Academic literature on the topic 'Women book designers'

This book is a very welcome addition to the literature on Muslim women’s dress. It is part of a growing trend to treat Muslim women and their sarto- rial choices through sophisticated theories that recognise the agency, even humanity, of Muslim women. We are far from the days when an Ameri- can author would simply read a headscarf as a symbol of oppression, and Muslim women in need of rescue—at least in the academic realm, though certainly not in the political and journalistic realms. Easy to read and en- gaging (but not simplistic) studies like Bucar’s will, hopefully, eventually trickle out of academia and lead to a sea-change in political and popular discourses as well. Bucar, a professor of philosophy and religion, has turned to ethnog- raphy to complement her philosophical explorations of the relationship between dress, aesthetics, and morality. One of the special features of this book, and what I believe distinguishes it and makes its insights possible, is Bucar’s self-reflective nature, and willingness to share that as she writes. The book begins with a preface, which explains how Bucar came to study this topic while in Tehran to study Persian and Islamic women’s groups in 2004. It opens with her very honest discussion of how she was sitting nervously in the airplane, wondering whether or not she would be able to follow the conditions of her visa to observe local laws and wear “proper hi- jab” (vii). A woman sitting in the aisle across from her winks and pulls out her own scarf and overcoat, setting Bucar at ease, who then follows suit. She describes how she spent a few months adjusting to wearing hijab and figur- ing out the various ways women in Tehran adhere to the hijab laws. Flying next to Turkey, and experiencing some unexpected internal reactions to going bareheaded, made her see that “modest dress had a moral effect on me” (ix), altering her sense of public space and the aesthetics of women’s clothing. “I found surprise, pleasure, and delight in pious fashion, as well as an intellectual challenge to the neat boxes I had once put things in: modest dress as imposed on women, fashion as a symptom of patriarchy, and aes- thetics as separate from ethics. This book is an exploration of this delight and challenge” (ix). Following is the introduction, where she lays out her key terms, meth- odology, and research questions. Bucar explains that she prefers the term “pious fashion” to “modest clothing” or “fashion veiling.” This is so because clothing is a cultural practice that is “governed by social forces as well as daily individual choices” (2). “Fashion” allows people to “construct iden- tities, communicate status, and challenge aesthetic preferences.” “Modest” is generally meant to describe clothing that is “decent and demure,” that discourages sexual attention, but she learned that Muslim women’s dress is more than this, as it is connected to “ethical and religious dimensions… such as character formation through bodily action, regulating sexual de- sires between men and women, and creating public space organized around Islamic moral principles” (3). Hence her preference for the phrase “pious fashion.”Next appear country case studies of how Muslim women in different locales take up “pious fashion”. She did fieldwork in three cities—Tehran, Iran (2004 and remotely 2011); Istanbul, Turkey (2004, 2012, 2013); and Yogyakarta, Indonesia (2011)—observing women in a variety of locations, going shopping, and participating in activities related to pious fashion (in- cluding wearing it herself sometimes). She conducted focus groups and interviews with women between ages eighteen and thirty wearing pious fashion. After opening with a brief introduction to the country-specific poli- tics of modest dress, each chapter is divided into two main sections: “style snapshots” and “aesthetic authorities.” The style snapshots are often very detailed descriptions (half a page for a single outfit) of different kinds of dress, including material, stitching, colour, patterns, style cuts, and accesso- ries. These sections can be a challenge for those not that interested in such details of fashion. The book contains twenty color photographs to illus- trate the styles of dress she discusses, but I still found a laptop an essential component to look up images of the stylists she was referring to, or more basic visual aids to know the difference between “chiffon” and “crepe,” or a “manteau” and a “tunic.” Yet it is such intimate details that give life to her book. These details of fashion are not the object of the book, though, for she embeds these discussions in deeper conversations about aesthetics, moral- ity, piety, beauty, and cultural and political aspects of clothing and fashion. The sections on “aesthetic authorities” cover religious authorities, governments, visual images, educators, fashion designers, magazines, and bloggers’ pious fashion discourses in each country. She is able to highlight differences and similarities across countries, as well as the prevalence of different interpretations and debates amongst all these different voices on what does and does not count as “pious fashion.” She includes discussions about what are counted as “bad hijab” or fashion failures, as an important way to understand the delimitations of pious fashion in each country. Chapter Four presents summarizing conclusions. Here she argues that unlike the normal western approach which considers hijab as a “problem” to be solved, it is rather a woman’s decision about what to wear which should be analytically considered: “the duty to dress modestly does not resolve this question: even if certain institutional structures and public norms related to taste, virtue, and femininity set limits and provide guidance, Muslim wom- en have a great deal of choice when they get dressed every day” (171). She explores the intersections between national identity, modernity, femininity, modesty, aesthetic rebellion, women’s agency, materialism, the consumer lifestyle, aesthetic concepts of beauty and its relationship to morality and fashion, and tradition and change. She concludes that the study of pious fashion teaches us that piety…[is] not just about obedience to orthodox interpretations of sacred texts: it also incorporates good taste, personal style, and physical attrac- tiveness. And fashion becomes a key location through which piety can be realized and contested. Piety is not only about being good – it is about appearing to be good as well…[Women who wear pious fashion] are pi- ous because they are using clothing and adornment to cultivate their own characters, to build community, and to make social critiques. (190) The book ends with an epilogue pointing to a sudden interest, since 2016, in “pious fashion” from the mainstream Western ‘secular’ fashion industry. She notes the two different directions this goes politically—ei- ther to celebrate Muslim women’s inclusion in wider society (CoverGirl’s use of first hijabi spokesperson, Nura Afia, 2016, 195) or to criticise Islam’s pollution of secular fashion (designers are encouraging the enslavement of women) (196). One of the main reasons this book works so well is Bucar’s wonderful ability to be empathetic without being an apologist. She does not wear hijab in her life in the United States; the book is not advocating hijab. She does not gloss feminist concerns over patriarchy and pressures to wear hijab, nor the impact of hijab laws that frustrate many women in Tehran. She recognises the complex nature between dress, identity, fashion, and philo- sophical questions like ethics and the nature of being. She normalizes hijiab so that it can be studied, not as some kind of weird, exotic, oppressive, sui generis piece of cloth, but like any other piece of women’s clothing, like mini-skirts, jeans, high heels, or the bra: While modest clothing can indeed be used as a form of social control or as a display of religious orthodoxy, in practice, it is both much less and much more. Much less, because for many Muslim women, it is simply what they wear. Much more, because like all clothing, Muslim women’s clothing is diverse, both historically and geographically, and is connected with much broader cultural systems. (1) Katherine BullockLecturer, Department of Political ScienceUniversity of Toronto at Mississauga

This book is a very welcome addition to the literature on Muslim women’s dress. It is part of a growing trend to treat Muslim women and their sarto- rial choices through sophisticated theories that recognise the agency, even humanity, of Muslim women. We are far from the days when an Ameri- can author would simply read a headscarf as a symbol of oppression, and Muslim women in need of rescue—at least in the academic realm, though certainly not in the political and journalistic realms. Easy to read and en- gaging (but not simplistic) studies like Bucar’s will, hopefully, eventually trickle out of academia and lead to a sea-change in political and popular discourses as well. Bucar, a professor of philosophy and religion, has turned to ethnog- raphy to complement her philosophical explorations of the relationship between dress, aesthetics, and morality. One of the special features of this book, and what I believe distinguishes it and makes its insights possible, is Bucar’s self-reflective nature, and willingness to share that as she writes. The book begins with a preface, which explains how Bucar came to study this topic while in Tehran to study Persian and Islamic women’s groups in 2004. It opens with her very honest discussion of how she was sitting nervously in the airplane, wondering whether or not she would be able to follow the conditions of her visa to observe local laws and wear “proper hi- jab” (vii). A woman sitting in the aisle across from her winks and pulls out her own scarf and overcoat, setting Bucar at ease, who then follows suit. She describes how she spent a few months adjusting to wearing hijab and figur- ing out the various ways women in Tehran adhere to the hijab laws. Flying next to Turkey, and experiencing some unexpected internal reactions to going bareheaded, made her see that “modest dress had a moral effect on me” (ix), altering her sense of public space and the aesthetics of women’s clothing. “I found surprise, pleasure, and delight in pious fashion, as well as an intellectual challenge to the neat boxes I had once put things in: modest dress as imposed on women, fashion as a symptom of patriarchy, and aes- thetics as separate from ethics. This book is an exploration of this delight and challenge” (ix). Following is the introduction, where she lays out her key terms, meth- odology, and research questions. Bucar explains that she prefers the term “pious fashion” to “modest clothing” or “fashion veiling.” This is so because clothing is a cultural practice that is “governed by social forces as well as daily individual choices” (2). “Fashion” allows people to “construct iden- tities, communicate status, and challenge aesthetic preferences.” “Modest” is generally meant to describe clothing that is “decent and demure,” that discourages sexual attention, but she learned that Muslim women’s dress is more than this, as it is connected to “ethical and religious dimensions… such as character formation through bodily action, regulating sexual de- sires between men and women, and creating public space organized around Islamic moral principles” (3). Hence her preference for the phrase “pious fashion.”Next appear country case studies of how Muslim women in different locales take up “pious fashion”. She did fieldwork in three cities—Tehran, Iran (2004 and remotely 2011); Istanbul, Turkey (2004, 2012, 2013); and Yogyakarta, Indonesia (2011)—observing women in a variety of locations, going shopping, and participating in activities related to pious fashion (in- cluding wearing it herself sometimes). She conducted focus groups and interviews with women between ages eighteen and thirty wearing pious fashion. After opening with a brief introduction to the country-specific poli- tics of modest dress, each chapter is divided into two main sections: “style snapshots” and “aesthetic authorities.” The style snapshots are often very detailed descriptions (half a page for a single outfit) of different kinds of dress, including material, stitching, colour, patterns, style cuts, and accesso- ries. These sections can be a challenge for those not that interested in such details of fashion. The book contains twenty color photographs to illus- trate the styles of dress she discusses, but I still found a laptop an essential component to look up images of the stylists she was referring to, or more basic visual aids to know the difference between “chiffon” and “crepe,” or a “manteau” and a “tunic.” Yet it is such intimate details that give life to her book. These details of fashion are not the object of the book, though, for she embeds these discussions in deeper conversations about aesthetics, moral- ity, piety, beauty, and cultural and political aspects of clothing and fashion. The sections on “aesthetic authorities” cover religious authorities, governments, visual images, educators, fashion designers, magazines, and bloggers’ pious fashion discourses in each country. She is able to highlight differences and similarities across countries, as well as the prevalence of different interpretations and debates amongst all these different voices on what does and does not count as “pious fashion.” She includes discussions about what are counted as “bad hijab” or fashion failures, as an important way to understand the delimitations of pious fashion in each country. Chapter Four presents summarizing conclusions. Here she argues that unlike the normal western approach which considers hijab as a “problem” to be solved, it is rather a woman’s decision about what to wear which should be analytically considered: “the duty to dress modestly does not resolve this question: even if certain institutional structures and public norms related to taste, virtue, and femininity set limits and provide guidance, Muslim wom- en have a great deal of choice when they get dressed every day” (171). She explores the intersections between national identity, modernity, femininity, modesty, aesthetic rebellion, women’s agency, materialism, the consumer lifestyle, aesthetic concepts of beauty and its relationship to morality and fashion, and tradition and change. She concludes that the study of pious fashion teaches us that piety…[is] not just about obedience to orthodox interpretations of sacred texts: it also incorporates good taste, personal style, and physical attrac- tiveness. And fashion becomes a key location through which piety can be realized and contested. Piety is not only about being good – it is about appearing to be good as well…[Women who wear pious fashion] are pi- ous because they are using clothing and adornment to cultivate their own characters, to build community, and to make social critiques. (190) The book ends with an epilogue pointing to a sudden interest, since 2016, in “pious fashion” from the mainstream Western ‘secular’ fashion industry. She notes the two different directions this goes politically—ei- ther to celebrate Muslim women’s inclusion in wider society (CoverGirl’s use of first hijabi spokesperson, Nura Afia, 2016, 195) or to criticise Islam’s pollution of secular fashion (designers are encouraging the enslavement of women) (196). One of the main reasons this book works so well is Bucar’s wonderful ability to be empathetic without being an apologist. She does not wear hijab in her life in the United States; the book is not advocating hijab. She does not gloss feminist concerns over patriarchy and pressures to wear hijab, nor the impact of hijab laws that frustrate many women in Tehran. She recognises the complex nature between dress, identity, fashion, and philo- sophical questions like ethics and the nature of being. She normalizes hijiab so that it can be studied, not as some kind of weird, exotic, oppressive, sui generis piece of cloth, but like any other piece of women’s clothing, like mini-skirts, jeans, high heels, or the bra: While modest clothing can indeed be used as a form of social control or as a display of religious orthodoxy, in practice, it is both much less and much more. Much less, because for many Muslim women, it is simply what they wear. Much more, because like all clothing, Muslim women’s clothing is diverse, both historically and geographically, and is connected with much broader cultural systems. (1) Katherine BullockLecturer, Department of Political ScienceUniversity of Toronto at Mississauga

In physical environments and cultural landscapes, we most often deal not with separate colors, but with color combinations. When choosing a color, we usually try to “fit” it into a preexisting color context, making the new color combination harmonious. Yet are the “laws” of color harmony fundamental to our shared cognitive architecture, or are they cultural products that vary from country to country? To answer these questions we conducted an experiment with 599 participants aged 18 to 76 from eight different countries, including Algeria (MA = 26.2 years; SD = 8.8; 49 men, 26 women), Belarus (MA = 19.8 years; SD = 9.1; 19 men, 63 women), Italy (MA = 29.0 years; SD = 12.8; 23 men, 67 women), Mexico (MA = 20.0 years; SD = 7.0; 34 men, 23 women), Nigeria (MA = 34.7 years; SD = 10.5; 29 men, 32 women), Russia (MA = 24.6 years; SD = 6.3; 17 men, 72 women), Saudi Arabia (MA = 24.5 years; SD = 8.6; 28 men, 38 women), and Chile (MA = 34.3 years; SD = 15.1; 35 men, 43 women). To create experimental stimuli, we used 10 color combinations composed by the Russian avant-garde artist Mikhail Matyushin and his disciples for the Reference Book of Color (1932) based on shades that were typical in architectural design—yellow ochre, light umber, light ochre, and burnt umber. We removed the “intermediary” linking color from each of the selected color triads and asked participants to adjust the color of this band according to their liking. Mapping 2995 color choices into CIELAB and CIELCh color space to identify their chromatic characteristics (hue, lightness, and chroma), we demonstrate graphically that color triads in different cultures have a different “geometry” in CIELAB color space and on the color circle. We conclude that the revealed patterns of these relationships reflect cross-cultural “shifts” in human perception of color harmony. The analysis presented in this paper will facilitate opportunities for architects, designers, and other color professionals to create culturally specific harmonic color combinations in urban environments.

Finally it seems the academic study of hijab has come of age. The contributorsto this collection neither treat it as an object of curiosity or derision, nor wonderat Muslimahs’ “false consciousness”; rather, they treat this “piece of cloth” andthe accompanying dress code as a “normal” object of academic enquiry. Forexample, they expand the investigation to include attire for modest Jewish andChristian women, as well as for secular women who dress in similar ways albeitfor different reasons. The title captures this broad focus by using modest, ratherthan limiting the focus to the hijab. While some Jewish and Christian womenalso dress modestly, discursive politics only label the hijab as oppressive.It is refreshing to read academic studies that treat the hijab with the samerespect that they do modest Jewish or Christian dress codes. This is not to saythat the book necessarily endorses or advocates modest dress, which it mostcertainly does not, but only that its contributors (e.g., a journalist and a paneldiscussion with bloggers, designers, and entrepreneurs) study in a sociologicalway the different meanings behind religious dress while maintaining respectfor those they study. Even Elizabeth Wilson’s “Can We Discuss This?,” whichfinds secular women’s recourse to modest dress depressing (“the human body,clothed or unclothed, is a cause for celebration” [p. 171]) and asks secular feministsto “fight their corner” (p. 171), respectfully summarizes the rationale behindmodest dress in order to argue against that very rationale.The contributors also link the study of modest dress with the concept of“fashion,” which is a matter of women who want to dress modestly but haveto look long and hard for nice, fashionable clothing that meets their standards.But as Lewis (“Introduction”) and others, like arts journalist Liz Hoggard(“Modesty Regulators: Punishing and Rewarding Women’s Appearances inMainstream Media”) note, the mainstream fashion industry does not treatmodest dress as “fashion.” Therefore, some Jewish, Christian, and Muslimwomen entrepreneurs have opened stores as well as designed and sold theirown creations to those who want to dress modestly and yet be stylish and fashionable.By investigating the link between fashion and modest dress moreclosely, the book provides a very refreshing analysis of modest dress. Afterall, we receive the obfuscations of “oppressed” or “false consciousness”through the mainstream fashion lens.Lewis argues that the Internet has allowed this niche market to blossom ...

A great number of researchers interested in designing and producing EFL/ESL materials believe that gender roles and representations can motivate students while learning a foreign language such as English. This comes while some scholars believe that gender representations can hinder the learning process. Ever since the day EFL/ESL experts have determined the significance of gender in EFL/ESL textbooks, a number of studies have been conducted to uncover the prejudices and biases inserted in EFL materials. Linked to previous research articles and studies, the present study aims to investigate how social gender identity is defined through adjectives and photos used in American Headway 5 published by Oxford University Press in 2016. To obtain the objective of the study, the common adjectives used in the conversation section of the American Headway 5 have been detected and counted. Then they were presented in related tables utilizing frequencies. Additionally, the photos all extracted from the book have been tested against gender biases and prejudices. The findings of the study reveal that American Headway 5attempts to demonstrate both men and women equally, albeit some instances of biases have been detected in the pictures. The findings of the current research can be used by materials developers, syllabus designers as well as EFL/ESL practitioners.

I will discuss how architecture was presented and received during the 1980s in the non-specialist print media: magazines and books intended for the general public. During the decade, both the magazine and book publishing industries enjoyed unprecedented growth. The magazine sector saw the dominance of the New Zealand Listener challenged by new titles. Of these, Auckland Metro is the most interesting for architectural culture, since it published regular critiques (by the likes of Peter Shaw, Hamish Keith, David Mitchell and Pip Cheshire) of buildings and of town planning in Auckland. It also documented the rise and fall of the property developers, while arguing for the protection of historic buildings. Equally remarkable, though, is how Metro's interest in the civic aspects of architecture waned during the middle of the decade, as it became less concerned with politics and more with "lifestyle." Its emphasis shifts from public buildings to private houses, and discussion of these houses is centred more on the client than the architect. At the same time, individual architects are pictured as men (and sometimes women) of style, alongside fashion designers and hairdressers. This movement towards lifestyle can be found in other publications of the period and represents a withdrawal from the public square to the private space. Architecture is represented less as a public concern and more as a personal desire - about finding the ideal home. This acquisitive and aspirational interest in architecture is represented most clearly in the Trends family of publications, but also in books of the period. A contiguous development was a growing interest in historic buildings. These are shown both as desirable places to live, but also as representations of New Zealand identity. Old buildings also became an important aspect of New Zealand's tourist industry. One important part of this representation is in the work of art photographers, such as Robin Morrison and Laurence Aberhart. Parallels obviously can be made with the political climate of the decade, with its emphasis on personal gain and the dismantling of the public sphere by privatisation and de-regulation. Equally apparent is the contradiction of New Zealand discovering its heritage at a time when the historic buildings of its cities were being demolished. During the decade, buildings, architects and architecture become totems of larger forces in New Zealand society: of a nostalgia for the recent past, of progress to a brighter future and of a rediscovery of collective identity.

The Provision of improved facilities for women in domestic space and their increased participation in the design process were material aspects of the Modern movement in architecture. While initially directed toward the provision of improved conditions for lower-income families, the main outcome would occur in postwar middle-class housing, particularly in North America. This outcome was associated with a renewal of conservative suburbanization and populist capitalism. The consequences of these design and socioeconomic practices – especially as demonstrated in that significant liminal space between theorized professional production and anecdotal public consumption – for the reinscription of women's presence in domestic space was therefore of considerable import. Scholarly attention has concentrated on the architectural consequences of revised gender relations and on the activity of women designers and architectural writers. This essay seeks to advance discussion of those consequences and activities by means of a situated approach that is centered on a multivalent analysis of the supposed inscription and representation of the modern woman in the Modernist suburban home. The site is the rapidly expanding but physically, socioeconomically, and culturally discreet North Shore area of Vancouver, 1945–65. The location typifies the resuscitation of the middle-class suburb through what might be termed Automod-ernism. The extension of North American trends such as the individual family automobile and home ownership reinforced by laborsaving appliances became a distinct phenomenon of the Modern movement. The time frame corresponds with the postwar baby boom and sustained economic and demographic growth, when child rearing generally kept women, especially of middle-income families, mostly at home.

AbstractVartouhie Calantar Nalbandian (1893–1978), the only Armenian woman known to have been arrested by the Ottoman Turkish authorities in Istanbul in the spring of 1915, was born in Bursa to a Russian Armenian father and an Ottoman Armenian mother. One of the first generation of Armenian girls who received a European university education, Vartouhie sent letters home from Lausanne that would change the course of her life. In 1915, the Ottoman police raided the family home as Tavit Kalantar had been a high-level educator in Armenian schools. They found Vartouhie’s letters to her parents and her father’s papers, which they claimed included incriminating evidence. In August 1915, a military tribunal convicted Vartouhie and her father of propagating Armenian separatist ideology. They served two-and-a-half years in Constantinople’s Central Prison and, thanks to their Russian citizenship, were released after the Bolsheviks signed the Brest-Litovsk Treaty with the Central Powers, requiring “prisoners of war” to be freed.Vartouhie published her prison memoirs in 16 installments in the feminist journal Hay Gin (Armenian Woman), the first prison memoir by a woman in the Middle East and one of the very few for the Ottoman Empire. In 1921, Vartouhie emigrated to the US, where she married Zaven Nalbandian, a high-level Armenian Revolutionary Federation member who participated in Operation Nemesis. In 1926, they published an important book in Armenian on the pan-Turkic movement under the penname Zarevand. In 1971, the newly minted sociology professor Vahakn Dadrian translated their book into English as United and Independent Turania: Aims and Designs of the Turks. Their historical and political analysis, the first study of the Armenian Genocide in the United States, argues that Turkish irredentism had been a real threat for Armenians who stood in the way of the unification of Turkic peoples under one state. This chapter writes a hitherto unknown feminist and historian into Armenian, Turkish, and Ottoman historiographies as well as genocide and prison studies.

Abstract This chapter explores the numerous print publications of Margaret Cavendish, showing that her printed books are not singular monuments to a singular genius, but collaborative objects designed and executed by Cavendish with the help of an active network of ‘print collaborators’: printers, binders, secretaries, and friends who produced and distributed her printed works. Though Cavendish is exceptional in many ways, her unusual relationship to print helps us to rethink the typical ways we conceptualise women’s writing in early modernity. Her decidedly not-for-profit print practices invite us to consider other reasons for going into print. Although Cavendish presents herself to the world as a singular, monumental author, she exists at the centre of a network of her print collaborators, all of whom ensured the survival of her hybrid books to the present day—and which books still show traces of the print networks of which she was a part.

Safety for women has always been an issue, particularly in the modern era with all the technological advancements. Women are never safe, and they are particularly exposed when travelling alone through desolate locations and lonely roadways. There are numerous uses for women's protection while they are in perilous circumstances. These applications' limitation on sending alert messages solely to saved contacts is a flaw. Because of outdated systems, women have fewer options for escaping dangerous situations. A GPS monitoring gadget to find the women was also included in earlier designs, although it lacked a specified radius. The current system lacks a component that prevents the warning message from going to neighboring cell phones. On occasion, multiple messages might be needed to ensure that the recipient has received the message. Before it was suspended, text message options were available, but it appears that several customers were upset about the text messages. According to reports from WHO, an NCRB-social-government organization, 35% of women in the world encounter a lot of unethical physical harassment in public places, including railway stations, bus stops, and sidewalks. In the lives of women, there have been numerous regrettable occurrences. This study proposes a device to safeguard women. When the gadget is turned on, it begins sending real-time information to specific contacts or police command centers via the GPS receiver and IOT. Using IOT technology, it simultaneously sends a warning to that person's cell phone. When the system is turned on, a warning piezoelectric signal is immediately generated. SSafety for women has always been an issue, particularly in the modern era with all the technological advancements. Women are never safe, and they are particularly exposed when travelling alone through desolate locations and lonely roadways. There are numerous uses for women's protection while they are in perilous circumstances. These applications' limitation on sending alert messages solely to saved contacts is a flaw. Because of outdated systems, women have fewer options for escaping dangerous situations. A GPS monitoring gadget to find the women was also included in earlier designs, although it lacked a specified radius. The current system lacks a component that prevents the warning message from going to neighbouring cell phones. On occasion, multiple messages might be needed to ensure that the recipient has received the message. Before it was suspended, text message options were available, but it appears that several customers were upset about the text messages. According to reports from WHO, an NCRB-social-government organization, 35% of women in the world encounter a lot of unethical physical harassment in public places, including railway stations, bus stops, and sidewalks. In the lives of women, there have been numerous regrettable occurrences. This study proposes a device to safeguard women. When the gadget is turned on, it begins sending real-time information to specific contacts or police command centers via the GPS receiver and IOT. Using IOT technology, it simultaneously sends a warning to that person's cell phone. When the system is turned on, a warning piezoelectric signal is immediately generated. Safety for women has always been an issue, particularly in the modern era with all the technological advancements. Women are never safe, and they are particularly exposed when travelling alone through desolate locations and lonely roadways. There are numerous uses for women's protection while they are in perilous circumstances. These applications' limitation on sending alert messages solely to saved contacts is a flaw. Because of outdated systems, women have fewer options for escaping dangerous situations. A GPS monitoring gadget to find the women was also included in earlier designs, although it lacked a specified radius. The current system lacks a component that prevents the warning message from going to neighbouring cell phones. On occasion, multiple messages might be needed to ensure that the recipient has received the message. Before it was suspended, text message options were available, but it appears that several customers were upset about the text messages. According to reports from WHO, an NCRB-social-government organization, 35% of women in the world encounter a lot of unethical physical harassment in public places, including railway stations, bus stops, and sidewalks. In the lives of women, there have been numerous regrettable occurrences. This study proposes a device to safeguard women. When the gadget is turned on, it begins sending real-time information to specific contacts or police command centres via the GPS receiver and IOT. Using IOT technology, it simultaneously sends a warning to that person's cell phone. When the system is turned on, a warning piezoelectric signal is immediately generated.

The Book of Joy is an exhibition for which we have compiled an eclectic collection of images, poems, and interview transcripts culled from our research on queer young black women’s sexualities and arts-based community work. Taking our cue from the practice and passion of Zanele Muholi, a black queer South African artist and activist based in Johannesburg who generates portraits of queer communities, we purposefully stray from our scholarly essay writing practice here in order to situate an evocative and more direct accounting of black queer young women’s erotics within the larger framework of this anthology. Although the work of our participants is nevertheless mediated through our process of collection, selection, framing, and ordering, we, like Zanele, believe that the creative expression and documentation of queer black lives is a significant politic. This project stems from the desire to witness and consume representations of Black female sexuality that are diverse, full, and comprehensive. In curating this exhibition, we draw on our action research designed to facilitate collective learning experiences with young Black women and girls in regards to visual culture, sex, sexuality, and pleasure. When the discussion of black queer young women’s lives is either non-existent or saturated by the overwhelming realities of harassment, trauma, depression, and violence that can also mark them, a focus on pleasure becomes an urgent project.

Abstract In this part of the book we have analysed the important links between the growth of female labor participation, motherhood, and household welfare. We have focused more closely on countries in the south of Europe, where reconciling labor market activities and childrearing appears to be more problematic in several dimensions. In this section we summarize the most important policy implications that are derived from our results. The results of the empirical analyses on the joint decision of having a child and participating in the labor market, based on the data from several European countries, indicate how different combinations of social and labor market policies (e.g. part-time employment opportunities, larger supply of childcare provision, parental leave) designed to reconcile work and childrearing simultaneously impact on work and fertility decisions.

The Introduction, “Contextualizing Player Two,” looks at the background and history of our current situation—how it is that games came to be designed and marketed for women audiences, and some of the larger implications of the book.

The Conclusion offers a metaphor from the physics of flow for understanding the methodology and substance in this book. As opposed to laminar flow, which has a linear or unidirectional force, turbulent flow exemplifies dynamic, sometimes explosive, variation. The turbulent flow of politics needs an approach that can match its character. It notes that interdisciplinarity was necessary to capture the full measure of what is at stake and what has transpired in the development of post-politics. After discussing turbulence, the Conclusion recaps key insights from the book. And, in the hopes of provoking additional work on post-politics, the Conclusion discusses recent examples, namely Barack Obama’s continued support for My Brother’s Keeper; Michelle Obama’s memoir Becoming; 2020 Democratic presidential primary candidate Kamala Harris; and the reaction to the documentary Surviving R. Kelly. The Conclusion pays special attention to the way in which post-politics explains the surprise some experienced at the ascension of Donald Trump, arguing that post-politics is best seen as range of competing fantasies that still vie for public attention and action, all designed to undermine collective efforts at progressive social change. Post-politics is an analytic we need to understand turbulent futures.

This research article intends to provide a unique method for transforming artwork into woven textile designs and then manipulating them as needed utilising two software programmes, DB Weave and Adobe Photoshop. The study also emphasises the need of using free software programmes like DB Weave to create textile patterns that are similar to those produced by more expensive commercial software programmes for broad usage in the educational sector. When these two software programmes are used together to generate woven textile patterns, it is simple to construct and modify the weaves to meet the demands. It also helps to develop a weave library that may serve as a repository for future design needs. This work aims to standardise the procedure for generating textile designs.

With trending globalization, massive challenges are being faced by International and National Criminal Law.[1] It is not always the facilitated acts of gender violence but even the threats of such acts which result in psychological, physical, and sexual harm to the women, children, and their dignity. There is no universally applicable criminal law regime regulating online violence against women. An increase in online sexual offenses grows an appetite for addressing online content through legal regulation.[2] The national legislative developments are not potentially designed to address the typical digital sexual crimes and fallacies. Therefore, it is reflected that there is very little shift in attitudes towards legal regulation of digital platforms which have become the biggest resource of sexual offenses against women and children.[3] The regulation of the online content becomes tough mainly due to the shield provisions maintained to ensure that platform operators are not responsible for the content that is posted and shared on their platforms. The magnitude of various forms of online sexual ferocity is mostly paired with the facelessness of the perpetrators. This is the reason for the lack of appropriate and effective reporting mechanisms which poses a barricade to the effective processing of such cases.[4] The existing criminal law provisions incline towards focussing on concepts such as ‘Proximity’ or ‘Hearing’ which prove redundant in the context of acts taking place in the online sphere, mainly on social media. Image-based sexual abuse and voyeurism, have been the subject of speedy law reform in many countries across the world but there are significant deficiencies in the way that criminal law conceptualizes the digital form of sexual violence.[5]

Abstract Introduction Driven by the ambition to accelerate women readiness to take on leadership roles, we created a homegrown mentoring program named WISE (Women Inspiring, Supporting, and Empowering each other). WISE fosters engagement, collaboration, and networking among women within our organization. This paper outlines the reasons why we created WISE four (4) years ago, highlights how our program is keeping strong and demonstrates how WISE serves as an effective engagement strategy, enabling gender partnership in advancing female talent in our organization. Methods, Procedures, Process We have designed our program around discussions on habits that are usually holding women back in their career development. We are using a book entitled "How Women Rise" (by Sally Helgesen and Marshall Goldsmith) to foster self-awareness and discussions in the sessions. We have added practical sessions such as building and practicing an elevator speech, reflecting on habit change using the "Atomic Habits" book from James Clear and engagement with external inspirational female leaders. We have onboarded more than 80 mentors and 800 mentees globally. The mentees are all female employees, and the mentors are senior and esteemed leaders (both male and female). We have developed an online training program for the mentors and the core team of WISE holds monthly sessions with the mentors to debrief on their experience and share lessons learned. Mentees enroll in mentoring circles, via a digital platform, based on a preferred time zone and topic. These sessions are a safe space for women to share experiences and access resources related to one of the 12 habits discussed in the book mentioned above. Through these sessions mentees widen their perspective and leave with a sense of action on a small change they can practice helping to grow beyond the habit. These sessions also create a wide opportunity for networking and visibility. These one-hour virtual sessions, along with other networking events, help them to enhance their emotional intelligence; increase their confidence; and accelerate their personal and professional growth. The mentoring circles are facilitated by diverse, experienced, and qualified mentors, within the company. Continuous improvement surveys provide feedback for mentors on monthly basis. Certainly, WISE success is a result of the passion felt by the women carrying this initiative. This success is resting on the shoulder of the women designing, running, and maintaining the program behind the scenes and on the commitment and quality of the mentors leading the sessions. Results, Observations, Conclusions Promoting opportunities for women to succeed in the workplace is essential in today's industry. Programs like WISE play a key role in advancing female talent and empowering women to reach their full potential. At SLB, we are proud of our commitment to diversity and the impact that WISE has had on over 800 women from all functions and operations in 60+ locations, making our workforce stronger than ever. We would love to discuss this exciting initiative further with you at the upcoming ADIPEC event and explore potential partnerships to expand this program.

Cosmos Aerospace Association is a leading engineering students’ group, located in the Universidad Rey Juan Carlos (URJC) in Madrid, Spain. Providing a one-of-a-kind opportunity to all varieties of students for both personal and engineering growth, it is one of the few active aerospace student associations in Spain. Within this work, we introduce the achievements, influence and lessons learned from our association in these years. We focus on its educational impact in the environment of the university: not only from the perspective of aerospace-related degrees but also in the promotion of STEM careers on students of all ages. Conceived by undergraduate aerospace students and supported by professors and university staff, Cosmos was born to provide a creative and learning environment in the promotion of our passion for space and science in general. Bringing together students with similar mindsets, it has become a symbiotic platform in which all university actors share their efforts and join forces to enhance the university experience both from a curricular and extracurricular perspective. The association is divided into three main areas: Administration and Legal, Construction, and Education. Each of these areas branch with Projects and smaller teams both transversal and vertically. Under the Construction branch, both aeromodelling, satellite and rocketry projects are found and developed. An autonomous VTOL vehicle and a solid combustion rocket are being designed with internal and external funding. Special mention goes to the design and construction of CosmoSat-1, our very first CubeSat mission, which is now starting to take off. The Education area involves the organization of cultural and educational activities, from coding seminars, hackathons to film forums or Women in STEM days, all of them transversal to the aerospace industry. In this regard, our most ambitious project to date has been SpaceCon URJC: a space-themed conference by and for university students, bringing together professionals from aerospace companies, space agencies, and research groups in a month-long virtual conference. Over a series of presentations and interviews, students can get a glimpse of a variety of possible careers in everything from satellite manufacturing, orbital mechanics, space debris, and everything in between. With an initial run in 2020, SpaceCon has been repeated in 2021 with great success. In short, COSMOS, while promoting a passionate interest for Space, has become a common meeting point for students and professors outside the fixed and fitted courses, where creativity can boom and grow.

Mobility as a Service (MaaS) smartphone applications (apps) are designed to allow users to plan, book, pay for and navigate journeys across a range of travel modes including own or shared car, active travel (walking, running and cycling), micromobility (e-scooters and e-bikes) and public transport. By giving the user trip-specific information about each mode it is hoped MaaS may provide a solution to increasing the use of sustainable travel options whilst encouraging active travel, thereby reducing car use. MaaS apps are being adopted to help develop healthy, liveable urban spaces worldwide.Typically in app design, due to the limited screen size of a mobile phone, icons are frequently used to depict physical artefacts such a vehicle types and items in the real-world environment but also to convey the non-physical such as instructions and waiting times. Icons are used for these purposes as they take up less space than text and should be able to be universally understood. In order to make MaaS accessible to all members of the community icons need to be easily interpreted without the need for prior knowledge or learning. As these apps are being developed concurrently by both commercial and public organisations in many countries it is becoming clear that the icons used within the interface by developers vary a great deal. Yet it is not clear which of the icons are most effective in conveying specific meanings. In order to determine which icons should be used in a new MaaS app currently in development six focus groups were held in which members of the public were asked to comment on a variety of icons from three MaaS apps. 22 participants were recruited of which 14 were women and 8 men. This followed a model which had been previously used in the icon design in interfaces for automated driving. The participants considered the icons out of context individually in workbooks and then in context as a group, explaining what they thought the meaning was, based on form, interpretations based on colour and the ability to be understood by a diverse population. Finally, in a group discussion, participants compared icons from each of the different apps that were intended to have similar meanings. This was in order to understand which elements they liked, disliked and their preferred choice of icon. The participant’s comments were thematically analysed and commonly occurring design aspects were identified. These included confusion arising from the use of almost identical icons representing different artefacts across different apps, for example a bus representing a vehicle in some apps and a bus stop in others. Findings suggested concepts such as multi-modal travel or all public transport were considered hard to represent graphically and needed text labels. The most commonly discussed topic related to the use of colour. Discussions indicated lessons learnt by the participants from other domains were applied to the icons in the MaaS app. This meant the use of colour was imbued with meaning even where none was intended, particularly the use of red where it was frequently interpreted this meant that there were problems with those services such as delays or cancellations. Results of this study were used to develop a set of design guidelines for future icon design within MaaS Apps.