrastructure issues in financing, policy guidance, implementation and legislation terms. This study highlights the fact that GBV is essentially a socio-cultural issue which calls for developing gender-sensitive social policies and making strategic investment to promote social capital tailored especially to promote a more nuanced view of women’s health and human rights. Method: Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, Embase, Ovid MEDLINE, PsycINFO, and Web of Science were searched for original and review articles published between January of 2000 to July of 2015. Boolean search was performed to identify suitable articles relating to GBV conducted on South Asia (Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka) by using the following search terms: South Asia, GBV, IPV (intimate partner violence), domestic violence, women’s health, reproductive health, risk factors, perpetrator, sexual abuse. Reference lists were searched manually for articles relevant to this study (snowballing). One volunteer from each country included in the study helped in reviewing renowned local media reports and constitutions to gather policy information germane to GBV issues.
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Lizzio, Celene Ayat. "Religious Dimensions of Democratization Processes in Muslim-Majority Nations." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 140–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i1.1171.

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The 41st AMSS annual conference, held on 29 September 2012 at Yale DivinitySchool, brought together scholars and activists to address “ReligiousDimensions of Democratization Processes in Muslim-Majority Nations.” Theevent, consisting of four panels and Juan R. I. Cole’s (University of Michigan)very anticipated keynote luncheon address, was co-sponsored by the Yale DivinitySchool and the Council on Middle East Studies at The MacMillian Centerat Yale. Several luminaries in the field, including Ambassador SallamaShaker (conference program chair, Yale Divinity School), also attended. GregoryE. Sterling (dean, Yale Divinity School) opened the conference, and AliA.Mazrui (former AMSS president, State University of New York) made welcomingremarks.The first panel, “The Arab Spring: A Revolution towards Democracy,”was chaired by Narges Erami (Yale University). In his opening paper, “TheArab Spring and Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa: Which Is Cause andWhich Is Effect?,” Mazuri examined political processes, recent uprisings, andlonger-term democratic trends in South Africa, Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan, andYemen. He raised questions of chronology and causality, as well as howprocesses of colonialism and decolonization shaped contemporary politicallandscapes. After examining the concept of democratic contagion, he observedhow democratic processes that occurred in many African nations during thetwentieth century could serve as models for how to enshrine human rights andan independent judiciary in new constitutions. His paper ended with a detaileddiscussion of women’s contributions to shaping and buttressing a vibrant publicsphere, the positive effects of which can be seen particularly strongly inTunisia ...
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Mohamud, Maimuna. "Women, Piety and Political Representation." Hawwa 14, no. 2 (September 8, 2016): 166–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341297.

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The aftermath of violent conflict provides opportunities for fresh debates about gender politics. In sub-Saharan Africa, several post-conflict states have introduced constitutional reforms and quotas to promote women’s participation in government. Yet, women’s political representation in Somalia is a matter that goes beyond the hotly-debated gender quotas which are often championed by international donors and other peacebuilding actors. In post-war Somalia, women believe that the question of political representation is closely linked to the recognition of women’s ongoing contributions to society. For many women, the contemporary post-war Islamic discourses in Somalia have eroded some rights previously guaranteed—if imperfectly—by the pre-war state. Such discourses today have also constructed a new ideal version of Somali women in an Islamic society which largely dispossesses them from public life. In this article, I highlight Somali women’s forms of activism which are centered on engaging Islamic discourses in an attempt to change current perceptions about women’s roles in politics and public life. I examine women’s narratives for insights into the root causes of women’s exclusion and the strategies used to resist, counter, and challenge oppositional Islamic discourses. I conclude by considering how women’s ‘unorganized’ movements across Somalia—premised on working within a framework of Islam, are suggestive of multifaceted expressions of women’s agency in patriarchal and non-liberal contexts.
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Mohammed, Aminu, Tadesse Alemayehu, Assefa Desalew, Adera Debela, Alekaw Sema, Yalelet Belay, and Yadeta Dessie. "Knowledge and involvement of husbands in the reproductive rights of women in Harar, eastern Ethiopia." SAGE Open Medicine 9 (January 2021): 205031212110384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20503121211038456.

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Objective: Reproductive rights violations are a serious public health concern worldwide, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, where more than 38.83% of victims live. Understanding the status of husbands’ knowledge and involvement helps to establish important programs and interventions. However, there are limited data related to husbands’ roles in women’s reproductive rights in the study setting. Therefore, this study aimed to assess husbands’ knowledge and involvement in women’s reproductive rights and their associated factors in Harar, eastern Ethiopia. Methods: A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted among 611 husbands in March 2020. A systematic random sampling technique was used to select the study participants. Data were collected using a structured and pretested interviewer-administered questionnaire. Data were entered using EpiData 3.1 and analyzed with SPSS Version 22. A multivariable logistic regression model was applied to examine the factors associated with the outcome variable using an adjusted odds ratio with a 95% confidence interval, and a p-value < 0.05 was considered statistically significant. Results: The levels of husbands’ knowledge and involvement were 48.3% and 40.1%, respectively. Social media utilization (adjusted odds ratio = 4.97, 95% confidence interval = 2.79–8.85), partners’ discussion (adjusted odds ratio = 2.33, 95% confidence interval = 1.60–3.39), and type of facility: hospital (adjusted odds ratio = 3.21, 95% confidence interval = 1.23–8.36) and health post (adjusted odds ratio = 2.86, 95% confidence interval = 1.20–6.94) were factors associated with knowledge of husbands. Likewise, the experience of using reproductive services (adjusted odds ratio = 2.15, 95% confidence interval = 1.52–3.03), partner discussion (adjusted odds ratio = 1.95, 95% confidence interval = 1.35–2.82), social media utilization (adjusted odds ratio = 1.74, 95% confidence interval = 1.05–2.89), and age 40–49 years (adjusted odds ratio = 1.99, 95% confidence interval = 1.19–3.32) were factors associated with husbands’ involvement. Conclusion: Less than half of the husbands were knowledgeable and involved in executing partners’ reproductive rights. Promoting and creating effective media utilization is important for creating awareness of reproductive rights. Moreover, working on reproductive health service utilization, women empowerment, and making open discussions between partners are crucial to increase the knowledge and involvement of husbands.
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Håkansson, Miranda, Monica Oguttu, Kristina Gemzell-Danielsson, and Marlene Makenzius. "Human rights versus societal norms: a mixed methods study among healthcare providers on social stigma related to adolescent abortion and contraceptive use in Kisumu, Kenya." BMJ Global Health 3, no. 2 (March 2018): e000608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2017-000608.

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IntroductionAdolescent pregnancy represents a serious public health issue in sub-Saharan Africa, and stigmatising attitudes are contributing factors. This study investigates stigmatising attitudes related to adolescent pregnancy, abortion and contraceptive use among healthcare providers working with postabortion care (PAC) in a low-resource setting in Kenya.MethodsA mixed methods approach in a convergent design was utilised to capture attitudes related to abortion and contraceptive use among 86 (f=62; m=19) PAC providers in Kisumu, Kenya. Two Likert-scale questionnaires were used: the 18-item Stigmatising Attitudes, Beliefs and Actions Scale (SABAS) and the 7-item Contraceptive Use Stigma Scale (CUSS). 74 PAC providers responded to the SABAS, 44 to the CUSS and 12 participated in two focus group discussions. Descriptive statistics, psychometric tests of instruments and qualitative content analysis were conducted and reported in accordance with Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research.ResultsCronbach’s α coefficients for the total instrument was 0.88 (SABAS) and 0.84 (CUSS). The majority, 92% (68/74) agreed that a woman who has had an abortion should be treated equally to everyone else, 27% (20/74) considered abortion a sin and 30% (22/74) believed she will make abortion a habit. Contraceptive use among adolescent women was associated with promiscuity (39%; 17/44), hence contraceptives should only be available to married women (36%; 16/44), and 20% (9/44) believed that contraceptive use causes infertility. The providers encouraged women’s autonomy and their rights to sexual and reproductive health; however, unclear regulations reinforce religious and cultural beliefs, which hampers implementation of evidence-based contraceptive counselling.ConclusionStigmatising attitudes towards young women in need of abortion and contraception is common among PAC providers. Their work is characterised by a conflict between human rights and societal norms, thus highlighting the need for interventions targeting PAC providers to reduce stigma and misconceptions related to abortion and contraception among adolescent women.
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Koski, Alissa, and Jody Heymann. "Thirty-year trends in the prevalence and severity of female genital mutilation: a comparison of 22 countries." BMJ Global Health 2, no. 4 (November 2017): bmjgh—2017–000467. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2017-000467.

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IntroductionFemale genital mutilation (FGM) harms women’s health and well-being and is widely considered a violation of human rights. The United Nations has called for elimination of the practice by 2030.MethodsWe used household survey data to measure trends in the prevalence of FGM in 22 countries. We also examined trends in the severity of the practice by measuring changes in the prevalence of flesh removal, infibulation and symbolic ‘nicking’ of the genitals. We evaluated the extent to which measurement error may have influenced our estimates by observing the consistency of reports for the same birth cohorts over successive survey waves.ResultsThe prevalence of all types of FGM fell in 17 of 22 countries we examined. The vast majority of women who undergo FGM have flesh removed from their genitals, likely corresponding to the partial or total removal of the clitoris and labia. Infibulation is still practised throughout much of sub-Saharan Africa. Its prevalence has declined in most countries, but in Chad, Mali and Sierra Leone the prevalence has increased by 2–8 percentage points over 30 years. Symbolic nicking of the genitals is relatively rare but becoming more common in Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea and Mali.ConclusionFGM is becoming less common over time, but it remains a pervasive practice in some countries: more than half of women in 7 of the 22 countries we examined still experience FGM. The severity of the procedures has not changed substantially over time. Rigorous evaluation of interventions aimed at eliminating or reducing the harms associated with the practice is needed.
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Murphy, John F. "International Human Rights and Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Catholic Social Thought 10, no. 1 (2013): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc20131013.

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YOON, MI YUNG. "Explaining Women's Legislative Representation in Sub-Saharan Africa." Legislative Studies Quarterly 29, no. 3 (August 2004): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298004x201258.

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Bove, Riley, and Claudia Valeggia. "Polygyny and women's health in sub-Saharan Africa." Social Science & Medicine 68, no. 1 (January 2009): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.09.045.

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Owoeye, Olasupo. "Access to energy in Sub-Saharan Africa." Environmental Law Review 18, no. 4 (December 2016): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461452916678521.

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Energy access is fundamental to the full enjoyment of not only economic and social rights but also civil and political rights. Whilst the campaign for extending energy access to the world’s most vulnerable populations may be validly anchored on the need to mitigate climate change and promote sustainability, it is exigent to also underscore its human rights significance. In Africa, where most countries have weak environmental regulation and enforcement structures, the climate change and sustainable development rhetoric most commonly used in emphasising the importance of energy access may not yield the desired results. Access to energy is a major issue in Africa and South Asia where a very significant proportion of their populations make use of biomass-sourced fuels to meet most of their energy needs. This has come with some major attendant health, environmental and socio-economic consequences. This article argues that energy access has transcended the contours of climate change and has become a human rights issue. It posits that African Union states may be made to take progressive measures to provide modern energy services through the adjudicatory jurisdiction of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
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Kommegni Fongang, Joaddan Prisca. "Forced Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 264–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-264-273.

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Migration is an important issue in modern international relations. This article discusses the characteristics of forced migration in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Africa is a continent where migration has many species and actively influences the political situation in the countries of the continent. Migration in Africa is caused both by internal problems of the countries (political instability, famine, massacres, military conflicts, disturbance of public order, human rights violations) and external factors. All of these factors provoke mass population movements, forming new configurations of migration processes. At the same time, the fact that most of the migrants, moving to new places of residence, remain on the African continent is often ignored. Frequent causes of migration in Africa are economic factors: imbalances and uneven development, lack of employment opportunities, bad living conditions and low wages. At the same time, people migrate to Africa not only to improve their well-being. Military conflicts, threats to life or human rights violations are extremely common causes of forced migration in Africa. According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (2018), more than 80 million Africans emigrated, leaving their country to settle permanently in another. The relevance of the article is due to the increase of forced migration volume in the SSA countries in 2000-2018 and the need to understand the reasons for this process. This article discusses forced migration in SSA countries. Based on the analysis, the main causes of forced migration in the SSA countries are identified, including political instability, famine, military conflicts, human rights violations, deterioration of socioeconomic conditions and the environmental problems in the countries of the region.
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Kriebitz, Alexander, and Laud Ammah. "Statistical Capacity, Human Rights and FDI in Sub-Saharan Africa Patterns of FDI Attraction in Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Management and Sustainability 10, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jms.v10n1p162.

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is commonly perceived as one of the main drivers of technological progress and socio-economic development. At the same time, FDI is often regarded as an instrument of stabilising authoritarian regimes, which disenfranchise the rights of citizens to increase rents generated by foreign firms. Given that both views are accurate, the improvement of human rights and economic development could constitute two conflicting goals. This particularly applies to Sub-Saharan Africa, where a sizeable number of countries are mired in poverty and governed by authoritarian power structures. In evaluating the importance of these soft factors, we examine two important institutional factors of FDI attraction: We address the question of whether human rights violations deter FDI attraction and explore whether FDI depends on the amount of available socio-economic information about the country to be invested in. For the latter, we use a novel variable, namely the Statistical Capacity Figures of the World Bank, which depicts an indicator of effectiveness of the national statistical systems. In order to analyse the relationship between human rights and FDI, we run a regression model covering 41 Sub-Saharan countries covering the years from 2006 to 2015.
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C., S., Paulina Makinwa, and An-Magritt Jensen. "Women's Position and Demographic Change in Sub-Saharan Africa." Population (French Edition) 51, no. 4/5 (July 1996): 1062. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1534368.

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Sikes, Michelle, and John Bale. "Introduction: women's sport and gender in sub-Saharan Africa." Sport in Society 17, no. 4 (September 17, 2013): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2013.815518.

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Bryceson, Deborah Fahy. "Easing Rural Women's Working Day in Sub-Saharan Africa." Development Policy Review 12, no. 1 (March 1994): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7679.1994.tb00056.x.

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Yoon, M. Y. "Democratization and Women's Legislative Representation in Sub-Saharan Africa." Democratization 8, no. 2 (June 2001): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000199.

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Heckert, Jessica, and Madeleine Short Fabic. "Improving Data Concerning Women's Empowerment in Sub-Saharan Africa." Studies in Family Planning 44, no. 3 (September 2013): 319–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4465.2013.00360.x.

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30

Asongu, Simplice A., and Oasis Kodila-Tedika. "Determinants of Property Rights Protection in Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of the Knowledge Economy 9, no. 4 (November 2, 2016): 1291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13132-016-0419-z.

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31

Kritz, Mary M., and Douglas T. Gurak. "Women's Status, Education and Family Formation In Sub-Saharan Africa." International Family Planning Perspectives 15, no. 3 (September 1989): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2133198.

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Dos Santos, Monika. "Power, rights, freedom, technocracy and postcolonialism in sub-Saharan Africa." Acta Academica 50, no. 3 (December 14, 2018): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/24150479/aa50i3.4.

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Gossel, Sean Joss. "Democratic Capital, Democratic Rights and FDI in Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of International Development 29, no. 8 (August 31, 2017): 1033–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jid.3302.

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34

Feder, Gershon, and Raymond Noronha. "LAND RIGHTS SYSTEMS AND AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA." World Bank Research Observer 2, no. 2 (1987): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wbro/2.2.143.

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35

Takiyar, Aman, and N. V. M. Rao. "Impact of globalization on human rights: evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa." International Journal of Social Economics 47, no. 12 (November 2, 2020): 1453–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2019-0752.

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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the impact of globalization and its multiple dimensions on human rights in Sub-Saharan Africa.Design/methodology/approachThe study extends the Poe and Tate (1994) model, which enumerates the various determinants of human rights. Ordered probit estimation is used to estimate the impact of globalization and its dimensions. For the purpose of empirical analysis, the period has been divided into three phases: short, medium and long term. This helps in understanding how the impact of the different dimensions of globalization has evolved over a period of time. Furthermore, analysis has been carried out to detect causality between human rights and globalization.FindingsAs per the results, overall globalization and social dimension of globalization do have a positive impact on human rights in long and medium term and, also, Granger-cause human rights. The political dimension of globalization has a positive relation with human rights, though there exists no causality between the two. On the other hand, the economic dimension of globalization fails to have a statistically significant impact on human rights. Impact of the social dimension of globalization dominates that of other dimensions of globalization.Originality/valueThis is one of the few studies that examine, in an empirical fashion, the impact of globalization on human rights in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Smith‐Greenaway, Emily, and Shelley Clark. "Women's Marriage Behavior Following a Premarital Birth in Sub‐Saharan Africa." Journal of Marriage and Family 80, no. 1 (August 4, 2017): 256–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12433.

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Aulette, Judy. "Democracy and the Rise of Women's Movements in Sub-Saharan Africa." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 38, no. 4 (July 2009): 339–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610903800424.

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Yoon, Mi Yung. "Democracy and the rise of women's movements in sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 28, no. 4 (October 2010): 525–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2010.513578.

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39

Randall, Thomas C., Linus Chuang, ElkanahOmenge Orang'o, Barry Rosen, Francois Uwinkindi, Timothy Rebbeck, and Edward L. Trimble. "Strengthening care and research for women's cancers in Sub-Saharan Africa." Gynecologic Oncology Reports 21 (August 2017): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.gore.2017.06.002.

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40

Heyns, Christof, Charles Fombad, Pansy Tlakula, and Jimmy Kainja. "The Right to Political Participation in Sub-Saharan Africa." Global Journal of Comparative Law 8, no. 2 (September 25, 2019): 128–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211906x-00802002.

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The effective realisation of the right to political participation is essential for the legitimacy of political systems and for enabling the people to shape, and assume responsibility for, their lives. Although the right to political participation is recognised in article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as in other international treaties, its realisation in practice is often partial, it depends on the extent to which numerous interrelated rights, such as those to freedom of expression, access to information and peaceful protest, have been secured. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, this article examines the right to political participation as set out in national constitutions and in the instruments of the United Nations, the African Union and sub-regional bodies. It also considers the role of social media in this context. The article concludes by suggesting how this crucial right could be implemented more effectively in Africa.
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Dicker, Richard. "Monitoring Human Rights in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 3 (September 1991): 505–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000628.

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Since its founding in May 1988, Africa Watch has documented and reported on human rights abuses in 13 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. These findings are available in eight book-length reports and more than 70 newsletters, with new evidence available all the time on such topics as, for example, the suppression of information in the Sudan, violations of laws of war in Liberia, the devastating impact of the 15-year armed conflict in Angola, slavery in Mauritania, and interference with academic freedom in Zimbabwe.
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Dicker, Richard. "Monitoring Human Rights in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 3 (September 1991): 505–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000358x.

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Since its founding in May 1988, Africa Watch has documented and reported on human rights abuses in 13 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. These findings are available in eight book-length reports and more than 70 newsletters, with new evidence available all the time on such topics as, for example, the suppression of information in the Sudan, violations of laws of war in Liberia, the devastating impact of the 15-year armed conflict in Angola, slavery in Mauritania, and interference with academic freedom in Zimbabwe.
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43

Dominic, Azuh, Adeyemi Ogundipe, and Oluwatomisin Ogundipe. "Determinants of Women Access to Healthcare Services in Sub-Saharan Africa." Open Public Health Journal 12, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 504–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874944501912010504.

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Background: The study examined the socio-economic determinants of women access to healthcare services in Sub-Saharan Africa for the period 1995-2015. Methods: The study adopted the dynamic panel model and estimated it using the System Generalized Method of Moments in a bid to overcome the endogeneity problem inherent in the model of study. Result: The study harmonized the theoretical strands in the literature by describing the measure of access determinants as three main components; i. Health service availability, ii. Health service utilization and iii. Health service decision. Conclusion: The indicators of health service availability such as community health workers, physicians, nurses and midwives and hospital beds improve women's access to healthcare facilities in Africa. Also, health service utilization indicators such as population density worsen the quality of healthcare services available to women while electricity access and private health expenditure enhance women’s access to quality healthcare delivery. Health service decision indicators such as female bank account ownership, female labour force participation, attainment of basic education and female household headship were important in enhancing women's access to healthcare facilities. Generally, women's health outcomes were more responsive to health service utilization; implying that service utilization is an important proof of healthcare access in Africa.
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Kim, Young Dae, Yo Han Jung, Valeria Caso, Cheryl D. Bushnell, and Gustavo Saposnik. "Countries with women inequalities have higher stroke mortality." International Journal of Stroke 12, no. 8 (February 24, 2017): 869–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1747493017694389.

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Background Stroke outcomes can differ by women’s legal or socioeconomic status. Aim We investigated whether differences in women’s rights or gender inequalities were associated with stroke mortality at the country-level. Methods We used age-standardized stroke mortality data from 2008 obtained from the World Health Organization. We compared female-to-male stroke mortality ratio and stroke mortality rates in women and men between countries according to 50 indices of women’s rights from Women, Business and the Law 2016 and Gender Inequality Index from the Human Development Report by the United Nations Development Programme. We also compared stroke mortality rate and income at the country-level. Results In our study, 176 countries with data available on stroke mortality rate in 2008 and indices of women’s rights were included. There were 46 (26.1%) countries where stroke mortality in women was higher than stroke mortality in men. Among them, 29 (63%) countries were located in Sub-Saharan African region. After adjusting by country income level, higher female-to-male stroke mortality ratio was associated with 14 indices of women’s rights, including differences in getting a job or opening a bank account, existence of domestic violence legislation, and inequalities in ownership right to property. Moreover, there was a higher female-to-male stroke mortality ratio among countries with higher Gender Inequality Index (r = 0.397, p < 0.001). Gender Inequality Index was more likely to be associated with stroke mortality rate in women than that in men (p < 0.001). Conclusions Our study suggested that the gender inequality status is associated with women’s stroke outcomes.
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Singh, Raju Jan, and Yifei Huang. "Financial Deepening, Property Rights, and Poverty: Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Banking and Financial Economics 1, no. 3 (May 19, 2015): 130–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7172/2353-6845.jbfe.2015.1.6.

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46

Huang, Yifei, and Raju Jan Singh. "Financial Deepening, Property Rights and Poverty: Evidence From Sub-Saharan Africa." IMF Working Papers 11, no. 196 (2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781462305230.001.

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47

Nyoni, Zanele. "The Struggle for Equality: LGBT Rights Activism in Sub-Saharan Africa." Human Rights Law Review 20, no. 3 (August 24, 2020): 582–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngaa019.

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48

Ssewamala, Fred M. "Expanding women's opportunities: the potential of heifer projects in sub‐Saharan Africa." Development in Practice 14, no. 4 (June 2004): 550–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614520410001686133.

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49

Siringi, E. M. "Women's small and medium enterprises for poverty alleviation in Sub‐Saharan Africa." Management Research Review 34, no. 2 (January 25, 2011): 186–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01409171111102803.

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Cotton, Cassandra. "Migration and young women's access to maternal healthcare in sub-Saharan Africa." Health & Place 55 (January 2019): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2018.12.006.

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