Relevant bibliographies by topics / Women in politics, Cameroon

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Women in politics, Cameroon'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Women in politics, Cameroon"

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Tabe, Simon Tabe. "Traditional Law and Discriminatory Customary Practices against Women in Cameroon: A Critical Perspective." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 28, no. 3 (August 2020): 418–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2020.0321.

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This article highlights the cultural and traditional practices that continue to discriminate against women in Cameroon, given that gender equality has been recognised and guaranteed in the Constitution of Cameroon and all international human rights instruments which Cameroon has ratified, notably the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and its Optional Protocol, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, and all other international and regional conventions and covenants relating to discrimination against women. The article points out that the status of a woman under traditional law is far less than that of a slave. A woman is regarded as an abominable object and subjected to harmful customary practices. Some customs still continue to affect the physical and psychological development of the village woman. It is suggested that the village woman should be empowered financially, economically and socially to fight against customary practices that violate their rights.
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Budji, Ivoline Kefen. "Utilizing Sounds of Mourning as Protest and Activism." Resonance 1, no. 4 (2020): 443–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.4.443.

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This paper examines how women of the northwestern Grassfields of Cameroon transpose and deploy lamentation sounds as a means of nonviolently resisting, challenging, counteracting, and controlling the audio-sphere hitherto militarized through the weaponization of the sounds of war. The main argument is that contrary to the popular narrative of African women as passive recipients of sociocultural norms and traditional political power that propagate female marginalization and oppression, African women can and do consciously draw from these same norms to achieve their sociopolitical aims. Following dark anthropology and the anthropology of resistance/activism that examine politics, power, conflict, and other grim realities of life, the paper employs a multimodal approach to illustrate how through the public performance of the sounds of mourning, the women tap into and make use of sociocultural understandings of womanhood and mourning. These sounds become an instrument that nonviolently opens a more peaceful channel for dialogue with the Cameroonian prime minister within the male-dominated political arena in modern-day Cameroon. The paper centers two integral yet often neglected elements of conflict: women and sound. Also, by examining how sociocultural instruments of subjugation can be pragmatically and ingeniously harnessed, overturned, and deployed by the victims to achieve the opposite of what these norms uphold, the paper provides vital insights about alternative forms of nonviolent resistance/activism from localized contexts within the Global South.
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van Santen, José C. M. "‘My “Veil” Does Not Go With My Jeans’: Veiling, Fundamentalism, Education and Women's Agency in Northern Cameroon." Africa 80, no. 2 (May 2010): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2010.0205.

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This article demonstrates that the struggle over the Muslim ‘veil’ in public schools, which is related to tensions between the norms of secular democracy and principles of religious tolerance, has also become a topic of debate in Cameroon. I take the life of a young woman, Maimouna, whose life I have followed for 22 years, as a point of departure, and place it in the historical and social contexts of her society. I try not only to negotiate presuppositions about women and Islam in order to challenge notions of Muslim women as a homogeneous category, but also to challenge the automatic association of Islam, fundamentalism and the debate on veiling. In this debate it is often taken for granted that women have no say over their own lives. I show not only that the wishes of diverse groups of women living in Muslim societies may vary, but also that in a single woman's life her views may change. I explore how aspects of the new fundamentalist discourse (in which education for women is of importance) – against a background in which political and religious leaders, as in the past, cooperate closely – come to the fore in the subject of veiling. Religious and political councils initiate the foundation of private Islamic schools that are built with money from Saudi Arabian NGOs. In these schools women may wear headgear, which they have to take off in public schools in accordance with the laic prescriptions of Cameroon's constitution. The incessant change of views on veiling is linked to local, national and international contexts, but in a different way at each level. The story of Maimouna indicates that modernity is gendered. In the fundamentalist discourse in Cameroon in which veiling has acquired significance, men opt for another type of school where veiling is allowed, while women opt for education.
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Cole, Jennifer. "Foreword: Collective Memory and the Politics of Reproduction in Africa." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.1.

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When Bamileke women in urban Cameroon give birth, older women often recall the ‘troubles’, the period between 1955 and 1974 when the UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) waged a battle of national independence, as a way of teaching their daughters about the hazards of reproduction and threats to Bamileke integrity as a people (Feldman-Savelsberget al.). Slightly to the north-west, in the Nigerian city of Kano, Igbo talk constantly about their memories of the Biafran war, using them to forge a sense of Igbo ethnic distinctiveness that reinforces patterns of patron-client relations critical to the maintenance of transregional connections (Smith), while further to the south many Yoruba are reassessing the meaning of the old practice of pawning children (Renne). Meanwhile in Botswana, where the AIDS epidemic exacts a high death toll, members of an Apostolic church create distinctive practices of remembering what caused a person's death. In so doing, they counter the attenuation of care and support that often occurs when people interpret death as due to illnesses transmitted through blood and improper sexual relations (Klaits). By contrast in a Samburu community in Kenya, the cultural practice ofntotoi, a complex board game, reproduces a male-dominated history of kinship, while systematically erasing a female narrative of adulterous births and forced infanticide. And among rural Beng in Côte d'Ivoire, beliefs and practices that structure infant care serve as an indirect critique of the violence of French colonialism and of its aftermath that continues to interfere in Beng lives in the form of high rates of infant mortality (Gottlieb). As these examples taken from this volume indicate, the papers gathered together in this special issue examine the complex and often contradictory ways in which the reproduction of memories shapes the social and biological reproduction of people.
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Fokwang, J. "African Women and Politics: Knowledge, gender, and power in male-dominated Cameroon, by Emmanuel Konde." African Affairs 107, no. 427 (February 16, 2008): 292–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adn009.

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Pommerolle, Marie-Emmanuelle, and Nadine Machikou Ngaméni. "FABRICS OF LOYALTY: THE POLITICS OF INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY WAX PRINT CLOTH IN CAMEROON." Africa 85, no. 4 (November 2015): 656–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000534.

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ABSTRACTBased on a study of the International Women's Day (8 March), a truly popular event in Cameroon, this article attempts to understand the dynamics of state mobilization in this long-lasting regime. By observing the production and use of one of its symbolic objects, the pagne du 8 mars (a dedicated wax print), it sheds significant light on the social fabric of loyalty and the articulation of loyalist and disruptive popular mobilizations and allows us to move beyond ready-made, state-centred explanations. As an object of exchange and social distinction, the pagne provides women with a variety of ways of interacting (or not interacting) with the state and with men. Although, on the face of it, the act of dressing in the day's cloth may be seen as an expression of collective loyalty to the regime, one cannot assume that it represents a single, undifferentiated approach to authority. Licentious behaviour while wearing this pagne may even represent a real condemnation of moral and political power imposed on women. For the moment, however, this ritual and its popular mobilization are sufficient for the government's purposes: it is able to point to the event as an example of its capacity to mobilize its female citizens, thereby showing that its claims to legitimacy are well-founded.
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Ageh Agejo, Patrick. "Legal Framework to Gender-Based Violence, Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights of Indigenous Women in Cameroon." African Journal of Legal Studies 11, no. 4 (December 10, 2019): 371–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340040.

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AbstractMen and women have different health profiles which necessitate different health needs, as a result of their biology and their distinct status in society. Discrimination and harmful traditional practices in many societies in the global south further affect the reproductive health of indigenous women. The paper will highlight discrimination against women in patriarchal indigenous communities in Cameroon. The paper focuses on violations that affect women’s reproductive health. The paper will discuss these violations in light of the country’s commitment to Sustainable Development Goal No. 3 on good health and well-being and Goal No. 5 on gender equality. The paper will also highlight the national and international laws addressing the right to the reproductive health of indigenous women. It will also examine gender-sensitive interventions, legislation and policies put in place by the indigenous community and the Government of Cameroon if any. The paper will end with conclusion and suggestions/recommendations on ways to improve the reproductive health of indigenous women in Cameroon.
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Vakunta, Peter Wuteh. "The status of pidgin English in the Cameroonian Tower of Babel." English Today 34, no. 1 (December 5, 2017): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026607841700044x.

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The choice of an official language in a linguistically pluralistic society often poses thorny problems, not least of which is that concerning perceived threats to the linguistic rights of minority language communities. This article discusses the importance of Cameroonian pidgin English (CPE) in relation to the two imperial languages inherited from colonial masters – English and French. I will contend that for the purpose of socio-political integration and national unity in Cameroon, it is incumbent upon policy-makers and language planners to choose pidgin English as one of the official languages in the country. CPE is a national lingua franca spoken by the rich and poor, men and women, educated and uneducated, young and old. Being one of the most widely spoken languages in the country, having met the communicative needs of Cameroonians for more than 500 years, and being a language that carries the identity and ecology of Cameroon, pidgin English has the potential to be promoted to the status of an official language and made to serve as a compromise medium for socio-political integration in an ethnically pluralistic nation such as Cameroon.
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Ako, Andrew Ako, Jun Shimada, Gloria Eneke Takem Eyong, and Wilson Yetoh Fantong. "Access to potable water and sanitation in Cameroon within the context of Millennium Development Goals (MDGS)." Water Science and Technology 61, no. 5 (March 1, 2010): 1317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2010.836.

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Cameroon has been fully engaged with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. This paper examines the situation of access to potable water and sanitation in Cameroon within the context of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), establishes whether Cameroon is on the track of meeting the MDGs in these domains and proposes actions to be taken to bring it closer to these objectives. Based on analyzed data obtained from national surveys, government ministries, national statistical offices, bibliographic research, reports and interviews, it argues that Cameroon will not reach the water and sanitation MGDs. While Cameroon is not yet on track to meet the targets of the MDGs for water and sanitation, it has made notable progress since 1990, much more needs to be done to improve the situation, especially in rural areas. In 2006, 70% of the population had access to safe drinking water and the coverage in urban centres is 88%, significantly better than the 47% in rural areas. However, rapid urbanization has rendered existing infrastructure inadequate with periurban dwellers also lacking access to safe drinking water. Sanitation coverage is also poor. In urban areas only 58% of the population has access to improved sanitation facilities, and the rate in rural areas is 42%. Women and girls shoulder the largest burden in collecting water, 15% of urban and 18% rural populations use improved drinking water sources over 30 minutes away. Cameroon faces the following challenges in reaching the water and sanitation MDGs: poor management and development of the resources, coupled with inadequate political will and commitment for the long term; rapid urbanization; urban and rural poverty and regulation and legislative lapses. The authors propose that: bridging the gap between national water policies and water services; recognizing the role played by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the attainment of MDGs; developing a Council Water Resource Management Policy and Strategy (CWARMPS); organizing an institutional framework for the water and sanitation sector as well as completion and implementation of an Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) plan, would bring Cameroon closer to the water and sanitation MDGs.
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van Santen, José C. M. "Islam, gender and urbanisation among the Mafa of north Cameroon: the differing commitment to ‘home’ among Muslims and non-Muslims." Africa 68, no. 3 (July 1998): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161256.

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The history of the town of Mokolo, in the heart of the land of the Mafa (in northern Cameroon), exhibits a specific pattern of urbanisation that seems characteristic of Islamic frontier zones generally in Africa. The town was founded as a settlement for converted slaves towards the end of the nineteenth century by Fulbe chiefs who regularly raided the area. Since that time urbanisation has largely gone hand in hand with Islamisation. It has involved, therefore, a marked change of identity for Mafa converts in the town, with drastic consequences for their relationship with their areas of origin in the mountains. The article emphasises, moreover, that the implications of Islamisation/urbanisation differ along gender lines. Although for both men and women the Muslim community in town provided specific forms of social security, the motives for migration, and the ways men and women were included in the urban community, differed sharply. In the 1980s, owing to political changes at the national level, the pressure to convert to Islam decreased throughout northern Cameroon. Since then the number of migrants to town who do not convert has increased rapidly. Mokolo used to be a Muslim town. In the 1990s, however, it has become more and more a Mafa town, and thus symbolises the revival of Mafa ethnicity as a truly region-wide force.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women in politics, Cameroon"

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Alexandra, Diwouta T. Christele. "The place of women in the political sphere: a comparative study of Cameroon and South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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This thesis compared the status of women's political participation in Cameroon and South Africa through an assessment conducted against the backdrop key of international, regional and national human rights standards. The aim of this thesis was not only, to be conscious of women's absence in politics, but to also take steps to redefine sound strategies to implement gender equality in terms of the political participation of women on the part of governments.
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Diwouta, Tiki Christele Alexandra. "The place of women in the political sphere: a comparative study of Cameroon and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1077.

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"Issues of gender have always, and continue to, inhibit women from access to public office. With the increase of gender mainstreaming and struggle for equality, the internntional community has become increasingly aware of the absence of women in politics. The aims of this dissertation is not only, however, to be conscious of women's absence in politics, but to also take steps to redefine sound strategies to implement gender equality in terms of the political participation of women on the part of governments. This dissertation will focus on the place accorded to South African women in relation to the consolidation of a fairly new democracy, compared and contrasted to the struggle of their Cameroonian counterparts within the context of a much older democracy. Moreover, ratified conventional instruments as well as domestic constitutional dispositions currently in force in Cameroon dictate gender equality, thus calling for the implementation of special measures to enhance the participation of women. Yet, there have been no serious efforts on the part of Cameroon to revise or abrogate numerous coexisting discriminatory provisions and practices that perpetrate systematic discrimination against women in various ways within existing institutions. ... Chapter one sets out the scope of the study through the identification of the research problem and outlines the chosen methodology. This chapter also states the aims and objectives of the paper as well as its limitations. Chapter two considers the international and regional provisions governing women's rights. The main aim of this chapter is to recoup dispositions in human rights instruments with specific reference to gender equality and the participation of women in public life. Chapter three gives a historical backdrop of the participation of women in politics in both countries and sets out the domestic and constitutional provisions that relate to the status of women in politics in both Cameroon and South Africa. It also contains case studies to elucidate the particular challenges faced by women in these two countries. Chapter four analyses the extent to which Cameroon and South Africa have complied with international, regional as well as national human rights standards pertaining to women's political participation rights. The final chapter will contain conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Letitia van der Poll, Faculty of Law of the University of the Western Cape, South Africa
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Ntongho, Rachael Ajomboh. "The Politics of Corporate Accountability Regulation in Cameroon." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.532244.

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Gwanvalla, Delphine Ngehndab. "A study of women's representation in relation to poverty: a case study of The Post March 2009." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007144.

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The media, specifically tabloids, have the potential to portray poverty-related issues in a manner that informs the public and government about the experiences of people living in poverty so that it can be tackled with urgency. Poverty has blighted the lives of many, especially women, children and widows in Cameroon. The role of the media in reporting the plight and suffering of the ‘masses’ potentially shapes the way in which these issues are handled by those in authority. The study notes that the tabloid press has the potential to expose certain experiences of ordinary people thereby constituting that alternative sphere for the disadvantaged. The study investigates the manner women are represented in The Post which is an English tabloid published in Cameroon. The representation of women in this study looks at the institutional policies which drive the representation of women in news constructs, analyses the news values which shape news production, and uses Thompson’s modes of ideology to unravel the underlying meanings in the reported stories. The study is inspired by the claims that since women make up the majority of the world's poor, so too would media representations depict them as such. It utilises thematic analysis to understand the manner in which women are represented in The Post. It also uses interviews with the regional bureau editor of the North West region to probe what news values and institutional policies drive the stories on women’s poverty. Document analysis is used to better comprehend the institutional guidelines which govern the representation of women during the month of March 2009.
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Numvi, Gwaibi Wallace. "Decentralisation and community participation : local development and municipal politics in Cameroon." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/57215.

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This thesis explores how policies of decentralisation and community participation adopted in Cameroon in 1996 have played out on the ground since 2004. These reforms were carried out amid economic crisis, structural adjustment and political upheaval. At the time, popular sentiment was that change on the economic and political fronts was imperative. However, the ruling elite, some of whom had been shuttling around the state apparatus since independence, feared that succumbing to popular demands for change was tantamount to political suicide, as was the case elsewhere on the continent. These elites thwarted opposition demands for a sovereign national conference to discuss constitutional reform. On the other hand, the Francophone-dominated elite fiercely objected to Anglophone demands for the restoration of the Federal state that was dissolved in 1972. Instead, decentralisation was presented as a genuine forum for grassroots autonomy and municipal councils as credible arenas for community participation in local development. This study adopts an interdisciplinary approach to unearth the permutations of decentralisation and community participation in Cameroon and documents how local issues influence and are influenced by national policies and processes.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
tm2016
Anthropology and Archaeology
PhD
Unrestricted
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Akale, Catherine Mudime. "Gendered politics and the secondary status of female bureaucrats in Cameroonian governing institutions." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341681.

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Klein, Megan Lynn. "Perceptions of ability to refuse sex among single women in urban Cameroon." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/103.

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Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2003.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Sociology. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Chapnkem, Wenceslaw Chap. "Perceptions of Access to Healthcare in Cameroon by Women of Childbearing Age." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6981.

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Increased poverty and unemployment rates, minimal investment in social amenities, a shortage of healthcare professionals, poor infrastructure, inadequate social services, and poor institutional and political leadership have weakened the healthcare status of Cameroon's women who have reached the age of childbearing. The World Health Organization expressed increased urgency for healthcare providers and patients to develop new healthcare policies to eliminate health-related disparities. The aim of this phenomenological study was to examine the perceptions of women of childbearing age living in Mamfe rural community in regard to Cameroon's healthcare system and its impact on their lives. The theoretical foundation of the study was the healthcare utilization model. Interviews were conducted with 10 women participants, ages between 18 and 45. The data collected through semistructured interviews were analyzed using NVivo 11 and the Colaizzi 7-step processes to identify themes and subthemes. Study findings revealed systemic challenges that affected healthcare access which need to be adequately addressed to reduce maternal and child mortality among women of child-bearing age. The study findings could foster social change by improving the development of healthcare standards, as well as illustrating methods of increasing the level of access to healthcare services among women of childbearing age.
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Yotebieng, Kelly A. "The capacity to aspire among Rwandan urban refugee women in Yaounde, Cameroon." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1552294376449228.

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au, kyliespear@optusnet com, and Kylie Murphy. "Bitch: The Politics of Angry Women." Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040820.135459.

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‘Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women’ investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women’s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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Books on the topic "Women in politics, Cameroon"

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African women and politics: Knowledge, gender, and power in male-dominated Cameroon. Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2005.

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Konde, Emmanuel. The use of women for the empowerment of men in African nationalist politics: The 1958 "anlu" in Cameroon. Boston, MA (270 Bay State Rd., Boston 02215): African Studies Center, Boston University, 1990.

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Men own the fields, women own the crops: Gender and power in the Cameroon grassfields. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1996.

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Biyong, Marie-Irène Ngapeth. Cameroun: Combats pour l'indépendance. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2009.

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Group, International Crisis. Cameroon: Fragile state? Nairobi]: International Crisis Group, 2010.

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Murphy, Dervla. Cameroon with Egbert. Oxford: Isis, 1989.

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Cameroon with Egbert. London: Murray, 1989.

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Murphy, Dervla. Cameroon with Egbert. London: Murray, 1989.

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Cameroon with Egbert. Woodstock, N.Y: Overlook Press, 1990.

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Le face à face manqué: Élections présidentielles du 11 octobre 2004 au Cameroun : déclaration de madame Eteki-Otabela sur les élections du 11 octobre 2004 à l'attention des observateurs étrangers indépendants. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women in politics, Cameroon"

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Mbondgulo-Wondieh, Zoneziwoh. "Women and the Anglophone Struggle in Cameroon." In Gender, Protests and Political Change in Africa, 131–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46343-4_7.

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Konings, Piet, and Francis B. Nyamnjoh. "Anglophone Secessionist Movements in Cameroon." In Secessionism in African Politics, 59–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90206-7_3.

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Helbert, Maryse. "The Chad–Cameroon Pipeline: A Model Project?" In Women, Gender and Oil Exploitation, 97–114. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81803-6_6.

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Bongmba, Elias K. "Women and tfu in Wimbum Community, Cameroon." In Gendering Knowledge in Africa and the African Diaspora, 164–87. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Global Africa ; 5: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315177717-10.

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Corrin, Chris. "Politics in Transition." In Magyar Women, 214–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23126-3_8.

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Burrell, Barbara. "“Doing Politics”." In Women and Politics, 113–31. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge series on identity politics: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315719535-6.

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Galligan, Yvonne, and Fiona Buckley. "Women in politics." In Politics in the Republic of Ireland, 216–39. Sixth Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | “First edition published by PSAI Press 1992”–T.p. verso. | “Fifth edition published by Routledge in association with PSAI Press 2010”–T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315652313-9.

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Downing, Lisa. "The politics of selfishness." In Selfish Women, 77–99. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429285349-4.

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Capern, Amanda. "Politics." In The Historical Study of Women, 149–95. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09154-3_6.

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Goodridge, Richard. "Women and Plantations in West Cameroon since 1900." In Engendering History, 384–402. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07302-0_20.

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Conference papers on the topic "Women in politics, Cameroon"

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Gerard, Ndukong Tata, and Samba Odette Ngano. "Women and Physics in Cameroon." In WOMEN IN PHYSICS: The IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.1505301.

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Woulache, Rosalie Laure, Guillaume Kom, Beatrice Couonang Siebatcheu, and Marthe Boyomo Onana. "The situation of women in physics in Cameroon." In WOMEN IN PHYSICS: 4th IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.4794231.

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Boyomo, M., G. H. Kom, B. Siebatcheu, M. L. Asse, R. Woulache, E. Mvoudjo, Beverly Karplus Hartline, Renee K. Horton, and Catherine M. Kaicher. "Overcoming Underrepresentation of Women Physics Teachers in Cameroon: Preliminary Study." In WOMEN IN PHYSICS: Third IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3137924.

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Para, Iulia. "WOMEN, POLITICS AND IMMORALITY IN ANCIENT ROME." In 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Social Sciences ISCSS 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscss.2019.5/s18.039.

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"Role of Indian Muslim Women in Politics." In Budapest 2017 International Conferences. EAP, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eap.ed0917024.

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Rakhmaniah, Aniek. "Women and Politics in Local Autonomy Era." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.12.

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Kollo, Fredik Lambertus, and Sunarso Sunarso. "Patriarchy Culture and Injustice for Women in Politics." In Proceedings of the Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.25.

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Chaerowati, Dede Lilis, Nova Yuliati, and Mochamad Rochim. "Empowering Women in Politics through Women's Political Organization." In Proceedings of the Social and Humaniora Research Symposium (SoRes 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sores-18.2019.46.

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Bidwell, Nicola J. "Women and the Spatial Politics of Community Networks." In OZCHI'19: 31ST AUSTRALIAN CONFERENCE ON HUMAN-COMPUTER-INTERACTION. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3369457.3369474.

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Maria, Kalfa. "How does patriarchy prevent women from entering politics?" In 4th International Academic Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/4th.iachss.2020.09.223.

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Reports on the topic "Women in politics, Cameroon"

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D.F., Kengoum. REDD+ politics in the media: A case study from Cameroon. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003388.

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Henderson, Nancy. British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6682.

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Miller, Jennifer. The Politics of Nazi Art: The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.7033.

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Clarke, Roland. Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia: The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1038.

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Thomas, Jakana. Duty and Defiance: Women in Community-based Armed Groups in West Africa. RESOLVE Network, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.1.

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Abstract:
This desk report explores how West African community-based armed groups (CBAGs) facilitate women’s engagement with politics, create avenues for female expressions of anger, commitment to community values and national identity, and enable women to push for change in their communities by opening spaces for female participation. Assessing the formal and informal contributions women make to armed community mobilization and hybrid security reveals opportunities for gender-specific engagement and cautions that unidimensional considerations of where and how women intersect with conflict and security have the potential to undermine violence reduction and post-conflict peacebuilding efforts.
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