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Davies, Kerryn. "Women's suffrage in South Australia /." Title page, contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ard2562.pdf.
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Crenshaw, Abby Lorraine. "The Solid South: The Suffrage Campaign Revisited." TopSCHOLAR®, 2018. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2448.
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This examination of the southern suffrage campaign focuses the movement through the eyes of three prominent southern women within the political movement: Kate Gordon, Sue Shelton White, and Josephine Pearson. The merged National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) planned and organized a focus on the South during the second half of the suffrage campaign, which presented new challenges. The Nineteenth Amendment passed through Congress in 1918 and consequently set the stage for a raging political battle between suffragists and anti-suffragists. The suffrage campaign prompted women to question how the political platform of suffrage should be addressed. Women argued over the issue of suffrage and its application; a universal amendment, state legislation, or no suffrage rights at all. The question over appropriate political tactics often revealed the social and cultural prejudices of the campaign leaders.
The cornerstone of my research focuses on the history of the southern campaign and incorporates three southern women who shared distinct political views of woman suffrage. The bulk of my research focused on the primary documents from the Josephine Pearson Collection at the Tennessee State Library and Archives and the loaned papers of Sue Shelton White from Knoxville, Tennessee. I also used the Louisiana newspaper, the Daily Picayune, for information about Kate Gordon as well as her correspondence with Laura Clay.
Through this examination, a more direct focus is applied to the southern suffrage movement, which further complicates separate accounts of racial prejudice and exclusion in southern women’s politics. Furthermore, my thesis will create a framework of southern culture by incorporating the national issue of suffrage from a regional perspective to expose commonalities and themes that muddles southern women’s history and patriarchal loyalty in the South. Carefully analyzing the suffrage and anti-suffrage leadership in the South, particularly Tennessee, helps develop a well-defined understanding of the cultural and political factors influencing southern politics as well as assist in constructing a scholarly historiographic perspective on social and cultural influences of the southern campaign within the separate groups of suffragists and anti-suffragists.
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Law, Cheryl. "Suffrage and power : the women's movement, 1918-1928 /." London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36712017t.
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Bradley, Katherine. "Faith, perseverance and patience : the history of the Oxford suffrage and anti-suffrage movements, 1870-1930." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264527.
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Kirby, Timothy Joel. "Women's Suffrage in the United States: A Synthesis of the Contributing Factors in Suffrage Extension." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1596119821783093.
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Bean, Jolene Dagmar. "Making haste slowly : a study of women's suffrage in Bermuda." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396961.
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Auchterlonie, Mitzi Marita. "Conservative women, the Conservative Party and the campaign for women's suffrage, 1867-1914." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246385.
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Skog, Erica Lynn. "Equal rights for equal action women's mobilization for suffrage in Venezuela /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1453671.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.<br>Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 25, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-88).
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Mercer, John. "Buying votes : purchasable propaganda in the twentieth-century women's suffrage movement." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424218.
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Ugolini, Laura. "Independent Labour Party men and women's suffrage in Britain, 1893-1914." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1997. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6325/.
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This thesis is a study of the attitudes towards women's enfranchisement, and involvement within the British women's suffrage movement, of the male members of the Independent Labour Party, a mixed sex socialist organisation. The period covered ranges from 1893, the year of the party's foundation, to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. The aim of this study is to contribute to our understanding of a hitherto neglected aspect of suffrage history: the male supporters. Suffrage historians have generally considered Independent Labour Party men's attitudes towards women's enfranchisement to have been positive: their ideas and activities are now placed under careful scrutiny. The theoretical underpinnings of the thesis lie in gender history, most especially in the field of historical studies of masculinities, which in themselves have been informed by the ideas and writings of women's history. Independent Labour Party men are viewed not as a group of individuals with certain physical characteristics in common, but as sharing gendered identities as socialists and as men, which influenced their attitudes towards the roles deemed appropriate for men and women within society, and towards women's emancipation in particular. Furthermore, the thesis assesses how their ideas and identities were themselves challenged by developments within the suffrage movement. Chapter 1 considers the years between 1893-5, a period characterised by few formal links between Independent Labour Party men and the suffrage movement, and assesses how supportive attitudes towards women's enfranchisement fitted into prevailing understandings of socialism and independent labour representation. Chapters 2 and 3, focusing respectively on the periods between 1895-1905, and 1905-1911, consider the impact of a burgeoning suffrage movement, active within the ranks of the labour movement itself, and characterised by its own priorities, objectives and tactics. Chapter 4, dealing with the years between 1911-1914, concludes by assessing Independent Labour Party men's responses to a shift in the suffrage debate, as the introduction in Parliament of adult suffrage became a practical proposition.
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Dyer, Anton. "John Stuart Mill and male support for the Victorian women's movement." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294416.
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In examining male support for the Victorian women's movement, I decided to focus upon a number of men who gave active support across the wide range of causes championed by feminists. John Stuart Mill, Henry Fawcett, James Stansfeld, Jacob Bright, Richard Pankhurst and Francis Newman were selected as my main protagonists and their support for the Married Women's Property campaign, the higher education of women, the opening up of the professions to women, women's suffrage and the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts was explored. I also examine the views of John Russell, Viscount Amberley, whose early death robbed the women's suffrage movement of his enthusiastic support, and also those of William Johnson Fox, a proponent of women's emancipation who gave his support to the Married Women's Property campaign, but who died when the women's movement had existed for only a decade. The ideas of an important male feminist of an earlier generation, William Thompson, are also explored. I discuss the views of my protagonists on sexual equality and sexual difference, marriage, sexuality, female education, the employment of women and women's suffrage. In seeking to account for the feminism of my protagonists I note the personal characteristics which they broadly shared: moral courage, a tendency to self-sacrifice, sensitivity and a strong sense of justice. Male feminists, especially Mill, were sometimes branded as effeminate, but it seems fairer to suggest that they generally combined the best of both 'masculine' and 'feminine' qualities; they possessed a sufficient degree of 'womanly' sensitivity to empathise with the wrongs of woman and a great deal of 'manly' courage which enabled them to endure the ridicule and abuse which standing up for women's rights frequently entailed. Most of my protagonists were advanced Liberals, and a belief in the need to cultivate altruism was a significant component of their creed; support for women's emancipation was an important aspect of their concern for the welfare of others. The fact that men and women worked closely together in the fight for women's emancipation is explored and especially their intellectual collaboration, notable in the cases of William Thompson and Anna Wheeler, John Mill and Harriet Taylor, and Henry and Millicent Fawcett.
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Thieme, Katja. "Language and social change : the Canadian movement for women's suffrage, 1880-1918." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31530.
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This dissertation examines the print discourse of the Canadian women's suffrage movement from the 1890s to the 1910s and investigates how suffragists positioned not only themselves but also suffrage sceptics through their utterances. Grounded in both rhetorical analysis and the study of nineteenth-century Canada, this work contributes to our understanding of the discourse of social and political movements. Lloyd Bitzer's concept of the rhetorical situation is used to show how suffrage debates were aligned with debates about temperance, social reform, and imperialism. Michel Foucault's notion of the statement--claims which have acquired authority independent of situation--helps expand the concept of the rhetorical situation to better theorize how suffrage utterances travelled through various genres and situations. The repeated dismissal of English suffrage militancy is here analyzed through the lenses of uptake and genre. Militancy received uptake in front-page reports, on women's pages, and in letters to the editor. Anne Freadman's notion of genre as residing in the interrelationships between utterances helps theorize the wide-reaching discursive effects--rather than direct influence--which English militant activism had on the Canadian suffrage campaign. Audience design offers a way of thinking about how suffragists addressed different audience groups and called them toward different types of action. Erving Goffman's and Herbert C. Clarke's approach to audience leaves behind the dyad of writer and reader and grasps the complexity of how some audience members are directly addressed, while others are positioned as side participants or distant bystanders and overhearers. A general tendency among Canadian suffragists was to cast men as overhearers--incidental readers who were expected not to collaborate but to witness the ongoing debate. The most predominant addressees of suffrage texts, middle- and upper-class women who were not yet suffragists, were often interpellated as inert and immoral. In fact, suffragists' appeals to morality in their audience address were part of an effort to convert middle-class women's moral capital into access to political power. These appeals to morality also participated in a fundamental re-interpretation of citizenship as founded on moral rather than economic qualifications and on concern for the moral quality of Canadian society.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>English, Department of<br>Graduate
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Balshaw, June Marion. "Suffrage, solidarity and strife : political partnerships and the women's movement 1880-1930." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1998. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/5796/.
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This thesis is a study of six mixed-sex political partnerships, all of which functioned within the context of heterosexual marriage. It considers these partnerships involvement in, and attitudes toward, the campaigns for women' s enfranchisement over a fifty year period from 1880 - 1930. The aim of this study is to contribute to our understanding of the gendered nature of political activity and identity through an examination of the women' s suffrage campaigns, in particular the still under-researched, yet extremely important question of men's support for women' s suffrage. This thesis takes as its point of departure historical studies of gender, that is, a critical examination of the constructions of masculinity and femininity; ideas which have been informed and developed by women's history. It will consider the extent to which developments within the suffrage movement both challenged and reinforced gendered political identities and influenced attitudes toward the parts that men and women had to play in both the public and private spheres. The partnerships studied demonstrate not only the diversity of opinion within the women's suffrage movement but also how this single issue affected familial politics at a variety of levels. Each chapter focuses on one political partnership and charts its involvement - whatever form it took - during one of the most dynamic periods in modern British history. The partnerships included in this thesis are diverse and are comprised of Emmeline and Richard Pankhurst, James and Marion Bryce, John and Katharine Bruce Glasier, Emmeline and Frederick Pethick-Li1wrence, Annot and Sam Robinson, and Elsie Duval and Hugh Franklin. This thesis is, therefore, a contribution to both suffrage history and to the study of political partnerships in relation to changes in British political culture during a period of intense debates about the symbolic and actual representation of women.
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Brannon-Wranosky, Jessica S. "Southern Promise and Necessity: Texas, Regional Identity, and the National Woman Suffrage Movement, 1868-1920." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc31553/.
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This study offers a concentrated view of how a national movement developed networks from the grassroots up and how regional identity can influence national campaign strategies by examining the roles Texas and Texans played in the woman suffrage movement in the United States. The interest that multiple generations of national woman suffrage leaders showed in Texas, from Reconstruction through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, provides new insights into the reciprocal nature of national movements. Increasingly, from 1868 to 1920, a bilateral flow of resources existed between national women's rights leaders and woman suffrage activists in Texas. Additionally, this study nationalizes the woman suffrage movement earlier than previously thought. Cross-regional woman suffrage activity has been marginalized by the belief that campaigning in the South did not exist or had not connected with the national associations until the 1890s. This closer examination provides a different view. Early woman's rights leaders aimed at a nationwide movement from the beginning. This national goal included the South, and woman suffrage interest soon spread to the region. One of the major factors in this relationship was that the primarily northeastern-based national leadership desperately needed southern support to aid in their larger goals. Texas' ability to conform and make the congruity politically successful eventually helped the state become one of NAWSA's few southern stars. National leaders believed the state was of strategic importance because Texas activists continuously told them so by emphasizing their promotion of women's rights. Tremendously adding credibility to these claims was the sheer number of times Texas legislators introduced woman suffrage resolutions over the course of more than fifty years. This happened during at least thirteen sessions of the Texas legislature, including two of the three post-Civil War constitutional conventions. This larger pattern of interdependency often culminated in both sides-the Texas and national organizations-believing that the other was necessary for successful campaigning at the state, regional, and national levels.
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Smitley, Megan K. "'Woman's mission' : the temperance and women's suffrage movements in Scotland, c.1870-1914." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1488/.
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This thesis discusses the connections that bound together the late-nineteenth-century women’s temperance and suffrage movements in Scotland. The importance of women’s temperance reform in the women’s movement has been discussed in other Anglophone contexts, however there has been little scholarly analysis of these links in British historiography. This study aims to fill some of this gap. Moreover, by focusing on the Scottish case, this investigation adds a more ‘Britannic’ perspective to discussions of Victorian and Edwardian feminism, and thereby reveals regional variation and diversity. My exploration of the women’s suffrage movement focuses on constitutional societies, and offers a fresh perspective to balance the concentration on militancy in the only major monograph on Scottish suffragism – Leah Leneman’s A Guid Cause: The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Scotland. This analysis takes a flexible approach to constitutionalism and argues that the women’s single-sex temperance society, the Scottish Christian Union (SCU) was an element of constitutional suffragism. Likewise, the Scottish Women’s Liberal Federation – peripheral to the historiography of British suffragism – is given a prominent place as a constitutionalist organisation. This study uses women’s roles in social reform and suffragism to examine the public lives of middle-class women. The ideology of ‘separate spheres’ is a leitmotif of much of women’s history, and discussions of the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres are often linked to social class. My discussion of a ‘feminine public sphere’ is designed to reveal the ways in which women negotiated Victorian gender roles in order to participate in the civic life that was intrinsic to an urban middle-class identity. Thus, this thesis seeks to place suffragism and temperature in the context of middle-class women’s public world.
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Cairns, Anna. "Jokes for women : suffrage and the sense of humour on the stage." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bf0d5cf7-b876-4c97-acc7-da730b56daa6.
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This thesis investigates the works of the London-based suffrage theatre group, the Actresses' Franchise League (AFL). Examining the period between 1907 and 1914, it considers the immediate influences on its foundation in 1908 up to the start of the First World War, when the League changed its focus from that of women's enfranchisement to the entertainment of troops. It analyses in particular the influence of the contemporary debate concerning the sense of humour, and women’s supposed lack thereof, on the focus and style of the playwrights' work. In contextualising the AFL's negotiations with ideas of women’s sense of humour, this thesis represents a shift from the prevailing critical caution shown towards the politicisation of literary humour and laughter. I challenge distinctions between offstage political activity and laughter in the theatre, as well as definitions of radical suffrage action and the privileging of the tragic or violent within feminist discourse. The League displayed a sensitive and, sometimes, angry understanding of the impact of anti-suffrage humour. In a politically motivated move, playwrights consciously rejected the narrative of the tragic and bitter woman both to emulate and defiantly invert such jokes, in order to assert the strength of women's humour. Not without debate within the League’s own circles, the AFL and the wider movement's various politics are manifested in this construction of women’s sense of humour. These theatrical negotiations impacted on the internal strength of the suffrage community and on its political reception. In uncovering suffrage humour as a critical area in its own right, this thesis reinvigorates the categories by which this theatre has been defined and challenges the demotion of its political contribution. Bringing together little known, unpublished, and formerly lost plays into dialogue with each other, it also contributes to the ongoing recuperation of suffrage theatre, such as Cecil Armstrong’s staging of jujitsu. Setting this in conversation with more established playwrights such as George Bernard Shaw and with suffrage playwrights who have already received considerable attention, such as Cicely Hamilton, this thesis actively resists the isolation of suffrage theatre within critical discourse. In addition, its reconsideration of Shaw's relationship with the suffrage movement challenges prevalent deprecation of his playwriting contribution that invites further re-evaluation of his literary politics, while the survey and application of humour theory contributes to the evolving and exciting area of literary humour studies. Overall, through the close documentation of the AFL's alliances with offstage debate, a fuller conception of this political theatre is detailed in ways that also capture the variety of its membership, as indeed of its humour too.
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Anderson, Gwen Trowbridge. "Interrogating Virginia Woolf and the British suffrage movement." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003162.
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Varney, Gillian H. ""Votes For Mothers": The National Woman's Party's Conflicted Arguments for Women's Suffrage, 1913-1920." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/366.
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This is a study of the National Woman’s Party’s Arguments for Woman Suffrage, from 1913 to 1920. This study explores the ways in which the National Woman's Party (NWP) appropriated classed and racially exclusive ideologies to legitimize women’s right to vote; the ways in which the NWP’s arguments for suffrage predicated the empowerment of white middle-class women on the marginalization of non-white and working-class Americans. It investigates the factors that facilitated the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, including World War I and the NWP’s militancy. Additionally, it examines the degree to which the NWP’s arguments for suffrage have fragmented and delegitimized the American feminist movement as well as perpetuated and strengthened white patriarchy in America.
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Monaghan, Rachel. "Motivated to use violence? : a case study of animal protection and women's suffrage groups." Thesis, University of Reading, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.428191.
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Zhao, Yanqing. "Estimating the Impact of Women's Education on the U.S. Suffrage Movement: An IV Approach." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1619204130954484.
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Johnson, Leah N. "Victory's Catalyst: Alice Paul and the Woman Suffrage Procession of 1913." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/912.
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The woman suffrage movement in America lasted nearly an entire century. The movement formally began in 1848 at the Seneca Falls Convention and concluded in 1920 when the Susan B. Anthony amendment was ratified. Throughout this time period the movement changed dramatically. At the turn of the century the excitement and radical nature of the movement that prevailed at mid-century had been exhausted. Suffragists worked with no sense of immediacy, under the assumption that universal suffrage would come eventually, whether it in their lifetimes or their daughters’ or granddaughters’. This all changed, however, in 1913 with the Woman Suffrage Procession.
The parade catalyzed the movement, sparking the beginning of the end. An examination of the parade itself, the planning process, and its aftermath reveals the importance of the procession and the changes it provoked. It first served as a platform for a new suffrage leader and a new suffrage group. Alice Paul, a young suffragist who had been involved in the movement in England, planned the procession as her first major responsibility on the US suffrage scene. Throughout the parade planning and aftermath she established herself as a strong leader. She also led the way for a younger and more radical suffragist organization, the Congressional Union, that would soon split from the dominant suffrage organization to pursue more aggressive tactics. Secondly, the suffrage parade demonstrated and catalyzed a transition of strategy, tactics, and sentiment. At the parade a younger cohort of suffragists began utilizing more militant tactics and adopting a sense of immediacy and determination. Finally, the parade altered the movement by raising awareness across the country that had not previously existed. The excitement of the procession caught the attention of government officials, the general public, and - most importantly - the media. The combination of a new leader and association, the transformation of internal attitudes, and new-found awareness put the suffragists on the path towards victory. The parade breathed new life into the movement, catalyzing the final push to success.
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Rushing, Jenny. "Jessie Ackerman, 'The Original World Citizen': Temperance Leader, Suffrage Pioneer, Feminist, Humanitarian." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2003. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0716103-141354/unrestricted/RushingJ073103f.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2003.<br>Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-0716103-141354. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.
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Lengyel, Deborah Jean. "THE ORIGINS OF THE FIRST WOMEN S RIGHTS CONVENTION: FROM PROPERTY RIGHTS AND REPUBLICAN MOTHERHOOD TO ORGANIZATION AND REFORM, 1776-1848." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2243.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the origins of the first women's rights convention held at Seneca Falls, NY during the summer of 1848. Taxation without representation was one of the foundations that the Continental Congress used as a basis for Independence from England. But when the revolution ended and the Republic was formed, the United States adopted many English laws and traditions regarding the status of women. Women, who were citizens or could be naturalized, were left civically invisible by the code of laws (coverture) once they married. They were not able to own property, form contracts, sue or be sued. In essence, they were "covered" by their husbands under coverture. Single women who owned property or inherited property were subject to taxation, though they had no voice in the elective franchise. Therefore, women, both married and single, who were counted for legislative purposes, were given no voice in choosing their government representatives. I conclude that there were three bases for women's rights: equity, Republican Motherhood, and women's organizations. The legal concept of equity, the domestic ideology of Republican Motherhood combined with the social model of women's organizations formed the earliest foundation of what would become the first feminist movement, leading directly to the Declaration of Sentiments at Seneca Falls in 1848. Through an analysis of the changes in women's property ownership to the enhancement of the female domestic role in the early nineteenth century, women challenged their place in the public sphere. The sisterhood that was created as a result of the new domestic ideology and improved female education led to the creation of organizations to improve women's place in society. Through an almost fifty year evolution, the earliest women's volunteer organizations became the mid-nineteenth century reform organizations, leading to a campaign for woman's suffrage.<br>M.A.<br>Department of History<br>Arts and Humanities<br>History MA
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Inkpin, Jonathan David Francis. "Combatting the 'sin of self-sacrifice'? : Christian feminism in the women's suffrage struggle, 1903-1918." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1517/.
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Holloway, Gerry. "A common cause? Class dynamics in the Industrial Women's Movement, 1888-1918." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282611.
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Clauser-Roemer, Kendra. ""Tho' we are deprived of the privilege of suffrage" the Henry County Female Ant-Slavery Society records, 1841-1849 /." Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1887.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.<br>Title from screen (viewed on August 26, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): John R. McKivigan. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-147).
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Schmidt, Bonnie Ann. "Print and protest: a study of the women's suffrage movement in nineteenth-century English periodical literature /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2409.
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Pohl, Tanya Claire. "Votes for Mothers." Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/359.
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Thesis advisor: Peter Weiler<br>Between 1866 and 1918, suffragists in Britain campaigned to acquire the vote for women. Opposition to women's suffrage derived mainly from separate spheres ideology – the belief that the genders are inherently different and must fulfill different roles in society. Many scholars claim that the suffragists challenged separate spheres ideology. By comparing the writings of Millicent Fawcett and Frances Cobbe, two prominent suffragists, with the writings of Mary Ward and Violet Markham, two prominent anti-suffragists, this work demonstrates similar themes within the opposing campaigns. More importantly, the similarities indicate that suffragists argued within the context of separate spheres ideology and did not seek to significantly alter traditional gender roles<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History<br>Discipline: College Honors Program
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Choi, Eun Soo. "The religious dimension of the women's suffrage movement : the role of the Scottish Presbyterian churches, 1867-1918." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3943/.
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This study aims to show that when the religious dimension of the women's suffrage movement is considered, it can be seen that while the Scottish Presbyterian Churches at an official level remained neutral in their attitudes, the ministers and members of the Churches gave significant and varied support to the campaign, and their efforts contributed to the success of the suffrage movement. Although the term 'the religious dimension' includes both positive and negative response to the movement in the Churches, this thesis concentrates on the positive efforts which were made. Chronologically, it covers the period from the official founding of the national suffrage organisations in 1867 to the enfranchisement of women in 1918. In surveying the history of the movement, account will be taken of both male and female contributions to the cause. This thesis consists of seven chapters. Chapter I surveys previous studies and outlines the scope of this piece of research. Chapter II contexualises the role and status of women within the Church and within society during the period which the thesis covers. In particular, it examines the relationship between women's religious suffrage and the women's political franchise movement, and explores factors contributing to the Churches' concern for women's suffrage.
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Lefebvre, Marc Andre Louis Alexis. "Feminisim and the challege of war : responses of the British Women's Suffrage Movement to the Great War." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514308.
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Jones, Susan Elizabeth. "The relationships between the Women's Suffrage Movement and the Labour Movement in North East England, 1893 to 1914." Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538323.
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Brown, Kathryn M. "The Education of the Woman Citizen, 1917-1918." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1277150212.
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Goldstein, Marcia Tremmel. ""Meet me at the ballot box": Women's innovations in party and electoral politics in post-suffrage Colorado, 1893--1898." Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3256462.
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Dingsdale, Ann. "'Generous and lofty sympathies' : the Kensington Society, the 1866 women's suffrage petition and the development of mid-Victorian feminism." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1995. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6380/.
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The women's suffrage petition presented to the House of Commons in June 1866 is credited with being the first move in the British campaign. Yet although given a pivotal position in the women's movement, it and its organisation have received scant attention. This thesis examines the origins of this petition, which was organised by members of the Kensington Society (1865-1868). It investigates the members of this society, and those 1,499 women who signed the petition. This thesis looks in detail at these women both statistically and, in so far as it is ever possible, in terms of the 'experience' of the individuals involved. The thesis uses information from census, directories, etc. as well as biographical resources, in a variety of ways, ranging from 'life histories' of sample rank and file individuals, to statistical data covering several hundred women, and including charts which explore the activities of individual women over time, and case studies of groups of up to fifly women. Following the Introductory chapter, Chapter Two presents the context for change within which the Kensington Society and the petition came into being. Chapter Three introduces some rank and file women, and looks at the role of older women. Chapter Four considers the Kensington Society, and the part its members played in collecting the signatures for the petition in 1866 and looks at the age, marital status, class and geographical distribution of both Kensington Society members and those women who signed this petition. Chapter Five explores shared experience, and Chapter Six shared commitment Chapter Seven considers the implications of this investigation for the history of the early campaigns for women's suffrage in Britain.
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Лобко, Наталія Вікторівна, Наталия Викторовна Лобко та Nataliia Viktorivna Lobko. "Боротьба за виборчі права жінок в Російській імперії на початку XX ст". Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2020. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/77868.
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Історично так склалося, що політична діяльність вважалася прерогативою
чоловіків. Жінці відводилася традиційна роль хатньої робітниці, матері, берегині роду,
їхні майнові та громадянські права, в тому числі право обирати й бути обраними, були
обмежені. Проте жінки не збиралися миритися з таким становищем і розпочали боротьбу
за набуття громадянських прав та свобод на рівні з чоловіками
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Slusar, Mary Beth. "Multi-Framing in Progressive Era Women's Movements: A Comparative Analysis of the Birth Control, Temperance, and Women's Ku Klux Klan Movements." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269583527.
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Abney, Jill Marie. "Negotiating an Electorate: Gender, Class, and the British Reform Acts." UKnowledge, 2016. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/32.
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Five Reform Acts passed over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries gradually increased the size of the British electorate. Negotiations over lowering property, rent, and lodging restrictions led to new Acts that slowly increased the number of Britons deemed worthy to vote. This dissertation examines the extent class and gender were relevant to those negotiations of British citizenship over the course of those five Acts. The project scrutinizes the language used in Parliamentary debates, political pamphlets, and political correspondence to reconstruct the constantly-changing conceptualization of the ideal citizen’s gendered identity in Britain and Europe. This project illuminates the rhetorical battles between the political elite and those who desired admittance to the franchise. The language surrounding those battles highlights the contradictory reasons why certain male and female populations were denied admittance. By examining all these Acts together, this project provides new insight into Parliamentary reform as a political event where the unfixed ideas of Victorian femininity and masculinity can be viewed and assessed in the context of political power.
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Fry, Jennifer Reed. "'Our girls can match 'em every time': The Political Activities of African American Women in Philadelphia, 1912-1941." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/61373.
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History<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation challenges the dominant interpretation in women's history of the 1920s and 1930s as the "doldrums of the women's movement," and demonstrates that Philadelphia's political history is incomplete without the inclusion of African American women's voices. Given their well-developed bases of power in social reform, club, church, and interracial groups and strong tradition of political activism, these women exerted tangible pressure on Philadelphia's political leaders to reshape the reform agenda. When success was not forthcoming through traditional political means, African American women developed alternate strategies to secure their political agenda.
While this dissertation is a traditional social and political history, it will also combine elements of biography in order to reconstruct the lives of Philadelphia's African American political women. This work does not describe a united sisterhood among women or portray this period as one of unparalleled success. Rather, this dissertation will bring a new balance to political history that highlights the importance of local political activism and is at the same time sensitive to issues of race, gender, and class.
Central to this study will be the development of biographical sketches for the key African American women activists in Philadelphia, reconstructing the challenges they faced in the political arena, as feminists and as reformers. Enfranchisement did not immediately translate into political power, as black women's efforts to achieve their goals were often frustrated by racial tension with white women and gender divisions within the African American community.
This dissertation also contributes to the historical debate regarding the shifting partisan alliance of the African American community. African Americans not intimately tied to the club movement or machine politics spearheaded the move away from the Republicans. They did so not out of economic reasons or as a result of Democratic overtures but because of the poor record of the Republicans on racial issues. Crystal Bird Fauset's rise to political power, as the first African American woman elected to a state legislature in the United States, provides important insight into Philadelphia Democratic politics, the African American community, and the extensive organizational and political networks woven by African American women.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Carr, Margaret Shipley. "The Temperance Worker as Social Reformer and Ethnographer as Exemplified in the Life and Work of Jessie A. Ackermann." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1869.
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This project used primary historical documents from the Jessie A. Ackermann collection at ETSU's Archives of Appalachia, other books and documents from the temperance period, and recent scholarship on the subjects of temperance, suffrage, and women travelers and civilizers. As the second world missionary for the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Ackermann traveled in order to establish WCT Unions and worked as a civilizer, feminist, and reporter of the conditions of women and the disadvantaged throughout the world.
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Russell, Sophia. "Kfvinnor äro också människor : Om språk som maktredskap i normaliseringen av kvinnan som politiskt subjekt under rösträttskampen." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60942.
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Due to the standards and values that characterized our society through history women have had a hidden place in the historiography. By a qualitative media analysis these values have been analysed to find out how women with the right to vote moved the values and how they were described in newspapers and magazines. The study is from Judith Butlers interpretation of how the gender perspective went through a process of normalization. The linguistic dimension of women has been analysed for two reasons firstly to discover how women are described as political subjects in 1911 and 1921 and how this can have affected perceptions of gender and value. In my study I came to the conclusion that their political interests and achievements most often were overshadowed because of their gender 1911 more than 1921. During 1921 it was still more important that women were women than men were men. Secondly I have studied how the women through magazines tried to tone down the fact that they were ground breakers. The study resulted in that the women often described their female characteristics in relation to their political relevance to give the reader the impression that femininity and politics belong together. These phenomena showed up more often in magazines than newspapers and were interpreted as these connections between femininity and politics were a part woman’s leverage to get the right to vote. The study contributes to the research of women’s history and a wider understanding for how language and journalism can contribute to perceptions of genus.
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Ryen, Rachael L. "The Gendered Geography of War: Confederate Women as Camp Followers." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2011. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/644.
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The American Civil War is often framed as exclusively masculine, consisting of soldiers, god-like generals, and battle; a sphere where women simply did not enter or coexist. This perception is largely due to the mobilization of approximately six million men, coupled with the Victorian era which did not permit women to engage in the public sphere. Women are given their place however, but it is more narrowly defined as home front assistance. Even as women transitioned from passive receivers to active participants, their efforts rarely defied gender norms. This thesis looks at Confederate female camp followers who appeared to defy societal conventions by entering the male dominated camps and blurred the lines between men and women’s proper spheres. While camp followers could be expanded to include women of the lower class, including black women, laborers, slaves and prostitutes, only middle and upper class white women are analyzed because they were the ones required to maintain respectability. More specifically, I analyze unmarried women, female soldiers, bereaved women and nurses. Barbara Welter articulated and labeled the concept of public versus private spheres, plus the attributes necessary to achieve respectability as the Cult of True Womanhood. The Cult of True Womanhood demanded that women be pious, pure, and submissive within the domestic sphere. It is with this foundation that the camp followers can be analyzed. Their actions appeared to break with the Cult of True Womanhood, but when they explained in memoirs, newspaper accounts, and journals why they entered the camps, they framed their responses in a way that allowed them to appear to conform to the cult.
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Chediak, Lynsey. "Holes in the Historical Record: The Politics of Torture in Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, 1869-1977." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/875.
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While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories.
Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos.
Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights.
Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.
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Cristina, Laurence. "La Women's Social and Political Union et sa propagande suffragiste : analyse de ses hebdomadaires successifs, Grande-Bretagne, 1907-1917." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAC018/document.
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La Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), fondée en 1903 par Emmeline Pankhurst, est une organisation suffragiste britannique. Poursuivant son but d’obtenir l’octroi du droit de vote aux femmes, cette organisation élabore une propagande très développée pour faire entendre son message auprès du gouvernement et du public. C’est de cette propagande que nous faisons l’étude à travers l’analyse des trois hebdomadaires successifs que la WSPU a publiés de 1907 à 1917 : Votes for Women, The Suffragette et Britannia. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons que la diffusion du message de la WSPU repose largement sur le périodique. Notre étude nous conduit ensuite à analyser la production et le contenu de ces périodiques, la façon dont ceux-ci rendent compte de l’évolution de la WSPU et de son rôle avant et pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Enfin, nous analysons la réception de cette propagande par le public, ainsi que l’impact que les actions de la WSPU ont eu sur le mouvement suffragiste et sur la société britannique, jusqu’à ce que les femmes obtiennent le droit de vote en 1918<br>The Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), founded in 1903 by Emmeline Pankhurst, is a British suffragist organisation. It aims at gaining votes for women and works out highly developed propaganda techniques to convince the government and the population. In this thesis, we study the propaganda of the WSPU through the analysis of the three successive weekly newspapers published by the organisation between 1907 and 1917: Votes for Women, TheSuffragette and Britannia. First, we try to show that the message of the WSPU is largely conveyed through those periodicals. Our study then leads us to analyse the production and the contents of those periodicals, the way they show the evolution of the WSPU and its role before and during the First World War.Finally, we focus on the way the WSPU propaganda was received by the public,and on the impact that the deeds performed by the WSPU had on the suffragist movement and the British society before women got the right to vote in 1918
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Pfeffer, Miki. "An Enlarging Influence: Women of New Orleans, Julia Ward Howe, and the Woman's Department at the Cotton Centennial Exposition, 1884-1885." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1339.
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This study investigates the first Woman's Department at a World's Fair in the Deep South. It documents conflicts and reconciliations and the reassessments that post-bellum women made during the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition in New Orleans, the region's foremost but atypical city. It traces local women's resistance to the appointment of northern abolitionist and suffragist, Julia Ward Howe, for this “New South†event of 1884-1885. It also notes their increasing receptivity to national causes that Susan B. Anthony, Frances E. Willard, and others brought to the South, sometimes for the first time. This dissertation assesses the historical forces that goaded New Orleans women, from the comfort of their familiar city, to consider radical notions that would later strengthen them in civic roles. It asserts that, although these women were skilled and capable, they had previously lacked cohesive force and public strategies. It concludes that as local women competed and interacted with women from across the country, including those from pioneering western territories, they began to embrace progressive ideas and actions that, without the Woman's Department at the Exposition, might have taken years to drift southward. This is a chronological tale of the journey late-nineteenth-century women made together in New Orleans. It attempts to capture their look, sound, and language from their own writings and from journalists' interpretations of their ideals, values, and emotions. In the potent forum for exchange that the Woman's Department provided, participants and visitors questioned and revised false notions and stereotypes. They influenced each other and formed alliances. Although individuals spoke mainly for themselves, common themes emerged regarding education, jobs, benevolence, and even suffrage. Most women were aware that they were in a defining moment, and this study chronicles how New Orleans women seized the opportunity and created a legacy for themselves and their city. As the Exposition sought to (re)assert agrarian and industrial prowess after turbulent times, a shift occurred in the trajectory of women's public and political lives in New Orleans and, perhaps, the South more broadly. By 1885, southerners were ready to insinuate their voices into the national debate on women's issues.
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Фролов, О. О. "Щодо проблеми становлення і перших кроків жіночного політичного руху". Thesis, Українська академія банківської справи Національного банку України, 2006. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/61064.
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У ст. 24 Конституції України проголошується що громадяни мають рівні
конституційні права і свободи та є рівними перед законом[1]. Ч. 2 цієї статті
наголошує на тому, що не може бути привілеїв чи обмежень за ознаками
статі.
Для з’ясування того, як українське жіноцтво включилося в політичне
життя і як користується вище наведеними положеннями Конституції України
звернемося до проблеми становлення та перших кроків жіночого політичного
руху в країнах Західної Європи, США, Росії, та України.
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Parr, Rosalind Elizabeth. "Citizens of everywhere : Indian nationalist women and the global public sphere, 1900-1952." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33063.
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The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.
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Moring, Schubert Valerie Susan. "Drawing suffrage for The Masses, 1911-1917." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1152564730.
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Dehnavi, Morvarid. "Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-219425.
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Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland stehen für kollektive Bestrebungen von vornehmlich Frauen für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter auf sozialer, kultureller, rechtlicher, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Ebene unter Berücksichtigung der Differenz der Geschlechter seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Zentrale Themen waren und sind u. a. das Recht auf höhere Bildung, das Recht auf Arbeit, Lohngleichheit, Sexualität, Verhütung, Abtreibung, Homosexualität und das Wahlrecht.
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Morne, Emmanuelle. "Genèse du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne : de l'éveil des consciences à la naissance d'un militantisme féminin (1832-1903)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0152.
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Dès la fin du dix-huitième siècle, des voix s’élèvent pour défendre la cause des femmes et dénoncer les inégalités dont elles sont victimes par rapport aux hommes au sein de la société britannique. On peut songer, notamment, à Mary Wollstonecraft dont le célèbre pamphlet, très controversé intitulé : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman est publié en 1792. Néanmoins, si les arguments avancés par Mary Wollstonecraft ont eu une influence certaine, on ne saurait parler à la fin du dix-huitième siècle, de naissance du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne. Ainsi, ce n’est que vers les années 1850-1860, dans le contexte de la Révolution Industrielle et des bouleversements qu’elle engendre au niveau de la société, que se constitue, progressivement le mouvement féministe, en tant que tel. Cette thèse a pour objet de retracer et d’analyser le cheminement qui a conduit à l’émergence du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne sachant que le terme féministe appliqué à cette période pose un certain nombre de problèmes. Il s’agira également de mettre en lumière certains aspects du mouvement féministe auxquels la recherche s’est souvent moins intéressée et notamment, la contribution active de certains hommes au combat mené par les féministes pour la reconnaissance des droits des femmes en matière de droit de propriété pour les femmes mariées et de droit de vote, la question de la filiation entre la première génération de militantes féministes et les suffragettes sera aussi l'objet d'une étude approfondie<br>In the eighteenth century, certain women took their pen and resolved to expose the inequalities they were confronted with as women, within British society. The most famous one is probably Mary Wollstonecraft whose controversial pamphlet entitled : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in 1792. However, this new awareness did not result at least in the eighteenth century, in the emergence of an organized feminist movement. How did feminist consciousnesss gradually give rise to concrete actions, leading to the emergence of an organized feminist movement? In fact, it was only around 1850-1860, within the context of the Industrial Revolution, and its consequences on British society as a whole, that an organized feminist movement gradually took shape in Great-Britain. We should nevertheless bear in mind the problematic nature of the term feminist as applied to this period.The object of this dissertation will be to identify and examine the various stages that led to the emergence of an organized feminist movement, while enhancing some of its specific aspects such as, partnership between men and women or the issue of the links between suffragists and suffragettes in terms of continuity and discontinuity
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Smitz, Mikael. "Våldets lockelse och islossning : En reparativ läsning av Selma Lagerlöfs Herr Arnes penningar med fokus på manlighet." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Litteraturvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38001.
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Selma Lagerlöf (1858-1940) is one of Sweden’s most well-known and prominent authors. The field of research connected to both her personal life and her body of work is certainly immense. However there are still gaps in the research concerning Lagerlöf’s social critique through her literature. Alongside her authorship she was active in the peace- and women’s movement, and particularly so in women’s suffrage. Simultaneously, as the women’s movement gained momentum at the turn of the 20th century, there was a domestic armament in Sweden. It was at this point when Lagerlöf wrote Herr Arne’s Hoard/The Treasure (1903). The purpose of this study is to examine the connections between manliness and violence in Selma Lagerlöf’s Herr Arne’s Hoard/The Treasure. This is achieved by means of reparative reading using gender theory from the Nordic historic masculinity studies. The reparative reading is based on a model of interpretation, first promoted by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, and is not about hidden meanings but rather what the text explicitly represents. The analysis shows that the text criticizes a certain fit for military service type of manliness. This particular manliness is characterized by self-interest and vindictiveness, which is tied to an archaic barbarity and social stagnation. At the same time it is connected to positions of power. The analysis also shows, through the critic, a feminine desire for justice, a movement towards change and the subversive potential of sympathy.<br>Selma Lagerlöf (1858-1940) är en av Sveriges namnkunnigaste och mest prominenta författare. Forskningsfältet kring hennes person och produktion är närmast oöverskådligt. Det finns emellertid fortfarande luckor i forskningen gällande hur samhällskritisk Lagerlöf egentligen var i sitt författarskap. Vid sidan av sitt författarskap var hon också aktiv inom freds- och kvinnorörelsen, i synnerhet i kampen för kvinnlig rösträtt. Samtidigt som kvinnorörelsen tog fart kring sekelskiftet 1900, genomfördes en inhemsk militär upprustning i Sverige. Under denna tidsperiod skriver Lagerlöf berättelsen Herr Arnes penningar (1903). Den här studien undersöker kopplingen mellan manlighet och våld i Selma Lagerlöfs Herr Arnes penningar. Studien genomför en reparativ läsning utifrån ett genusvetenskapligt perspektiv med teorier hämtade från den nordiska historiska manlighetsforskningen. Den reparativa läsningen är baserad på en tolkningsmodell som först lanserades av Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick och som handlar om att inte se till vad en text döljer utan till vad den vill. Analysen påvisar att texten kritiserar en särskild vapenför manlighet. Denna manlighet karakteriseras av egennytta och hämndbegär, som förbinds med ett arkaiskt barbari och samhällelig stagnation. Samtidigt förbinds det med maktpositioner. Analysen synliggör utifrån kritiken också ett kvinnligt begär efter rättvisa, en rörelse mot förändring och sympatins subversiva potential.