Relevant bibliographies by topics / Women fascists

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Women fascists'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Women fascists"

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Molendowski, Leszek. "„Służyć Bogu, Ojczyźnie i Rodzinie”. Kobiety w faszystowskich Włoszech (1925–1940)." Studia Historica Gedanensia 14 (December 21, 2023): 312–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.23.019.18820.

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The article focuses on characterizing the ideological assumptions and policies of the fascist movement toward women, and, after 1922, those of the state governed by the National Fascist Party (PNF) and, above all, by Benito Mussolini. Women’s equality, among other things, was established in the initial period of fascism when its left wing was strong. Gradually over time as the movement came to power and especially after taking it in 1922, Il Duce and the party embraced conservative, nationalist social and economic policies that referred to the great Roman past in a desire to reconstruct the empire and increase the number of Italian citizens that would be newly formed Italian fascists. To achieve this goal, especially after 1925 when the totalitarian state and society was being built, the regime pursued a policy of the total control and subordination of women to the state and the system. Divorce, abortion, and the sale of contraceptives were banned, the “excessive education” of girls and the possibility of woman undertaking professional work were limited, while the roles of women in society as mothers, wives, and guardians of the “home” were promoted.
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Olechnowicz, Andrzej. "Liberal Anti-Fascism in the 1930s: The Case of Sir Ernest Barker." Albion 36, no. 4 (2005): 636–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054585.

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One of the few achievements the communist left in Britain can still plausibly claim is its anti-fascism in the 1930s and beyond. This has recently been most dogmatically reasserted in a series of publications by David Renton, who calls for a distinction to be made between “anti-fascists” and “non-fascists.” The former are characterized by their “correct” understanding of fascism and reliance on organized, active resistance, often in the streets; whereas the latter contributed very little to fascism's defeat. Such a loaded definition of anti-fascism ensures that only the Communist Party and their acolytes fit the bill. But within the historiography even more “neutral”—and seemingly encompassing—definitions have tended, in practice, to look largely to left-wing organizations.This article will question these perspectives and argue for the significance of a “liberal” anti-fascism, which brought together many Liberal, Conservative and Labour politicians and intellectuals in cross-party pressure groups. What characterized the anti-fascism of these men and women was not resistance to the actions of the BUF, which most regarded as thuggish but insignificant, but resistance to the ideological challenge to English parliamentary democracy represented by continental “totalitarian” movements. The article will begin by considering the compromised nature of the British Communist Party's anti-fascist record and why “liberal” historians have, on the whole, tended to underestimate the extent of liberal anti-fascism. It will then suggest that a truly less exclusionary and partisan approach to anti-fascism should readily include the likes of the liberal Sir Ernest Barker and many in his political and social circle. It will also argue that, even accepting Renton's own, restrictive definition, Barker would still qualify as an anti-fascist, rather than a non-fascist, for he combined a coherent analysis of single-party, totalitarian states with a commitment to organized action through bodies such as the New Estates Community Committee and the Association for Education in Citizenship to remove the pre-conditions of antidemocratic beliefs.
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Cagnolati, Antonella. "Dreaming of distant lands. How Fascism built colonial women (1937-1941)." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 17 (December 18, 2022): 205–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.17.2023.33727.

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When they seized power in 1922, the Fascists adopted a patriarchal stance regarding women. Adopting the pronatalist theories of Riccardo Korherr, Federico Marconcini and Ferdinando Loffredo, Fascism became a staunch defender of demographic policies relegating women exclusively to the role of wife and mother, mere breeding machines whose only job was to increase the number of Italians for the war effort and to drive colonial expansion in order to keep up with the other European nations. As a consequence of the war for the conquest of empire in East Africa, a population management strategy was conceived in which young women would be sent to produce families to re-populate Ethiopia in the name of the Fascist state. Accordingly, it became necessary to develop a different model for educating young women, to actively equip them for their new lives in Africa. With this in mind, the Fascist leadership exploited women’s Fascist associations, drawing up national curricula for standardized training of these before sending them off to Africa.This investigation explores the contemporary press such as L’Azione Coloniale and the training manual used in the courses preparing women for life in the African colonies. The objective was to understand whether the change in the educational policy devised for a group of young women, chosen for convenience, may have modified the overall image of women on a symbolic level in the last years of the regime.
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Durham, Martin. "Women and the British union of fascists, 1932–1940." Immigrants & Minorities 8, no. 1-2 (March 1989): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1989.9974703.

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Dančetović, Sandra, Rastko Novakovic, and Sanja Milojevic. "Book Review of Mount Olympus: to Glorify the Cult of Tragedy." Feminist Dissent, no. 3 (November 26, 2018): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.334.

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In the autumn 2017, a 24-hour long theatre play ‘Mount Olympus’ was featured on TV, in a live broadcast and on a public service station. Itcaused waves of disapproval, indignation and even disgust in Belgrade and Serbia. Directed by Jan Fabre, the play opened an international festival of theatre BITEF in September 2017.BITEF was foundedover 50 years by one of the greatest women in the history of Yugoslav culture, Mira Trailović. The polarisation of the audience was evident and expressed in extremes typical for Belgrade and Serbia. Just a few weeks after the broadcast there was widespread support for a church official making disgusting misogynist remarks. Bishop Amfilohije, otherwise known for his nationalistic, homophobic, misogynist and generally discriminatory outbursts, who stated thatSerbian women who undergo abortion ‘kill more children in a year than Hitler and Mussolini’; thereby comparing abortion with infanticide, and women who decide on their bodily integrity and reproductive health with Nazis and fascists.
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WEEKS, NOEL. "SEXUALITY AND THE LOST PROLETARIAT." CURRENT DEBATES IN REFORMED THEOLOGY: PRACTICE 4, no. 2 (October 22, 2018): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc4.2.2018.art3.

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Original Marxism was utopian, materialistic, and determinist. All human dynamics were explained by the dialectic or conflict between capitalists and the proletariat, with the victory of the proletariat being certain. In spite of the fact that determinism eliminates responsibility, those opposing Marxism were seen as evil. Marx’s prophecy failed, and Russian communism emerged as evil and repressive. “Western” Marxism used Freudian psychology to explain the rise of fascism. It looked for another “proletariat,” who were “oppressed.” Co-opting the 1960s social revolution, it found this proletariat in non-Europeans, women, and homosexuals. This involved accepting the genetic determinism of the fascists. All who disagree continue to be treated as evil.
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Missero, Dalila. "Cecilia Mangini." Feminist Media Histories 2, no. 3 (2016): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2016.2.3.54.

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This essay offers a feminist reading of the work of Italian film director Cecilia Mangini. Drawing on an archaeological approach, it focuses on Mangini's experience as a woman in Italian cinema and her contribution to the realization of three movies—To Arms! We're Fascists! (codirected with Lino Del Fra and Lino Micciché, 1961–62), Stalin (directed with Lino Del Fra and Franco Fortini, 1962–63), and Being Women (1963–65)—all clear examples of the counterhegemonic cinema that Mangini developed in the fissures of mainstream, male-dominated practices. In her view, nonfiction film is a tool for cultural and political struggle, and it must affect the present in order to provide democratic access to knowledge. Following the Gramscian notion of the organic intellectual, Mangini has built a specific aesthetic and a personal approach to film direction, which aims to reach the broadest audience possible and, at the same time, to develop a coherent feminist militant discourse.
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Lindsay-Perez, Monica. "Anticolonial Colonialism." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 330–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7720669.

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Abstract Between 1931 and 1936 the democratic Spanish government overthrew the monarchy and established the Second Spanish Republic. It was a volatile period for Spanish-Moroccan relations. Fascists were in favor of the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco, whereas Republicans were typically against it. Aurora Bertrana (1892–1974) was a Republican Catalan writer who moved to Morocco in 1935 to write about Muslim women living under the Spanish Protectorate. A close examination of her novel El Marroc sensual i fanàtic (1935) reveals an anticolonialism based on her preoccupation with Spanish nationalist dignity rather than with Moroccan independence. Instead of concluding that Spain’s colonization of Morocco is not good, Bertrana concludes that it is not good enough. Her writing perpetuates centuries-old Spanish Orientalist stereotypes, thus complicating the glorified history of Spanish Republican anticolonialism and feminism in the 1930s.
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Lo Biundo, Ester. "Radio Londra 1943-1945: Italian society at the microphones of the BBC." Modern Italy 23, no. 1 (December 29, 2017): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.66.

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Propaganda from the BBC directed at Italy during the Second World War played a dual role. The ‘Radio Londra’ programmes, on the one hand a propaganda tool of the British government and on the other moral support to many Italians, are part of the cultural heritage of the war. This article explores what topics and types of programme were broadcast during the period of the Allied occupation of Italy (1943–1945) in order to engage the support of different social categories, including ordinary men and women, soldiers, factory workers, former Fascists, and intellectuals. The first part analyses some of the programmes in order to determine their propaganda strategies, while the second part focuses on the letters sent by listeners in Italy to the BBC broadcaster Colonel Stevens. It will be seen how both the use of cultural stereotypes and the attention to the detail of daily life for Italian civilians contributed to the success of the programmes.
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Citrigno, Flavia. "The Duce’s Cheerleaders and the Führer’s Vanguard." Fascism 13, no. 1 (April 8, 2024): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10071.

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Abstract Regimes in the interwar years went to great lengths to educate young girls into their ideology. Fascist Italy had a few years head start—its Accademia fascista di educazione fisica femminile [Fascist Academy of Female Physical Education] was regarded as innovative from likeminded governments of the time, including Nazi Germany, and was the object of visits and attention. This article explores the arc drawn by relationships between Italian and German girl organizations, focusing on encounters between Orvietine and Bund Deutscher Mädel (BDM) members. It focuses on two exemplary moments in the history of the network: the 1937 trip to Berlin by 150 students of the Orvieto Academy, and the one-month observation visit in winter 1941 by Ursel Stein, a rising star of the BDM administration. By analyzing and comparing the dynamics, rituals, and actors of the two occasions the article points out at the different roles given to girl organizations by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy and raises questions concerning the agency of the members of this women network.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women fascists"

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Kharazmi, Sam. "Svarta skjortor och svarta kjolar : En undersökning om fascistiska suffragetter och British Union of Fascists kvinnosyn." Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-51772.

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Denna uppsats ämnar finna de faktorer som drev före detta suffragetter till att ansluta sig till den fascistiska organisationen British Union of Fascists (BUF), samt redogöra för organisationens syn på kvinnors och kvinnors roll i samhället.  BUF grundades 1932 och var den största och mest framstående fascistiska gruppen i Storbritannien under mellankrigstiden. I samband med att organisationen nådde sin höjd i mitten av 1930-talet blev den ökänd för sina våldsamma möten och konfrontationer med politiska motståndare. De våldsamma metoderna som fascisterna använde skulle alienera dem från den breda brittiska politiken. När BUF proklamerade sitt stöd för Adolf Hitlers Nazityskland kom organisationen att fördömas av både den brittiska allmänheten och de etablerade partierna. British Union of Fascists skulle motsätta sig andra världskriget och uppmanade regeringen att förbjuda organisationen och arresterade många högtuppsatta medlemmar 1940. Fascismen var känd för att ha en patriarkal, traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kön och kvinnor. Men trots detta lyckades organisationen attrahera tidigare suffragetter. Så hur kunde de som tidigare kämpat för jämställdhet gå med i en rörelse som motsatte sig jämställdhet? Vilken syn hade BUF på kvinnan och kvinnorollen? För att svara på detta har jag studerat och analyserat ideologisk text skrivna av organisationens grundare och ledare Oswald Mosley samt andra fascistiska medlemmar. Jag har också använt mig av tillgänglig forskning från etablerade professorer och historiker för att nå en slutsats.   Resultatet visar att British Union of Fascists hade en mycket traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kvinnan och kvinnorollen. Svaghet betraktades och beskrivs som feminint och manlighet betraktades och beskrivs som styrka. BUF ansåg att kvinnan rent naturligt föredrog hemmet framför arbete och att moderskapet var kvinnans högsta kallelse i livet. Fascisterna betraktade kvinnors framgångar i kampen för jämställdhet som samhällets degeneration och förfall. Resultaten visar även att det fanns många faktorer som drev de tidigare suffragetterna till British Union of Fascists. Vilka faktorer som var avgörande beror på suffragetten i fråga. I min forskning har jag hittat tre exempel på tidigare suffragetter som gick med i BUF. Dessa var Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen och Mary Richardson. De faktorer som fick Norah Dacre Fox att ansluta sig till BUF var primärt möjligheten för sig och sin partner att få politiska karriärer. Fox hävdade att BUF var suffragettrörelsens arvtagare men jag har inte hittat några bevis för att detta var en primär faktor som fick henne att gå med i organisationen. De faktorer som fick Mary Sophia Allen att gå med i BUF var sannolikt krigsutbrottet 1939. Allen var sedan tidigare en beundrare av Adolf Hitler vilket troligtvis fick henne att motsätta sig ett krig mot dennes regim. Hon tjänstgjorde även under första världskriget och var troligtvis väl medveten om krigets fasor, något som kan ha bidragit till att hon motsatte sig ett nytt krig. De faktorer som fick Mary Richardson att gå med BUF var att hon ansåg att organisation och fascismen som ideologi var det enda som kunde rädda landet från stagnation. Richardson såg också mycket i BUF som påminde henne om suffragettrörelsen, och som en militant suffragett i sin ungdom kan BUFs militarism och paramilitära aktioner ha varit attraktiva. Det är därför troligt att de faktorer som fick Richardson att gå med i fascisterna var en kombination mellan att tro på dem som en politisk kraft såväl som deras militanta tillvägagångssätt. Richardson lämnade organisationen efter interna bråk och kom att anklaga organisationen för att i själva verket motarbeta kvinnors rättigheter. Strävan efter jämlikhet kan därför mycket väl ha varit en bidragande faktor till att hon anslöt sig till fascisterna, men jag har inte hittat några bevis som uttryckligen pekar på detta.
This essay revolves around the fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their view on women and women’s role in society. It also examines former suffragettes who joined the organization, with the goal of establishing which factors contributed to them seeking membership in the organization.  Founded in 1932, the BUF was the largest and most prominent fascist group in the United Kingdom during the interwar period. Reaching its peak in the mid-1930s, the organization would become infamous for violent rallies and clashes with political opponents. The violent methods of the fascists would alienate them from mainstream British politics. And the organization would be condemned by both the British political establishment and British public after pleading their allegiance to Adolf Hitlers Nazi Germany. The British Union of Fascists would oppose the second world war, prompting the government to ban the organization and arresting numerous high-ranking members in 1940. Fascism was known for having a patriarchal, traditionalist and reactionary view on gender and women. But despite this fact, the organization managed to attract former suffragettes. So how come that those who fought for equality between the sexes would join a movement that opposed the same? How did British Union of Fascists view women and the female role?  To answer this, I have studied, and analysed ideological text written by the organizations founder and leader Oswald Mosley, alongside other fascist members. I have also used available research by established professors and historians to reach a valid conclusion.    The result shows that the British Union of Fascists had a highly traditional and reactionary view on women. Weakness was viewed and described as feminine, while masculinity was viewed and described as strength. The group regarded the home as women’s natural habitat, and childbirth as their highest calling in life. The fascists viewed women’s recent achievements in the struggle for equality as the degeneration and downfall of society.  The results also shows that there were numerous factors that drove the former suffragettes, each depending on the suffragette in question. In my research I have found three examples of former suffragettes who joined the BUF. These were Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen and Mary Richardson. The factors that made Norah Dacre Fox join the BUF was primarily the possibility of herself and her partner to gain political careers through the organization. Fox did argue that she viewed the BUF as successors to the suffragette movement, but I have not found any evidence that proves that this was a primary factor for her joining the BUF. The factors that made Mary Sophia Allen join the BUF were most likely the outbreak of the second world war. She was an admirer of Adolf Hitler which probably made her oppose a war against his regime. She also served during the first world war, something that might have contributed to her opposing a new war due the horrors of warfare. Mary Richardson joined the BUF because she believed that the organization and the ideology of fascism were needed to save to country from its downfall. Richardson also saw a lot in the BUF that remined her of the suffragette movement, and as a militant suffragette in her youth the BUFs militarism and paramilitary actions might have been attractive. It is therefore likely that the factors that made Richardson join the fascists were a combination between agreeing with their views on the degeneration of British society as well as their militant actions. Richardson did leave the organization after a falling-out with its leader, and she would accuse the group of working against women’s rights. The pursuit of equality might very well have been a contributing factor for joining, but I have not found any evidence that explicitly points to this.
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Ronayne, Anne. "Close encounters : surrealism, women and anti-fascism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414911.

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Gottlieb, Julie V. "Women and fascism in inter-war Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272407.

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Gori, Gigliola. "Physical education and sporting activity for women during the fascist era." Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://webdoc.sub.gwdg.de/diss/2000/gori/index.html.

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Abbatelli, Valentina. "Producing and marketing translations in fascist Italy : 'Uncle Tom's Cabin' and 'Little Women'." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/97254/.

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The thesis investigates the sociological, cultural and ideological factors that affect the production and marketing of two major translations published in Fascist Italy and targeting both adult and young readers. The dissertation focuses upon a selected corpus of translations of the American novels, Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852) and Little Women (1868), which were repeatedly translated between the 1920s and 1940s. By adopting an interdisciplinary approach, which encompasses fields such as the history of publishing, the sociology of translation, children’s literature, studies on the role and functions of the Paratext and scholarship on Fascism and its cultural policy, this study aims to offer a detailed examination of the Italian publishing market during the Ventennio. It probes the contexts informing the publishing history of these translations, their readerships, and interrelations with the growing importance of cinema, as well as questions related to the various retranslations produced. Furthermore, given the central role of publishing in the shaping of political consent and the contradictory attitude of the regime towards translations, this thesis explores ideological influences affecting selected translations of these novels that centre on issues of particular resonance for the regime, namely, race and gender. The dissertation is divided in two parallel sections, each one divided into three chapters. The opening chapters in each part examine the publishing history of Uncle Tom’s Cabin and Little Women respectively, with attention to the USA, the UK, and France and a primary focus upon Italy, above all Fascist Italy. The following chapters in each section investigate the role that the visual representations of these two books played in conveying racial and gender aspects and in contributing to the construction of their meaning by the readers. Finally, the closing chapters of each section are devoted to a translation analysis of selected passages in order to survey translational behaviours used to depict feminine and racial features, given that these were known to be especially problematic during the Ventennio. This survey aims to pinpoint norms informing translations targeting both young people and adults.
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Wilson, P. R. "Women workers, scientific management and workers' welfare : The Magneti Marelli in the fascist period." Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.374730.

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Lynn, Denise M. "Women on the march gender and anti-fascism in American communism, 1935-1939 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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Weinberger, Gabriele W. "Aesthetics and politics of fascism : West German women filmmakers in the nineteen seventies /." The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487590702991884.

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Guenther, Irene. "Nazi "chic"? : fashioning women of the Third Reich /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3032406.

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Regan, Lisa. "'Men who are men and women who are women' : fascism, psychology and feminist resistance in the work of Winifred Holtby." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2005. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2459/.

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Winifred Holtby was a novelist, journalist and feminist, writing in the 1920s and 1930s. This thesis focuses on her feminist resistance to the fashion for sexual division in interwar Britain. She reads it as a social and political backlash against women’s equal rights that seeks to drive women out of the workplace and back into the home. In Holtby’s view, the popularisation of Freud and the growing appeal of fascism contribute to this backlash by stressing women’s primary role as wives and mothers. For Holtby, Sir Oswald Mosley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists, sums up this fashion for sexual division when he declares in 1932, ‘we want men who are men and women who are women’. Previous scholarship has focused on Holtby’s work in dialogue with her friend and fellow feminist, Vera Brittain. This thesis adopts a more panoramic perspective to consider Holtby’s work in the context of other feminist contemporaries and in the context of feminist intellectual history. Each chapter examines how Holtby draws inspiration from a figure in feminist history in order to challenge the influences of psychology and fascism on attitudes to women between the wars. Holtby declared that Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) was the ‘bible of the woman’s movement’ and the first chapter examines Wollstonecraft’s influence on Holtby’s feminist thought. The second chapter considers Holtby’s defence of the spinster against interwar prejudice that castigated the spinster as sexually frustrated and psychological abnormal. By subverting Charlotte Brontë’s romance narratives for an interwar ‘feminine middlebrow’ readership, Holtby valorises women’s work in the community. The third chapter addresses the fascist veneration of motherhood, analysing how Holtby recognises and assimilates the feminist potential of Alfred Adler’s theory of Individual Psychology to her anti-fascist critique.
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Books on the topic "Women fascists"

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Espí, María Jesús Pérez. Mercedes Sanz-Bachiller: Biografía política. [Valencia]: Universitat de Valéncia, 2021.

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Camicette nere: Donne di lotta e di governo da Salò ad Alleanza Nazionale. Milano: Mursia, 2007.

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Fasciste: Donne in marcia verso Roma, 1919-1922. Pescara]: Ianieri edizioni, 2022.

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Fasciste: La vita delle donne nel ventennio mussoliniano. [Bresso, Italy]: Hobby & work, 2009.

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Jiménez, María Antonia Fernández. Pilar Primo de Rivera: El falangismo femenino. Madrid: Editorial Síntesis, 2008.

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Malfettani, Pierfranco. Con le trecce sotto al basco: Le ausiliarie della R.S.I. a Genova, 1944-1945. Genova: Associazione culturale Italia storica, 2018.

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Rechtsextremismus, Forschungsnetzwerk Frauen und, ed. Braune Schwestern?: Feministische Analysen zu Frauen in der extremen Rechten. Münster: Unrast, 2005.

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Il Duce and his women. Richmond [United Kingdom]: Alma Books, 2011.

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Bitzan, Renate. Selbstbilder rechter Frauen: Zwischen Antisexismus und völkischem Denken. Tübingen, Germany: Edition Diskord, 2000.

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Andreas, Röpke, ed. Mädelsache!: Frauen in der Neonazi-Szene. Berlin: Links, Ch, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women fascists"

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Yeom, Woonok. "Between Fascism and Feminism: Women Activists of the British Union of Fascists." In Gender Politics and Mass Dictatorship, 107–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283275_6.

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Belzer, Allison Scardino. "Italian Fascism and the Donna Fascista." In Women and the Great War, 177–88. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113619_9.

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Caldwell, Lesley. "Madri d’Italia: Film and Fascist Concern with Motherhood." In Women and Italy, 43–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21260-6_3.

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Willson, Perry. "‘Exemplary Wives and Mothers’: Under Fascist Dictatorship." In Women in Twentieth-Century Italy, 61–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-12287-2_5.

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Lombardi-Diop, Cristina. "Pioneering Female Modernity: Fascist Women in Colonial Africa." In Italian Colonialism, 145–54. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-8158-5_13.

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Gottlieb, Julie V. "Women’s War on Fascism." In ‘Guilty Women,’ Foreign Policy, and Appeasement in Inter-War Britain, 38–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-31660-8_3.

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Cheles, Luciano. "Dolce Stil Nero? Images of Women in the Graphic Propaganda of the Italian Neo-fascist Party." In Women and Italy, 64–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21260-6_4.

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Nattermann, Ruth. "Marginalization, Disenfranchisement, and Persecution Under Fascist Rule." In Jewish Women in the Early Italian Women’s Movement, 1861–1945, 233–308. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97789-4_6.

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Gottlieb, Julie. "Women’s Print Media, Fascism, and the Far Right in Britain Between the Wars." In Women's Periodicals and Print Culture in Britain, 1918-1939. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0035.

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Women were well represented as leaders, activists, and as contributing journalists in the various fascist movements in Britain between the wars. The first movement to adopt the fascist name in Britain, the British Fascisti (1923–35), later the British Fascists (BF), founded by Miss Rotha Lintorn-Orman, published the British Fascist and the British Lion in which women’s issues and the activities of women in the movement were generously covered (Durham 1998; Gottlieb 2000). Although the much more successful British Union of Fascists (BUF, 1932–40) was male-led and male-dominated, its publications – Fascist Week, Blackshirt, Action, and its academically oriented Fascist Quarterly – also covered women’s issues and provided women’s pages. Further, for a short time in 1933–4, the BUF published the cyclostyled Woman Fascist, the news-sheet of the BUF’s Women’s Section, at that time under the leadership of former suffragette ‘Slasher’ Mary (Mary Richardson). Indeed, the influence of three former suffragettes on the evolution of the BUF’s women’s policy was decisive, and these veterans of the Pankhursts’ Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) entered into heated polemics with anti-fascist feminists inside and outside the pages of these publications. The BUF’s women’s policy and its stance on feminist-identified issues, from equal pay and the abolition of the marriage bar to the relationship between women and peace/pacifism, was more nuanced and sophisticated than we may imagine. The movement emphasised that its women’s policies differed from those of the Italian Fascist and Nazi German regimes (Passmore 2003). While distancing itself from Nazi reaction and violent misogyny, the BUF claimed it rejected ‘the sex war as it does the class war: as it does the whole political theory of division. It is by unity of purpose alone that our nation can struggle through to great things’ (Blackshirt 5 Oct 1934: 9). This essay surveys the content and the evolving themes and concerns as framed in these print media, with specific reference to women’s issues, the space accorded to women’s political engagement, and the attempted reconciliation between the ultimately irreconcilable creeds of fascism and feminism.
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"Women in the British Union of Fascists." In Feminine Fascism. I.B. TAURIS, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755623280.ch-0002.

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Conference papers on the topic "Women fascists"

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Caetano, Vitoria Almeida, Maria Eduarda Silva Rodrigues, Maria Luiza Almeida Silva, Maria Luiza Soares Silva, Mateus Dias Santos, and Kênia Alencar Fróes Esteves. "Therapy of hospitalized schizophrenic patient with Fournier Syndrome: Experience report." In III SEVEN INTERNATIONAL MULTIDISCIPLINARY CONGRESS. Seven Congress, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/seveniiimulti2023-158.

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Fournier's syndrome is described as a necrotizing fasciitis, localized in the perineum and abdominal wall, which originates in the region of the scrotum and penis in men, in the region of the vulva and groin in women. This syndrome is an aggravation of a condition caused by Gram-positive, Gram-negative or anaerobic bacteria, which can progress to death.
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Santos, Gabriela Emery Cavalcanti, Marcia Cristina Santos Pedrosa, Isabel Cristina Areia Lopes Pereira, Ana Clara Araujo Miranda, and Christiane Tiné Cantilino. "NODULAR FASCIITIS OF THE BREAST: A CASE REPORT." In XXIV Congresso Brasileiro de Mastologia. Mastology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29289/259453942022v32s1060.

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Nodular fasciitis (NF) is a benign proliferative lesion of fibroblasts and myofibroblasts, first described by Kornwaler et al in 1955. It can occur anywhere in the body, but it rarely happens in the breast. The precise mechanism is not well understood, but it is believed to develop in response to injury, although a history of trauma was described in only 10% of patients. The pathogenesis of NF is also related to a molecular modification as 74%–100% of cases harbor a gene rearrangement involving Ubiquitin-specific Peptidase 6 (USP6). NF commonly affects adults between 20 and 40 years of age, in equal proportion for men and women. It typically presents as a solitary lesion, less than 2 cm in diameter within the subcutaneous tissue, with rapid growth that may be painful or tender. On imaging, NF can mimic malignant lesions, appearing in most cases as a solid mass with a nonuniform shape and speculation. NF is rarely diagnosed by fine-needle aspiration (FNA) cytology or core-needle biopsy, because usually not all of the cells are properly represented or it shows only spindle cells, without more information to confirm the diagnosis. Consequently, commonly it is required to have an excisional biopsy for histologic confirmation. Histopathologically, NF is characterized by a cellular proliferation of mitotically active myofibroblastic/fibroblastic spindle cells that express smooth muscle actin (SMA). An immunohistochemical panel is often necessary for differential diagnosis, including p63, SMA, and CD34. In cases where the diagnosis is still not defined, fluorescence in situ hybridization may be helpful to detect USP6 rearrangement. The differential diagnosis includes the spindle cell lesions, like spindle cell carcinoma and sarcoma among malignant lesions, and fibromatosis and myofibroblastoma among benign lesions. NF has a self-limiting nature and in some cases, spontaneous regression was even described. For that reason, some authors suggest a conservative management with careful observation when NF is definitively diagnosed by FNA or core-needle biopsy. For cases that need a surgical excision for diagnosis, this procedure is already diagnostic and curative. Recurrence after spontaneous resolution or surgical excision has not been reported. A 43-year-old woman visited a breast surgeon with a self-detected painless palpable mass in the left breast of 3 months, without trauma history or systemic symptoms. She had no comorbidities or family history. On examination, there was a firm 4-cm mass in the upper inner quadrant of the left breast, near the parasternal region. The mammogram revealed just bilateral benign calcifications, designated BIRADS 2. Ultrasound demonstrated a 4×4×2.7 cm hypoechoic, irregular, and spiculated mass at 10:00 near the parasternal region and no cleavage plan to pectoralis major muscle, designated as BIRADS 5. There was no atypical lymph node. An ultrasound-guided core biopsy of the suspect nodule was obtained, which showed spindle cells, without atypia. Following this indeterminate finding, the patient underwent excisional biopsy, which histopathologic concluded spindle cells, without atypia, with an immunohistochemical panel showing negative beta-catenin, negative CD34, and positive SMA, suggesting the NF diagnosis. The patient is still in observation, with no evidence of recurrence since the surgical procedure.
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Casimiro, Icrad, and Sabrina Ribas Freitas. "NECROTIZING FASCIITIS IN A UNUSUAL SITE: A CASE REPORT." In Abstracts from the Brazilian Breast Cancer Symposium - BBCS 2021. Mastology, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29289/259453942021v31s2104.

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Case Report: A 56-year-old woman, multiparous patient, diabetic, hypertensive and tabagist, and taking insulin, metformin, losartan, propranolol, hydrochlorothiazide, and aspirin presents to a clinic. She also had a previous surgery for extraction of a duodenum carcinoma and a nodule in lower lateral quadrant of right breast about 15 years ago, which on previous ultrasound was hyperechoic, with heterogeneous content, measuring about 27×18.5×25 mm. Upon arrival at the hospital, the patient had an ulcerated lesion with a central necrotic area in the lower outer quadrant of the right breast, with drainage of bloody secretion and a foul odor, and a generalized hyperemia in the region of the right breast. On physical examination, the patient had local hyperemia and areas of fluctuation in lateral quadrants. There were no palpable lymph nodes. The results of her initial laboratory investigations showed a leukocytosis and an increased erythrocyte sedimentation rate and C-reactive protein. A computed tomography scan of the breast, chest, and abdomen showed massive subcutaneous emphysema in the right breast, extending from the subcutaneous region of the anterolateral and abdominal chest wall to the right iliac fossa, associated with diffuse densification of the muscular fascia and adjacent subcutaneous tissue. She was treated with intravenous broad-spectrum antibiotics that included 1 g of oxacillin and 1.5 g of metronidazole. She underwent surgical debridement for 3 consecutive days, starting 24 hours after hospital admission. She was recommended 1 g of ceftriaxone and amphotericin B along with antibiotic therapy. At the second surgery, a wound tissue was collected for histopathological examination discarding malignancy. Five weeks later, wounds appeared clean, healing with pink granulation tissue. Conclusion: This case shows that early diagnosis and management of necrotizing fasciitis of the breast can be lifesaving and may allow for breast conservation. Early aggressive debridement combined with antibiotic therapy resulted in successful wound healing and preservation of tissue with a satisfactory cosmetic outcome.
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Al Obaidi, N. F., J. Carlson, O. Bey, and A. Al Twal. "Oven Cleaner an Unexpected Catalyst of Facial Necrotizing Fasciitis and Subsequent Respiratory Failure in an HIV-Infected Older Woman." In American Thoracic Society 2019 International Conference, May 17-22, 2019 - Dallas, TX. American Thoracic Society, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1164/ajrccm-conference.2019.199.1_meetingabstracts.a6628.

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