Academic literature on the topic 'Women's studies in "the Hunger Games"'

AbstractHunger Games are young adult fiction and movie franchises, which address issues of Empire, border control, politics of fear, human rights, gender, ethnicity, refugees and global inequity. The narrative of Hunger Games echoes the dilemmas of balancing personal sovereignty and self-fulfillment with the struggle that goes on for advocacy for social and political change. They make heroes of protagonists who rebel against the status quo and make a stand for justice in oppressive social-political contexts. The basic plot is ancient, but it is striking a chord with a generation of westerners who are disaffected with current societal and political trends. This article is a literary analysis of Hunger Games, analyzing its treatment of public theology, sovereignty and justice issues, especially for younger adults. It affirms the appeal of the books for resisting oppression, but questions unchallenged assumptions about ethnicity, gender, retributive violence and personal authenticity.

From many discussions on wilderness in literary works, only a few focus on the young adult dystopian, even more on Suzanne Collins’s The Hunger Games. For this reason, this article aims to portray the wilderness in the book as the survival resource since the previous studies fail to point out such an issue. This recent study is conducted by descriptive qualitative methods. As the theoretical basis, the discussion employs Garrard’s account of wilderness and Ross’s myth of wilderness in American literature. As a result, the discussion depicts the wilderness as the natural woodland surrounding District 12 and the artificial battleground of the Games in Panem. The woods in Katniss’s district enable her to provide for her family and develop such literacy in the wilderness. This literacy is advantageous in the Games arena, thus helps Katniss to be one of the winners. The findings might provide such an insight to the reader to live harmoniously with nature, even more with the wilderness.

The present essay is the evaluation of women’s conditions and gender equality in the novel, the Hunger Games by Suzanne Collins. Different conditions of women such as the political, physical, marital and financial are analyzed in Panem society before and after the revolution. It is also discussed, which aspects of women’s lives are improved and which aspects are left unchanged after the rebellion of the novel. How far may revolution and the political system be influential upon the development of women and the decrease in male domination in Panem, as an example of real communities? In the final process of analysis, the lack of meritocracy in Panem society is discussed as the result of gender discriminations or the essence of policy. There are also comparisons between Panem and Greece and their heroes. The result of this comparison is, discovering a fluctuation in values, morals and political thoughts from ancient times up to an unknown future. Katniss as the heroine and the ideal female of society is primarily analyzed in each part, and then the other female characters are explored, depending on their roles and importance in the different parts.

The development of the novel cannot be separated from discussions about literary history, gender relations, performance, and the power literature has to instruct its audience. Women and young people have always comprised a substantial part of the novel’s readership, and this makes them powerful. The history of the novel is the history of dangerous literature; it is the history of works that have enchanted readers with “the power of example,” as Samuel Johnson wrote in the eighteenth century, that can lead them to change their behavior. This thesis explores how women in young adult literature—in the eighteenth century through Frances Burney’s Evelina (1778) and today through Suzanne Collins’ The Hunger Games (2008)—use performance and vision to reveal and resist the social systems that try to define them. Evelina and Katniss, the heroines of these novels, provide their readers with examples of behaving in ways different than the normative model. Their stories, and the young women who read their stories, threaten the established social order of their worlds. The creative addition to this thesis provides readers with another young heroine who uses her powers, in a fantastical world, to reveal and resist the structures in her life.

Suzanne Collin’s trilogy The Hunger Games has become an international bestseller, and tells the story about Katniss Everdeen, a young citizen of District 12 in Panem. The object of this essay is to demonstrate that nurturing, being a warrior and pursuing beauty are the most idealized behaviors in The Hunger Games trilogy. By analyzing these behaviors from a gender perspective, based on the standpoint of Western society, I demonstrate how nurturing and pursuing beauty are feminine behaviors, and being a warrior is a masculine behavior. Furthermore, I outline how the characters’ behavior reflects their upbringings or the circumstances they are in. I conclude by considering what the popularity of Collins’s series indicates about contemporary perceptions of these behaviors, that are traditionally deemed as feminine or masculine in Western society. The result of the analysis indicates that the characters are being rewarded for both feminine and masculine behaviors. However, the characters showing a combination of both feminine and masculine traits gain more than the characters that possess either feminine or masculine qualities only. The contemporary views on femininity and masculinity are changing in Western society, and The Hunger Games trilogy gives us an indication about today’s view on the gendered behaviors in this essay.

The interaction between coaches and their athletes has been investigated by researchers in sport pedagogy over the last 20 years (Pieron, 1994). The majority of these studies have used systematic observation techniques to gain insight into the behavior of coaches during games and/or practices. Although studies on coaches' behaviors have provided a portrait of how coaches intervene (e.g., Trudel & Cote, 1994), information on the subject matter being taught by coaches is relatively new. The importance of including the subject matter in the study of teaching was underlined by Shulman (1986). The purpose of the present study was to investigate the content of coaches' instruction provided to female ice hockey players (12-15 yrs.) during games. More specifically, the questions to be answered were: (a) What was the content of instruction? (b) When was the instruction given? and (c) How was the instruction communicated to the player(s)? A unique coding system was developed in order to answer these questions. Although the results revealed differences between cases, and even variability between games within the same case, many similarities emerged between coaches. The coaches in the present study referred to emphasize team tactics, over individual tactics, individual techniques, and rules. Many of the interventions by the coaches were short duration prompts, communicated while the play was in progress. The relatively low percentage of specific information given to players during games indicates that the coaches did not fully utilise opportunities arising in games to instruct players.

This essay gives examples of possible ways to inspire young adults to become politically more aware and active using dystopian fiction in the EFL classroom. First, an overview of the dystopian genre and different ways of using it in the EFL classroom to improve critical thinking skills will be given. Subsequently, different scenes from The Hunger Games will be analyzed to show how young adults can be inspired to be more aware of social and environmental justice and to act. Finally, it is discussed why literary material in a classroom must relate to a student’s personal life and why the relevance must be explained to a student to raise their interest. As a conclusion, it is claimed that it cannot be expected that all students care for the world, but showing them why they should and how they could do it is a first step.

In this thesis, I focus on Southern African peer educators' experiences in facilitating HIV/AIDS education activities within the Kicking AIDS Out network. By utilizing Foucault's (1975) conception of "subjugated knowledges," I work towards four main objectives. In chapter one, I aim to surface a sample of young people's subjugated knowledges pertaining to the "lack of evidence" discourse of sport for development. In chapter two, my objective was to understand better what tools peer educators need to be more effective in their HIV/AIDS education efforts in a sport environment. Chapter three suggests steps to encourage knowledge exchange on sport for development across geographical and cultural boundaries to further national HIV/AIDS education and health goals with Aboriginal communities. I meet my fourth objective, to provide recommendations to the Kicking AIDS Out network regarding the training and support needs of peer educators in a field report, which is not contained in this thesis.

This thesis aims to highlight, analyse and problematize how sexualities and relationships are constructed as normative and deviant in the Hunger Games trilogy through the character Katniss Everdeen. With this analysis, the thesis aims to further elucidate the pluralism of meaning within literature as a contribution to the field of feminist cultural studies. Queer theory and queer temporality studies have been used to identify and discuss concepts such as the heterosexual matrix, monogamy and mononormativity, polyamory and other marginalized sexualities. A thematic queer reading serves as a methodological approach to the material to enable searching for queer themes in the series. The thesis shows how heterosexuality and monogamy are constructed and portrayed as normative and compulsory, where all other expressions of sexuality are presented as deviant and thereby can be view as different expressions of queer temporality.

Academic work dealing with the overlap between video games and female representation is limited in both volume and proper research. Most texts agree on three supposed flaws with video games: they alienate female participants, there are no games for female players, and female players cannot relate to female characters. This thesis sheds light on these points, not only citing specific counter-examples, but also showing how many of these issues reflect on a larger societal problems.

I denna uppsats undersöks hur systerrelationen mellan protagonisten Katniss Everdeen och hennes lillasyster Prim porträtteras i Suzanne Collins The Hunger Games-trilogi, bestående av The Hunger Games (2008), Catching Fire (2009) och Mockingjay (2010). Syftet med uppsatsen är att utforska vilken funktion denna porträttering får för intrigen i sin helhet samt att se vilka föreställningar om manligt och kvinnligt som blir synliga i relationen systrarna emellan. Som teoretisk grund används Sarah Annes Browns och Roberta Seelinger Trites skrifter om litterära systerskap. Undersökningen visar att Katniss relation till Prim är starkare än andra syskonrelationer inom trilogin och att detta bland annat beror på att Katniss ser det som sin största uppgift att ta hand om och skydda sin syster. Detta starka band är också avgörande för intrigen - Katniss beslut att ta Prims plats i Hungerspelen möjliggör resten av händelseförloppet. Det blir även tydligt att Katniss gärna ser på Prim som den behövande systern, men att båda egentligen är beroende av varandra. Systermotivet blir också synligt i Katniss relation till Rue från Distrikt 11. I relationen till systern Prim antar Katniss ofta manliga attribut och Prim beskrivs med typiska kvinnliga egenskaper, men det finns även gånger då dessa genusföreställningar rubbas.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This book explores Germany’s role in the two world wars and the Cold War to analyze the food economy of the twentieth century. It argues that controlling food supply and determining how and what people ate shaped the course of these three wars. Because Germany played a central role in these conflicts, the political and economic ambitions of its changing governments had international ramifications. At the same time, focusing on changing methods of cooking, shopping, and eating reveals the politics that shape everyday life, especially women's daily activities. Each chapter focuses on a specific era to unpack particular components of the modern food system. The book argues that hunger was key to military strategy in the First World War and to discourses human rights during the Allied occupation, while showing how food rationing shaped race during the Third Reich. The second half of the book compares East Germany (GDR) and West Germany (FRG), revealing similarities as well as differences between the socialist and capitalist food systems. Bringing together a diverse array of sources ranging from cookbooks to complaint letters, political speeches to nutritional studies, Modern Hungers offers historical context for many key concerns of the current age, from food aid and the struggle to end famine to contemporary obesity epidemics

New Haven, Connecticut, where the Yale campus stretched its ivy-hung halls, was a far larger, busier, less countrified place than Lawrenceville. The Yale Forest School granted only graduate degrees, so Aldo enrolled in the Sheffield Scientific School on the Yale campus for his undergraduate studies. The college offered students a program of preparatory courses for the Forest School: physics, chemistry, German, mechanical drawing, and analytical geometry. In a room at 400 Temple Street, Aldo set up a lifestyle as frugal and selfreliant as he had in Lawrenceville. He stayed loyal to his plan for studying, working out in the gymnasium, and running cross-country track, while attending a variety of special lectures and expanding his reading list. In his reading as in his running, he covered great distances in a short time. He read Outdoor Pastimes of an American Hunter by Theodore Roosevelt alongside the Bible; books on forestry accompanied the works of Longfellow, Emerson, Thoreau, Cicero, and others. A tome inspiring “much interest and surprise” was Charles Darwin’s Vegetable Mould and Earthworms. (A year or so earlier, he had read A Naturalist’s Voyage Around the World and proclaimed it “very instructive.”) Aldo had far less time for tramping now. The countryside was farther away, and his four-to seven-a-week treks dwindled to one or two. Though he enjoyed the outings just as much, they were becoming a hobby rather than a way of life. His courses were more challenging, and he was beguiled by Ivy League activities and a new group of friends. Descriptions of football games and college parties began to fill his letters. He even let his sister Marie arrange a Christmastime schedule of dances and social engagements for him in Burlington, and then surprised himself by enjoying it all. Women, many of them Marie’s friends, had entered his domain of interest with a flourish, and his dancing lessons finally proved useful. Ham, from Lawrenceville, teased Aldo for his new fancies: “You have decayed into what I used to be— the lover with his ballad, the devoted sweetheart; the passionate letter-writer. Ah me!”