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Journal articles on the topic 'Women fascists'
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1
Molendowski, Leszek. "„Służyć Bogu, Ojczyźnie i Rodzinie”. Kobiety w faszystowskich Włoszech (1925–1940)." Studia Historica Gedanensia 14 (December 21, 2023): 312–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.23.019.18820.
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The article focuses on characterizing the ideological assumptions and policies of the fascist movement toward women, and, after 1922, those of the state governed by the National Fascist Party (PNF) and, above all, by Benito Mussolini. Women’s equality, among other things, was established in the initial period of fascism when its left wing was strong. Gradually over time as the movement came to power and especially after taking it in 1922, Il Duce and the party embraced conservative, nationalist social and economic policies that referred to the great Roman past in a desire to reconstruct the empire and increase the number of Italian citizens that would be newly formed Italian fascists. To achieve this goal, especially after 1925 when the totalitarian state and society was being built, the regime pursued a policy of the total control and subordination of women to the state and the system. Divorce, abortion, and the sale of contraceptives were banned, the “excessive education” of girls and the possibility of woman undertaking professional work were limited, while the roles of women in society as mothers, wives, and guardians of the “home” were promoted.
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Olechnowicz, Andrzej. "Liberal Anti-Fascism in the 1930s: The Case of Sir Ernest Barker." Albion 36, no. 4 (2005): 636–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054585.
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One of the few achievements the communist left in Britain can still plausibly claim is its anti-fascism in the 1930s and beyond. This has recently been most dogmatically reasserted in a series of publications by David Renton, who calls for a distinction to be made between “anti-fascists” and “non-fascists.” The former are characterized by their “correct” understanding of fascism and reliance on organized, active resistance, often in the streets; whereas the latter contributed very little to fascism's defeat. Such a loaded definition of anti-fascism ensures that only the Communist Party and their acolytes fit the bill. But within the historiography even more “neutral”—and seemingly encompassing—definitions have tended, in practice, to look largely to left-wing organizations.This article will question these perspectives and argue for the significance of a “liberal” anti-fascism, which brought together many Liberal, Conservative and Labour politicians and intellectuals in cross-party pressure groups. What characterized the anti-fascism of these men and women was not resistance to the actions of the BUF, which most regarded as thuggish but insignificant, but resistance to the ideological challenge to English parliamentary democracy represented by continental “totalitarian” movements. The article will begin by considering the compromised nature of the British Communist Party's anti-fascist record and why “liberal” historians have, on the whole, tended to underestimate the extent of liberal anti-fascism. It will then suggest that a truly less exclusionary and partisan approach to anti-fascism should readily include the likes of the liberal Sir Ernest Barker and many in his political and social circle. It will also argue that, even accepting Renton's own, restrictive definition, Barker would still qualify as an anti-fascist, rather than a non-fascist, for he combined a coherent analysis of single-party, totalitarian states with a commitment to organized action through bodies such as the New Estates Community Committee and the Association for Education in Citizenship to remove the pre-conditions of antidemocratic beliefs.
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Cagnolati, Antonella. "Dreaming of distant lands. How Fascism built colonial women (1937-1941)." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 17 (December 18, 2022): 205–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.17.2023.33727.
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When they seized power in 1922, the Fascists adopted a patriarchal stance regarding women. Adopting the pronatalist theories of Riccardo Korherr, Federico Marconcini and Ferdinando Loffredo, Fascism became a staunch defender of demographic policies relegating women exclusively to the role of wife and mother, mere breeding machines whose only job was to increase the number of Italians for the war effort and to drive colonial expansion in order to keep up with the other European nations. As a consequence of the war for the conquest of empire in East Africa, a population management strategy was conceived in which young women would be sent to produce families to re-populate Ethiopia in the name of the Fascist state. Accordingly, it became necessary to develop a different model for educating young women, to actively equip them for their new lives in Africa. With this in mind, the Fascist leadership exploited women’s Fascist associations, drawing up national curricula for standardized training of these before sending them off to Africa.This investigation explores the contemporary press such as L’Azione Coloniale and the training manual used in the courses preparing women for life in the African colonies. The objective was to understand whether the change in the educational policy devised for a group of young women, chosen for convenience, may have modified the overall image of women on a symbolic level in the last years of the regime.
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Durham, Martin. "Women and the British union of fascists, 1932–1940." Immigrants & Minorities 8, no. 1-2 (March 1989): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1989.9974703.
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Dančetović, Sandra, Rastko Novakovic, and Sanja Milojevic. "Book Review of Mount Olympus: to Glorify the Cult of Tragedy." Feminist Dissent, no. 3 (November 26, 2018): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.334.
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In the autumn 2017, a 24-hour long theatre play ‘Mount Olympus’ was featured on TV, in a live broadcast and on a public service station. Itcaused waves of disapproval, indignation and even disgust in Belgrade and Serbia.
Directed by Jan Fabre, the play opened an international festival of theatre BITEF in September 2017.BITEF was foundedover 50 years by one of the greatest women in the history of Yugoslav culture, Mira Trailović.
The polarisation of the audience was evident and expressed in extremes typical for Belgrade and Serbia.
Just a few weeks after the broadcast there was widespread support for a church official making disgusting misogynist remarks. Bishop Amfilohije, otherwise known for his nationalistic, homophobic, misogynist and generally discriminatory outbursts, who stated thatSerbian women who undergo abortion ‘kill more children in a year than Hitler and Mussolini’; thereby comparing abortion with infanticide, and women who decide on their bodily integrity and reproductive health with Nazis and fascists.
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WEEKS, NOEL. "SEXUALITY AND THE LOST PROLETARIAT." CURRENT DEBATES IN REFORMED THEOLOGY: PRACTICE 4, no. 2 (October 22, 2018): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc4.2.2018.art3.
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Original Marxism was utopian, materialistic, and determinist. All human dynamics were explained by the dialectic or conflict between capitalists and the proletariat, with the victory of the proletariat being certain. In spite of the fact that determinism eliminates responsibility, those opposing Marxism were seen as evil. Marx’s prophecy failed, and Russian communism emerged as evil and repressive. “Western” Marxism used Freudian psychology to explain the rise of fascism. It looked for another “proletariat,” who were “oppressed.” Co-opting the 1960s social revolution, it found this proletariat in non-Europeans, women, and homosexuals. This involved accepting the genetic determinism of the fascists. All who disagree continue to be treated as evil.
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Missero, Dalila. "Cecilia Mangini." Feminist Media Histories 2, no. 3 (2016): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2016.2.3.54.
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This essay offers a feminist reading of the work of Italian film director Cecilia Mangini. Drawing on an archaeological approach, it focuses on Mangini's experience as a woman in Italian cinema and her contribution to the realization of three movies—To Arms! We're Fascists! (codirected with Lino Del Fra and Lino Micciché, 1961–62), Stalin (directed with Lino Del Fra and Franco Fortini, 1962–63), and Being Women (1963–65)—all clear examples of the counterhegemonic cinema that Mangini developed in the fissures of mainstream, male-dominated practices. In her view, nonfiction film is a tool for cultural and political struggle, and it must affect the present in order to provide democratic access to knowledge. Following the Gramscian notion of the organic intellectual, Mangini has built a specific aesthetic and a personal approach to film direction, which aims to reach the broadest audience possible and, at the same time, to develop a coherent feminist militant discourse.
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Lindsay-Perez, Monica. "Anticolonial Colonialism." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 330–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7720669.
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Abstract Between 1931 and 1936 the democratic Spanish government overthrew the monarchy and established the Second Spanish Republic. It was a volatile period for Spanish-Moroccan relations. Fascists were in favor of the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco, whereas Republicans were typically against it. Aurora Bertrana (1892–1974) was a Republican Catalan writer who moved to Morocco in 1935 to write about Muslim women living under the Spanish Protectorate. A close examination of her novel El Marroc sensual i fanàtic (1935) reveals an anticolonialism based on her preoccupation with Spanish nationalist dignity rather than with Moroccan independence. Instead of concluding that Spain’s colonization of Morocco is not good, Bertrana concludes that it is not good enough. Her writing perpetuates centuries-old Spanish Orientalist stereotypes, thus complicating the glorified history of Spanish Republican anticolonialism and feminism in the 1930s.
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Lo Biundo, Ester. "Radio Londra 1943-1945: Italian society at the microphones of the BBC." Modern Italy 23, no. 1 (December 29, 2017): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.66.
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Propaganda from the BBC directed at Italy during the Second World War played a dual role. The ‘Radio Londra’ programmes, on the one hand a propaganda tool of the British government and on the other moral support to many Italians, are part of the cultural heritage of the war. This article explores what topics and types of programme were broadcast during the period of the Allied occupation of Italy (1943–1945) in order to engage the support of different social categories, including ordinary men and women, soldiers, factory workers, former Fascists, and intellectuals. The first part analyses some of the programmes in order to determine their propaganda strategies, while the second part focuses on the letters sent by listeners in Italy to the BBC broadcaster Colonel Stevens. It will be seen how both the use of cultural stereotypes and the attention to the detail of daily life for Italian civilians contributed to the success of the programmes.
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Citrigno, Flavia. "The Duce’s Cheerleaders and the Führer’s Vanguard." Fascism 13, no. 1 (April 8, 2024): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10071.
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Abstract Regimes in the interwar years went to great lengths to educate young girls into their ideology. Fascist Italy had a few years head start—its Accademia fascista di educazione fisica femminile [Fascist Academy of Female Physical Education] was regarded as innovative from likeminded governments of the time, including Nazi Germany, and was the object of visits and attention. This article explores the arc drawn by relationships between Italian and German girl organizations, focusing on encounters between Orvietine and Bund Deutscher Mädel (BDM) members. It focuses on two exemplary moments in the history of the network: the 1937 trip to Berlin by 150 students of the Orvieto Academy, and the one-month observation visit in winter 1941 by Ursel Stein, a rising star of the BDM administration. By analyzing and comparing the dynamics, rituals, and actors of the two occasions the article points out at the different roles given to girl organizations by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy and raises questions concerning the agency of the members of this women network.
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Gardell, Mattias. "‘The Girl Who Was Chased by Fire’: Violence and Passion in Contemporary Swedish Fascist Fiction." Fascism 10, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 166–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010004.
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Abstract Fascism invites its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for honor and glory, passion and heroism. An important avenue for articulating its affective dimension is cultural production. This article investigates the role of violence and passion in contemporary Swedish-language fascist fiction. The protagonist is typically a young white man or woman who wakes up to the realities of the ongoing white genocide through being exposed to violent crime committed by racialized aliens protected by the System. Seeking revenge, the protagonist learns how to be a man or meets her hero, and is introduced to fascist ideology and the art of killing. Fascist literature identifies aggression and ethnical cleansing as altruistic acts of love. With its passionate celebration of violence, fascism hails the productivity of destructivity, and the life-bequeathing aspects of death, which is at the core of fascism’s urge for national rebirth.
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Wotlińska, Anna. "La donna fascista – narodowa służebnica, żona i matka." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 75, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2022.75.1.04.
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The subject of this article is the attitude of Italian fascism towards women. It outlines the social roles that were announced to women in propaganda texts and to which they were supposed to submit. The author describes the position of Italian women, referring to the specific decalogues of women and families that appeared in the fascist press in the 1920s. A woman-mother was the basic and most important figure that bound the family together but also built the power of the state. Bearing children and raising them to be righteous members of the nation and submitting to the will of men were to ensure women universal respect and recognition. According to fascist ideology, reproduction was also a precondition for recognising a union as a family, a man and a woman staying together. The next part of the article is devoted to this issue. It describes the obligations imposed by fascist ideologues also on men. Both sexes were stripped of individualism, personal needs and desires in this political reproductive puzzle, albeit unevenly and with the preservation of patriarchal patterns. The state and its leader – Benito Mussolini – became a god and a source of laws.
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Morgado, Marcos. "MEDIATISING RESISTANCE TO CONTEMPORARY FASCISM ON YOUTUBE: VOICING DISSENT IN BRAZILIAN RAP." Trabalhos em Linguística Aplicada 59, no. 3 (September 2020): 2017–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/010318138362511120201117.
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ABSTRACT In recent years, an on-going shift from more progressive political, social and cultural relations towards a more conservative turn around the world has been under way. A fascist political stance (STANLEY, 2018) has been noted in different parts of the globe and politicians have been able to gather followers dissatisfied with crumbling economies by usually making recourse to an “us versus them” discourse. Such dissatisfaction and bias have found fertile ground in social media platforms, e.g. Facebook and WhatsApp, and elevated the tensions around such issues to a level never before seen. In the 2018 presidential election in Brazil, similar tensions were fuelled by a candidate with an authoritarian, xenophobic and misogynistic discourse. More importantly, that authoritarian discourse did not go unchallenged and the same social media platforms were home for constant resistance to it such as, for instance, the movement #nothim, created by the Facebook group “Women United against Bolsonaro”, and the rap/hip hop movement in Brazil, which released protest songs and a manifesto called “Rap for Democracy” on YouTube. In this paper, we focus on one music video in particular, ‘Primavera Fascista’ (“Fascist Spring”) to present a multimodal analysis of how resistance to that candidate’s discourse was constructed. We look into visual, sound, musical and linguistic resources (KRESS, 2010; MACHIN, 2010). Drawing upon a view of language as performative (PENNYCOOK, 2004; 2007), we use the analytical constructs of entextualization (BAUMAN & BRIGGS, 1990) and indexicality (BLOMMAERT, 2005; 2010) to show that the rap song is an exhaustive discursive exercise of metapragmatic reflexivity on the performative effects of a number of fascist statements produced by the candidate.
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Makarova, Olesya S. "THE IMAGE OF THE ENEMY IN SOVIET PROPAGANDA DURING THE TURNING POINT OF THE STRUGGLE AGAINST FASCISM (June 1942 – August 1943)." Historical Search 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2024): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2024-5-1-51-60.
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The article examines the problems of the enemy image evolution during the turning point of the struggle of the Soviet people against fascism. The most important aspects of the ideological struggle between Germany and the Soviet Union in June 1942 – August 1943 are studied. The reasons for the transformation of the enemy’s image are substantiated based on the analysis of the wartime events that took place. The relevance of this issue is determined primarily by the importance of preserving the memory of the Great Patriotic War, in which knowledge about the enemy played a decisive role. This victorious experience can help to counteract the resurgence of the Nazi ideas in the modern world. Thanks to deep and comprehensive studying the mechanism of military patriotic propaganda and the introducing new technologies into it, the tasks of preserving identity and developing our society were solved. Currently, these historical processes will help to broaden the horizons and develop moral and patriotic values in modern youth. The purpose of the article is to consider the transformation of the enemy image the during the radical turning point in the Great Patriotic War in June 1942 – August 1943 in order to identify the most characteristic features of its depiction in various materials of Soviet patriotic propaganda. Materials and methods. The methodological basis of this research is both general scientific and special historical principles and methods of cognition, including the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency, as well as a set of methods that made it possible to conduct a comprehensive analysis of archival and other research sources, including historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic and others. The work is based on archival documents and periodical materials. Study results. The most important circumstances of this period are noted, which played a decisive role in the development of the enemy image in the Soviet propaganda. The article presents the most characteristic features of the enemy’s image created by the Soviet propaganda. The article examines the changes in German propaganda among the population of the occupied territories. A comparative analysis of the activities performed by propagandists of the Nazi Germany and the USSR is carried out. The author provides examples of creating the enemy image based on the study of documentary sources, embodied in works of literature and art. The metaphorical image of the enemy reflected in the Soviet propaganda is revealed based on the study of archival materials and periodicals. At this, the importance of naturalistic description of the crimes committed by the fascists against the civilian population of the occupied territories is assessed in order to present the true face of the invaders and mobilize the society to fight the enemy. The issues of the legitimacy of the power of the warring parties are revealed. Conclusions. During this crucial period of the Great Patriotic War, significant changes are taking place in the image of the enemy. The original image of an inhuman, bestial enemy enslaving more and more lands, after the defeats suffered by the German army, is transformed into a caricature of a defeated cowardly enemy. The enemy is still strong, cruel and insidious, but the image of the defeated enemy is becoming dominant in the works of the Soviet propaganda and in public mind. The inevitability of victory becomes the dominant leitmotif in the Soviet propaganda and the enemy in the images created by propaganda should cause a feeling of disgust. Naturalization of the submitting the information about crimes committed by fascists and their accomplices becomes an important factor. It is referred to the development of a counter-propaganda system that convinces people that an inhuman enemy who kills women and children cannot be trusted. The images created in Soviet propaganda works achieved their goal and were firmly rooted in the public consciousness.
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I Gusti Ayu Dea Rarassanti, Putu Ayu Sita Saraswati, and Anak Ayu Nyoman Trisna Narta Dewi. "Factors Contributing to Plantar Fasciitis in Women." Physical Therapy Journal of Indonesia 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.51559/ptji.v3i1.46.
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Introduction: Plantar fasciitis is a degenerative syndrome that causes inflammation of the plantar fascia due to repetitive trauma and excessive stretching, which can cause a tear in the plantar fascia. This study aimed to determine the possible risk factors that affect the incidence of plantar fasciitis.
Methods: This study design was the literature review. This study searched journals through Google Scholar and PubMed databases related to plantar fasciitis or the factors that influence plantar fasciitis.
Results: In general, the risk factors for plantar fasciitis are classified into intrinsic and extrinsic factors. Inherent factors can be age, gender, and body mass index (BMI), while outside factors are the use of shoes and duration or standing time.
Conclusions: A high BMI is a more dominant intrinsic factor in causing plantar fasciitis. Meanwhile, the use of shoes and the duration of time of standing were the more dominant external factors for the incidence of plantar fasciitis.
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Salsini, Laura A. "Mutiny in the House: Domestic Rebellion in Fausta Cialente’s Natalia." Quaderni d'italianistica 40, no. 2 (October 4, 2020): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v40i2.34880.
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The cult of domesticity positions women into a state of subservience while reinforcing gendered roles. The ideology was propagated in post-Unification Italy by Catholic doctrine as well as Fascist propaganda and practices that consigned women to the roles of wives and mothers. The physical site of the cult of domesticity was the home where traditional values were honored and upheld. In Fausta Cialente’s novel Natalia—originally published in 1930 and censored by the Fascist regime, then reissued in 1982—the home becomes a site of rebellion and resistance, which challenges ideology that limits female autonomy. In Natalia, a verdant house in the country is the scene of illicit sexual activity between the female protagonist and a young woman, and an ancestral home becomes the threatening locus of the protagonist’s marriage, as well as the setting of her failed attempt at motherhood. Throughout the text, the explicit connection between physical space—the home—and female autonomy, acts as a critique of female oppression and pervasive societal expectations.
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Morant i Ariño, Toni. "Spanish Fascist Women’s Transnational Relations during the Second World War: Between Ideology and Realpolitik." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 4 (October 24, 2018): 834–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418798440.
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Spanish fascist women played a very active role in the Falange’s cross-border relations with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. From the very beginning, fascist women took a preeminent place in these contacts and exchanges in order to see with their own eyes how both fascist models were at a practical level. These relationships between fascist women’s organizations were born out of deep ideological affinity and were especially fluid, firstly on a bilateral level and after 1940 on the ‘New Order’ Europe-wide multilateral, transnational collaboration. However, they lacked neither of political calculation nor could abstract from the wider frame of international politics in such an eminently war period. As this article will show, Falangist women used these fluid but less studied relationships to consolidate their own political position at home and explore other ways of political participation in a Nazi-Fascist New Europe, while at the same time trying to secure there a pre-eminent place for non-belligerent Spain. In the end, concerns about the own survival of the Franco dictatorship as the fate of war clearly changed in 1943, let ideological affinity succumb to the diplomatic conveniences they had once meant to overcome.
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Abdulazeez, Sarah Tareq, Hazim Abdul Rahman Alhiti, and Manaf Abdulrahman Guma. "Clinical Characteristics of Iraqi Women Who Had Plantar Fasciitis." Journal of Clinical and Biomedical Investigation 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.52916/jcbi214009.
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Plantar fasciitis is a common complaint. This paper aimed to find the clinical characteristics of Al-Ramadi Women who had Plantar fasciitis. A specialist rheumatologist in Al-Ramadi Teaching Hospital collected this prospective report from 170 Iraqi women, aged (25-70) years, who had plantar fasciitis between 1st January 2019 to 1st January 2020. Our findings showed that the most common affected age was between (40-49) years among all women who suffered from intense sharp painful heels at the start of walking. There were 66 women (38%) between (40-49) years plus 32 women (18%) their BMI was between (30-34%). In the commonest age group, there were 37 women (21.7%) who had Calcaneal spur and five women (0.2%) who had Diabetes Mellitus. Therefore, it can be clearly said that Plantar Fasciitis is an evidence for obese due to the statistical analysis carried on the middle-aged Iraqi women who had intense sharp painful heels at the start of walking plus calcaneal spur in the lateral X-ray.
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Lou, Jennifer-Yuhan, Vivian-Dengkai Xiao, and Tina-Chuhan Zhao. "Objectification and voyeurism of females by the patriarchy during World War II-- in the case of Malèna." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 21 (February 15, 2023): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v21i.3459.
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Through the setting of the camera shots and the advancement of the plot, the film Malèna,was directed by Giuseppe and released in 2000,exposes the tragic denouement of the objectification and voyeurism of women in a patriarchal society,especially based on the environment background of Fascist Axis of World War II. Additionally,the background information and the women status in the Fascist Axis of World War II would be revealed. Besides,this essay is based on the feminist critical theory and a psychoanalytic approach to analyze the female character of Malèna to expose the objectification and voyeurism of females by the patriarchy during World War II. This academic essay and research are designed to tackle with the problem of disclosing erotic elements and characters’ roles in film Malèna,further revealing women social status and living situations in patriarchal society during World War II with real historic background. Through this elaborate research,we concluded that the women were once seen as castrating, as inducing voyeurism and as instruments of fertility in the era of the Fascist Axis of World War II. As the development of human mindset and the complement of feminism,women would be no longer neglected,and they are paramount forces in this world no matter in which field.
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Merta, I. Putu Adi, I. Made Niko Winaya, and I. Wayan Sugiritama. "THE COMPARISON BETWEEN NORMAL, OVERWEIGHT, AND OBESE BODY MASS INDEX CATEGORIES WITH RISK OF HAVING PLANTAR FASCIITIS IN WOMEN ADULTS AT GIANYAR DISTRICT." Majalah Ilmiah Fisioterapi Indonesia 6, no. 2 (May 15, 2018): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/mifi.2018.v06.i02.p02.
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Elevated body mass can increases plantar pressure, so that causing overstretch the plantar fascia and occurs inflammation. The aims of this study was to compare the risk of having plantar fasciitis in women with normal, overweight, and obese body mass index at Gianyar district. This study is a cross-sectional analytic study. Samples are selected using purposive sampling technique. The samples consists of 3 groups, which amounted to 25 people in each group. Group A was women with normal BMI, group B was women with overweight BMI, and group C was women with obese BMI. The result of pearson chi-square p = 0.022 (p ? 0.05) indicating that there is a significant data distribution difference. The relative risk for overweight-obese compared to normal BMI was RR=3.34 [95% CI 1.09 - 10.16]. Concluded that there is a difference proportion of risk having plantar fasciitis between normal BMI (4%), overweight BMI (10,7%), obesity BMI (16%) and overweight-obese BMI have 3,34 times greater risk of having plantar fasciitis than the normal BMI category.
Keywords: Body Mass Index, overweight, obese, plantar fasciitis, women
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WILLSON, PERRY. "GROUP PORTRAIT: THE ISPETTRICI NAZIONALI OF THE ITALIAN FASCIST PARTY, 1937–1943." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 2, 2017): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000206.
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AbstractThe years of fascist rule in Italy saw an unprecedented mass political mobilization of women, a mobilization that has, to date, been little studied by historians. This article focuses on the role of the ispettrici nazionali – the highest rank that women ever reached in the fascist party hierarchy. It attempts to piece together a ‘group portrait’ of these hitherto unstudied female hierarchs, who were appointed from 1937 onwards to form a group leadership for the fasci femminili – the women's section of the party and the only way that women could join it. The article investigates who these women were, how they managed to rise to this prominent position, their ideas and motivations, and their role in organizing and mobilizing millions of female party members for political campaigns and for the war effort.
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Hamre, Martin Kristoffer, Sabrina Proschmann, and Frederik Forrai Ørskov. "Editorial Introduction." Fascism 13, no. 1 (April 8, 2024): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10072.
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Abstract Arising from a 2021 early career workshop on practices and notions of fascist internationalism, this special issue contributes to the evolving focus on transnational and international dimensions within the field of fascism studies. It emphasizes the interconnectedness of fascist governments, movements, and individuals across borders during the interwar period and during the Second World War, as well as the conflictual aspects of such cooperation. Rather than promoting a specific methodological or theoretical approach, the issue presents different perspectives on transnational fascism and fascist internationalisms. This introduction highlights five aspects on which the contributions make interventions: actors, women, organizations, geography, and hybridity.
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Paul, Ronald. "Narratives of collaboration and resistance: Three anti-fascist novels written by women in the 1930s." Moderna Språk 114, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.58221/mosp.v114i2.7402.
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Throughout the 1930s, the impact of fascism on the role of women in society and in the family was the focus of several anti-fascist novels written by women. In this article I concentrate on three of the most significant and successful of these works in order to explore the way they dramatize the relationship between collaboration with and resistance to fascism. I show how they not only viewed the reactionary transformation of the state by fascist regimes as a historic defeat for women. They also sought to depict the effect this catastrophe had on their personal lives and how they coped with its social and political challenges. I have therefore selected the following novels – Storm Jameson’s In the Second Year (1936), Murray Constantine’s (Katharine Burdekin) Swastika Night (1937) and Phyllis Bottome’s The Mortal Storm (1938), since they address the fundamentally regressive nature of fascism in different ways as well as individual struggles against it. Moreover, they remain outstanding examples of anti-fascist fiction that still resonate with us today when the world is once more faced with the rise of rightwing, populist and neofascist parties.
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Alano, Jomarie. "Anti-fascism for children: Ada Gobetti's story of Sebastiano the Rooster." Modern Italy 17, no. 1 (February 2012): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.632986.
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Ada Gobetti's Storia del gallo Sebastiano represents one of her many anti-fascist activities. By the time of the story's creation, Ada Gobetti had lived under fascism for 16 years. While Sebastiano descended from a long line of non-conformists in children's literature, it imparted a very specific ideological and political agenda, since Sebastiano was born at the height of fascism. Read by thousands of Italian children during the war, the story provided a clever critique of Mussolini's attempt to make children conform to the fascist ideal. Through Sebastiano, Ada Gobetti enlisted parents and their children in her efforts to urge Italians to resist fascism. After the war, as vice-mayor of Turin, the first woman to hold such a position in Italy, Ada Gobetti worked diligently to effect positive reforms in the schools, and fought openly for the rights of Italian women and children. She also wrote extensively on child rearing and devoted much of the remainder of her life to pedagogic activities to promote a ‘democratic education’ for both children and their parents.
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WILLSON, PERRY. "Italian Fascism and the Political Mobilisation of Working-Class Women 1937–43." Contemporary European History 22, no. 1 (December 14, 2012): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000483.
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AbstractThe Sezione Operaie e Lavoranti a Domicilio dei Fasci Femminili (Section of the Fascist Women's Groups for Female Workers and Outworkers) is the only one of the three Italian Fascist Party organisations for adult women that has never been studied. Founded in 1937 and recruiting factory workers, outworkers and domestic servants, it achieved a membership of almost a million by the fall of the regime in 1943. A top-down organisation, run by the largely middle-class Fasci Femminili, it offered its membership a mix of social, educational and professional opportunities. This article explores its activities, its organisational structure, the messages it attempted to convey to its membership and the reasons why such large numbers of women joined.
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BECCALOSSI, CHIARA. "Optimizing and normalizing the population through hormone therapies in Italian science, c.1926–1950." British Journal for the History of Science 53, no. 1 (January 14, 2020): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087419000906.
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AbstractThis essay explores how hormone treatments were used to optimize and normalize individuals under Italian Fascism. It does so by taking the activities of the Biotypological Orthogenetic Institute − an Italian eugenics and endocrinological centre founded by Nicola Pende in 1926 − as the prime example of a version of eugenics, biotypology, which was based on hormone therapies. This essay first demonstrates that Italian Fascist biopolitics was not only concerned with increasing the size of the Italian population, but also with improving its quality. It suggests that under the Italian Fascist regime hormone therapies became eugenic tools of intervention to improve the Italian race. Second, while Pende's institute purportedly enhanced men and women, its activities show the extent to which the ‘techniques of normalization’ pursued by the Fascist regime were both systematic and invasive.
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Antola, Alessandra. "Ghitta Carell and Italian studio photography in the 1930s." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.586499.
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This article explores the issue of elite representation through photography during the 1930s in Italy. It examines how modern technology affected representation and refers specifically to the work of Ghitta Carell, a photographer who became very successful by portraying prominent Fascist men and women in Italy, including the Duce. Images of the dictator had been continually developed since the late 1920s and frequent and various representations of his person, including the face, were pervasive. Carell's idealised style was much appreciated by high society and Fascist officials alike, while her work also has a darker emotional content that borrows from a painterly tradition. Although not engaged directly by the regime, Carell's work has to be considered as both separate from and complementary whilst also adding to the Fascist aesthetic. She was complicit with the cult of the Duce while revealing aspects of Mussolini's personality that other photographers avoided or missed.
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Rathbone, Keith. "Antifascist Athletes? A Reappraisal of the 1936 Berlin Olympics." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010002.
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Abstract In Olympia, Leni Riefenstahl offered representations of idealized Aryan athletes and their democratic counterparts, including Jesse Owens. Her evocative images shaped historical memory and the historiography of the Berlin Games as either a German propaganda victory or a moment of athletic antifascist resistance. The notion of the Berlin Games populated with ‘democratic’ and ‘fascist’ athletes is largely ahistorical. Riefenstahl’s fascist/antifascist dyad prompted scholars to ask questions about appropriate athletic behaviors, but it also required them to elide contrary histories, including Owens’ own experiences of racial segregation in the United States. A more holistic view of the Games, that encompasses both the antifascist resistance to it and the ultimate decision of most athletes to attend, confounds any analysis that slips sportsmen and women into neat heuristic categories of fascist and antifascist and opens the door to the possibility of personal politics outside of the dyad of fascism/antifascism.
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Tilly, Louise A., and Perry R. Willson. "The Clockwork Factory: Women and Work in Fascist Italy." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 921. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168679.
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Renton, David, and Julie V. Gottlieb. "Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement, 1923-1945." American Historical Review 106, no. 5 (December 2001): 1881. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692895.
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Thurlow, R. C. "Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement, 1923-45." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 746–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.746.
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SUH, JUDY. "Women in Fascist Biopolitics: The Case of Olive Hawks." Women's Studies 35, no. 3 (May 2006): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497870600571901.
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Lassner, Phyllis. "Feminine fascism: women in Britain's fascist movement 1923-45." Women's History Review 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200626.
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Gullace, N. F. "Review: Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement 1923-1945 * Julie V. Gottlieb: Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement 1923-1945." Twentieth Century British History 13, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/13.3.320-a.
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Ballard, David H., Parisa Mazaheri, Constantine A. Raptis, Meghan G. Lubner, Christine O. Menias, Perry J. Pickhardt, and Vincent M. Mellnick. "Fournier Gangrene in Men and Women: Appearance on CT, Ultrasound, and MRI and What the Surgeon Wants to Know." Canadian Association of Radiologists Journal 71, no. 1 (January 28, 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0846537119888396.
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Fournier gangrene (FG) is a genitourinary necrotizing fasciitis that can be lethal if not promptly diagnosed and surgically debrided. The diagnosis is often made by physical examination paired with an appropriate clinical suspicion and supporting laboratory values. Imaging, particularly computed tomography (CT), plays a role in delineating involved fascial planes for operative debridement and occasionally in diagnosing FG. Less commonly, the imaging manifestations of FG may also be seen on ultrasound, radiographs, and magnetic resonance imaging. With the ubiquitous use and availability of CT, radiologists have a growing role in recognizing FG. This can be challenging in the absence of fascial gas, but a CT scoring system for necrotizing fasciitis can be helpful in making the diagnosis. Recent series suggest that this predominantly male disease has a rising incidence in women. Women with FG are more likely to be morbidly obese and have vulvar or labial involvement compared to men. Imaging mimics include ulcerative and necrotic tumors, traumatic or iatrogenic fascial gas, and vaginitis emphysematosa. The purpose of this pictorial review is to illustrate the imaging manifestations of FG and its mimics, with emphases on necrotizing fasciitis CT scoring systems and FG in women.
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Breidung, David, Sarina Delavari, Ioannis-Fivos Megas, Bert Reichert, and Moritz Billner. "Necrotizing Fasciitis after Panniculectomy Caused by Finegoldia magna." Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery - Global Open 12, no. 4 (April 2024): e5773. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/gox.0000000000005773.
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Summary: Necrotizing fasciitis is a rare yet severe complication after body contouring surgery. We present a case of a 54-year-old woman with a complex medical history who developed necrotizing fasciitis 9 days after panniculectomy and epigastric hernia repair. Microbiological examination revealed Finegoldia magna as the causative agent, a rare pathogen in necrotizing fasciitis. Patients undergoing body contouring may be at increased risk of developing necrotizing fasciitis; therefore, increased attention should be paid to this differential diagnosis in case of postoperative signs of infection. This case report highlights the pivotal importance of early recognition, prompt surgical intervention, and comprehensive medical treatment to improve patient outcomes in necrotizing fasciitis.
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Marino, Katherine M. "Rosa Rayside and Domestic Workers in the Fight against War and Fascism." Pacific Historical Review 93, no. 3 (2024): 332–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2024.93.3.332.
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This article explores connections between domestic worker activism and anti-fascism in the United States—two topics that historians have usually considered separately. Through the lens of Black domestic worker and organizer Rosa Rayside, we see the strong links between the two political movements. In 1934, after co-founding the New York Domestic Workers Union (DWU), Rayside attended the World Congress of Women against War and Fascism in Paris. That congress defined fascism broadly, around nationalism, racism, repression of radicals, denial of civil liberties, capitalist and imperialist greed and warmongering, and threats to women. Notably, the congress specifically identified challenging U.S. racism and defending labor rights for domestic workers as part of a global anti-fascist fight. Influenced by this congress, and by communist organizing in Harlem during the Great Depression, Rayside and the DWU drew on anti-fascism ideologically and organizationally in the years that followed. Rayside worked to include domestic workers in labor and social security legislation, testifying before U.S. Congress in 1935 and helping to form the anti-fascist National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936. Although their immediate legislative achievements were limited, the strategies that Rayside and the DWU pioneered—collaborating with community and political organizations, spearheading legislation, and shaping understandings of Black women’s “triple oppression” based on race, class, and gender—were vital to the Black anti-fascist movement in the United States and shaped gains by domestic workers in later decades.
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Aranda, Yolanda, and Pedro V. Munuera. "Plantar Fasciitis and Its Relationship with Hallux Limitus." Journal of the American Podiatric Medical Association 104, no. 3 (May 1, 2014): 263–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7547/0003-0538-104.3.263.
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Background We sought to determine whether patients with plantar fasciitis have limited dorsiflexion in the first metatarsophalangeal joint and which type of foot, pronated or supinated, is most frequently associated with plantar fasciitis. Methods The 100 study participants (34 men and 66 women) were divided into two groups: patients with plantar fasciitis and controls. The Foot Posture Index and dorsiflexion of the first metatarsophalangeal joint were compared between the two groups, and a correlation analysis was conducted to study their relationship. Results In the plantar fasciitis group there was a slight limitation of dorsiflexion of the hallux that was not present in the control group (P < .001). Hallux dorsiflexion and the Foot Posture Index were inversely correlated (Spearman correlation coefficient, −0.441; P < .01). Conclusions Participants with plantar fasciitis presented less hallux dorsiflexion than those in the control group, and their most common foot type was the pronated foot.
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Sarmila Fathima. J, Saravan Kumar. J, and Rekha. K. "A Study of Effectiveness of Calf Stretching in Managing Catastrophizing Pain in Plantar Fasciitis." Indian Journal of Physiotherapy & Occupational Therapy - An International Journal 18 (January 21, 2024): 815–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37506/9qyexs14.
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Background: Calcaneus distress is a frequent moan in the trotter and talus , and plantar fasciosis , which accountsfor 11–15% of adult patients’ symptoms of the foot need medical attention. One in ten people are predicted to getPF at some point in their lives. It is further prevalent in mid-life fat women and adolescent athletes. The desire ofthis project is to evaluate the success of calf stretching by theraband among plantar fasciitis patients.Purpose: To determine the effects of calf stretching using theraband on managing pain among plantar fasciitispatientsMaterials and Methods: Fifty eight people were covered for addition and prohibition. They were splitted into twogroups: passive calf stretching group (29) and self-calf stretching group (29). The pre and post-test values weremeasured by pain catastrophizing scale. Group-A received passive calf stretching using theraband and group-Breceived self-calf stretching. Both programs were given for 2 weeks, weekly 5 days.Result: Using pain catastrophizing scale, Group A’s (Passive calf stretching group) post-test mean was 27.38and whereas group B’s (Self calf stretching) was 32.24. This demonstrates that group-A has decreased paincatastrophizing score less than group-B. And this suggests that group A showed considerably finer than group B.Conclusion: Passive calf stretching using theraband by group-A was found to be more effective than self-calfstretching of group-B.
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Giani, Marco. "Ondina e le ondine Questioni di raffigurazione (verbale e iconografica) della donna sportiva nell’Italia fascista (1933 ca.)." Italianistica Debreceniensis 24 (December 1, 2018): 140–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.34102/italdeb/2018/4667.
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In late 1933, L'Osservatore Romano fuelled an argument against Il Littoriale, mouthpiece of the Fascist sport policy, about women’s sport: the Vatican Italian-speaking newspaper was against the public women’s athletic meetings, and the “immoral” shorts dressed by the young Italian athletes, such as Ondina Valla, going-to-be the first Italian woman to win an Olympic gold medal (1936, Berlin). Which was the situation of Italian female sports, at that time? Which was the influence of new women models coming from US? What was considered “immoral” by conservative people in 1933 Italy watching a women’s athletic or swimming meeting? How Hollywood stars could help Ondina and her mates on the road of female emancipation? These are the questions this essay is going to answer, helped by a lot of historical images, useful to reconstruct a whole collective imagination.
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Bekal, Sadjia, André Vincent, Alex Lin, Josée Harel, Jean-Charles Côté, and Cécile Tremblay. "A Fatal Case of Necrotizing Fasciitis Caused by a Highly VirulentEscherichia coliStrain." Canadian Journal of Infectious Diseases and Medical Microbiology 2016 (2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2016/2796412.
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Necrotizing fasciitis is a serious disease characterized by the necrosis of the subcutaneous tissues and fascia.E. colias the etiologic agent of necrotizing fasciitis is a rare occurrence. A 66-year-old woman underwent total abdominal hysterectomy with bilateral salpingo-oophorectomy. She rapidly developed necrotizing fasciitis which led to her death 68 hours following surgery. AnE. colistrain was isolated from blood and fascia cultures. DNA microarray revealed the presence of 20 virulence genes.
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Kantu, Sanjay, and Gady Har-El. "Cervical Necrotizing Fasciitis." Annals of Otology, Rhinology & Laryngology 106, no. 11 (November 1997): 965–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000348949710601113.
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Cervical necrotizing fasciitis (CNF) is an aggressive infection of the head and neck with high complication and mortality rates. Sixty-eight cases of CNF have been reported in the English-language literature. We present a series of 8 patients with CNF, including 5 men and 3 women ranging in age from 25 to 92 years. To the best of our knowledge, this is one of the largest case series reported. Six of the 8 patients had a predisposing odontogenic focus of infection. Four patients had mediastinal involvement. Two patients, both with significant comorbidity at the time of presentation, died of CNF.
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Sambuco, Patrizia, and Lisa Pine. "Food Discourses and Alimentary Policies in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: A Comparative Analysis." European History Quarterly 53, no. 1 (January 2023): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221140274.
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This article adds to the growing literature on the history of food in the European dictatorships by examining and comparing the alimentary policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and their application, paying particular attention to the relationship between class, gender, and the nation. It expands our knowledge and understanding of the mechanics of these dictatorships and of the impact of their food policies on their populations in a comparative way. The Fascist regime took initiatives related to food consumption from the mid-1920s, and women were at the centre of their food propaganda; Nazi Germany – in a similar manner to the Fascist regime – between 1933 and 1939, put in place food policies to encourage people to change their eating habits, even before the outbreak of the Second World War. The analysis of alimentary policies and strategies adopted by the Fascist and Nazi regimes, in the first part of their governments, illustrates the similarities in the populist construction of their food discourses and their efforts to galvanize their citizens. With the consolidation of the two regimes, national specific food initiatives, which were culturally bound and linked to economic and political choices emerged and delineated the differences between the two regimes. Through a detailed account of how food consumption was addressed in particular in domestic literature in the two countries, this article examines the uneven impact of food policies on the different social classes in Italy and Germany. It shows, through its comparative approach to the Italian Fascist and Nazi regimes, how food discourses and alimentary policies to control the population were similar in some respects and dissimilar in others.
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Shapiro, Michael. "Women and Hidden Jews under Fascist Rule: Roberto Bassi’s Evidence." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 31, no. 3 (2013): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2013.0038.
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Jajčević, Jasmin. "“With Tito and the Party”. Activity of the women’s Anti-fascist front Bosnia and Herzegovina and their reactions on the Informbiro propanganda during 1948 and 1949." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 102–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.102.
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During the Second World War, the Anti-Fascist Women's Front (AFŽ) was formed in 1942 in Bosanski Petrovac. The outcome of the formation is an attempt at long-term mobilization and organization of women within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The women's anti-fascist front was organizationally on the path of anti-fascism and sacrifice in achieving the military, political and other goals of the revolution. At the First Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, which was held in 1945 in Belgrade, Josip Broz Tito stated the tasks of women, which were crucial for the new state. These were the preservation of brotherhood and unity, the continuation of the fight against the enemies of the new state, preparations for the constitution elections, work on rebuilding the country, enlightening women, humanitarian work with soldiers killed in the war, parents of children killed orphaned and raising children in in the spirit of the People's Liberation Struggle. Also, after the Second World War, the International Democratic Federation of Women was established, which was founded on the initiative of women from the Federation of French Women, and which dealt exclusively with women's issues and issues of interest to women. The women of Yugoslavia, who participated in the congresses in Paris and Budapest, also played a significant role in the establishment and operation of the International Democratic Federation of Women. With the outbreak of open conflict between the countries of Informbiro and Yugoslavia in 1948, and the action of Informbiro's propaganda, it also affected the Bureau of the French Women's Union, which prevented women from Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina from attending the 1949 plenary session of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. This attitude led to women's organizations in cities, villages, peasant labor cooperatives, labor collectives and institutions throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina holding meetings, rallies and conferences, where they openly criticized and protested through letters against the decision and the revocation of calls for women's presence. Of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. The women of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina also had their position after the publication of the Informbiro Resolution on the situation in the CPY in 1948, where they rejected the resolution and sent and expressed their commitment to the CPY and Tito. In this regard, the paper, based on first-rate sources and relevant literature, seeks to present the activities of the Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the years after World War II, both domestically and internationally (preparation of the International Women's Exhibition, signature collection, with the support of the proposal of the Soviet Alliance on Arms Reduction, etc.), as well as the views on the Informbiro Resolution of 1948 and the reactions of women's organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Informbiro's propaganda during 1949, due to the impossibility of women's attendance at the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow.
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Wong, Ting Suen, Richard Wei Chern Gan, Laszlo Karsai, and Bun Yin Winson Wong. "Nodular fasciitis of the submandibular gland." BMJ Case Reports 15, no. 4 (April 2022): e245584. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bcr-2021-245584.
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A woman in her 20s presented with a non-tender swelling of the right submandibular gland. Ultrasound was suggestive of pleomorphic adenoma. The histology result of the excised tumour later confirmed a diagnosis of nodular fasciitis which is extremely rare in the submandibular gland. Postoperatively, she has made good recovery. Due to the similarity of the radiological image of pleomorphic adenoma and nodular fasciitis, it poses difficulty in diagnosing nodular fasciitis without cytology or histology of the salivary gland. Although being extremely rare, it would be worth to consider nodular fasciitis as one of the differential diagnosis in future cases of benign submandibular lesions.
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ALCALDE, ÁNGEL. "WARTIME AND POST-WAR RAPE IN FRANCO'S SPAIN." Historical Journal 64, no. 4 (February 10, 2021): 1060–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000643.
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AbstractBy examining the experience of rape in Spain in the 1930s and 1940s, this article explains how the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship dramatically increased the likelihood of women becoming victims of sexual assault. Contrary to what historians often assume, this phenomenon was not the result of rape being deliberately used as a ‘weapon of war’ or as a blunt method of political repression against women. The upsurge in sexual violence was a by-product of structural transformations in the wartime and dictatorial contexts, and it was the direct consequence, rather than the instrument, of the violent imposition of a fascist-inspired regime. Using archival evidence from numerous Spanish archives, the article historicizes rape in a wider cultural, legal, and social context and reveals the essential albeit ambiguous political nature of both wartime and post-war rape. The experience of rape was mostly shaped not by repression but structural factors such as ruralization and social hierarchization, demographic upheavals, exacerbation of violent masculinity models, the proliferation of weapons, and the influence of fascist and national-Catholic ideologies. Rape became an expression of the nature of power and social and gender relations in Franco's regime.
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DeBrule, Michael B. "Ultrasound-Guided Weil Percutaneous Plantar Fasciotomy." Journal of the American Podiatric Medical Association 100, no. 2 (March 1, 2010): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7547/1000146.
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Chronic plantar fasciitis is often treated by surgical plantar fasciotomy when conservative treatments have been exhausted. This article presents an ultrasound-guided Weil percutaneous plantar fasciotomy technique used to successfully treat persistent plantar fasciitis in a 48-year-old woman. Five weeks after the procedure, the patient had resumed normal activity, with an excellent clinical outcome. This ultrasound-guided technique can be performed in an office or hospital surgical setting. This technique may be useful to podiatric physicians and surgeons who treat chronic plantar fasciitis. (J Am Podiatr Med Assoc 100(2): 146–148, 2010)
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Baur, Daniel, Christoph Schwabl, Christian Kremser, Mihra S. Taljanovic, Gerlig Widmann, Luca Maria Sconfienza, Judith Sztankay, Gudrun Feuchtner, and Andrea S. Klauser. "Shear Wave Elastography of the Plantar Fascia: Comparison between Patients with Plantar Fasciitis and Healthy Control Subjects." Journal of Clinical Medicine 10, no. 11 (May 27, 2021): 2351. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jcm10112351.
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Background: The purpose of this study was to evaluate plantar fasciae of healthy subjects and patients with plantar fasciitis by shear wave velocity (SWV) and stiffness with correlation to B-Mode and color Doppler ultrasonography (CDUS) and to establish cut-off values. Methods: This observational study was conducted with the approval of the Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) of our institution. 108 unilateral plantar fasciae were evaluated by including 87 consecutive patients (mean age 51.7; range: 29–82) (66 women and 21 men) with plantar fasciitis and 21 asymptomatic age matched healthy volunteers (mean age 47.3; range: 32–58) (15 women and 6 men). All patients were prospectively imaged between July 2018 and March 2019. B-mode US was used to measure thickness and CDUS to grade vascularity. SWE measurements were repeated 3 times and mean was used for statistical analysis. Results: Mean SWV value in healthy subjects was 6.94 m/s and in patients 4.98 m/s with a mean stiffness value of 152.88 kPa and 93.54 kPa respectively (p < 0.001). For SWV a cut-off value of 6.16 m/s had a specificity of 80.95% and sensitivity of 79.31%. For stiffness a cut-off value of 125.57 kPa had a specificity of 80.95% and sensitivity of 80.46%. No correlation to CDUS was found. The mean thickness of healthy fascias was 3.3 mm (range 2.4–3.9) compared to 6.1 mm (range 2.0–22.0) in plantar fasciitis (p < 0.001) with no correlation to SWV or to stiffness (r² = 0.02, p = 0.06). Conclusion: SWE allows quantitative assessment of plantar fascia stiffness, which decreases in patients with plantar fasciitis. No correlation to the thickness of the plantar fascia was found, therefore it represents an independent factor for the diagnosis of plantar fasciitis and could be helpful in addition to thickness measurement in unclear cases.
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Honda, Yoshihide, Tsunao Oh‐i, Michiyuki Koga, and Hiromi Serizawa. "A Case of Proliferative Fasciitis in the Abdominal Region." Journal of Dermatology 28, no. 12 (December 2001): 753–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1346-8138.2001.tb00072.x.
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AbstractA 20‐year‐old woman complained of a subcutaneous nodule accompanied by spontaneous pain and tenderness in the right hypochondriac region approximately two weeks prior to initial evaluation. The spontaneous pain and tenderness gradually worsened. Histopathological examination revealed a proliferative lesion that extended from the deep dermis to the fatty tissue and consisted predominantly of stellate or spindle‐shaped fibroblast‐like cells intermingled with gangliocyte‐like giant cells. Consequently, proliferative fasciitis was diagnosed. Our investigation revealed only 19 cases of proliferative fasciitis reported in Japan. The overall age range of them is 20 to 75 years (mean, 57.6 years). The lesion site in them is the head and neck in 10%, the trunk in 30%, and the extremities in 60%. It follows that the extremities are predominantly the site of proliferative fasciitis, and truncal lesions are relatively rare. It is rare for proliferative fasciitis to occur at a young age or in the abdominal region. We therefore examined the differences between proliferative fasciitis and similar disorders, namely proliferative myositis and nodular fasciitis, based on summaries of cases reported in Japan.