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Journal articles on the topic 'Women in politics, Cameroon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Tabe, Simon Tabe. "Traditional Law and Discriminatory Customary Practices against Women in Cameroon: A Critical Perspective." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 28, no. 3 (August 2020): 418–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2020.0321.

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This article highlights the cultural and traditional practices that continue to discriminate against women in Cameroon, given that gender equality has been recognised and guaranteed in the Constitution of Cameroon and all international human rights instruments which Cameroon has ratified, notably the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and its Optional Protocol, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, and all other international and regional conventions and covenants relating to discrimination against women. The article points out that the status of a woman under traditional law is far less than that of a slave. A woman is regarded as an abominable object and subjected to harmful customary practices. Some customs still continue to affect the physical and psychological development of the village woman. It is suggested that the village woman should be empowered financially, economically and socially to fight against customary practices that violate their rights.

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Budji, Ivoline Kefen. "Utilizing Sounds of Mourning as Protest and Activism." Resonance 1, no. 4 (2020): 443–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.4.443.

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This paper examines how women of the northwestern Grassfields of Cameroon transpose and deploy lamentation sounds as a means of nonviolently resisting, challenging, counteracting, and controlling the audio-sphere hitherto militarized through the weaponization of the sounds of war. The main argument is that contrary to the popular narrative of African women as passive recipients of sociocultural norms and traditional political power that propagate female marginalization and oppression, African women can and do consciously draw from these same norms to achieve their sociopolitical aims. Following dark anthropology and the anthropology of resistance/activism that examine politics, power, conflict, and other grim realities of life, the paper employs a multimodal approach to illustrate how through the public performance of the sounds of mourning, the women tap into and make use of sociocultural understandings of womanhood and mourning. These sounds become an instrument that nonviolently opens a more peaceful channel for dialogue with the Cameroonian prime minister within the male-dominated political arena in modern-day Cameroon. The paper centers two integral yet often neglected elements of conflict: women and sound. Also, by examining how sociocultural instruments of subjugation can be pragmatically and ingeniously harnessed, overturned, and deployed by the victims to achieve the opposite of what these norms uphold, the paper provides vital insights about alternative forms of nonviolent resistance/activism from localized contexts within the Global South.

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van Santen, José C. M. "‘My “Veil” Does Not Go With My Jeans’: Veiling, Fundamentalism, Education and Women's Agency in Northern Cameroon." Africa 80, no. 2 (May 2010): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2010.0205.

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This article demonstrates that the struggle over the Muslim ‘veil’ in public schools, which is related to tensions between the norms of secular democracy and principles of religious tolerance, has also become a topic of debate in Cameroon. I take the life of a young woman, Maimouna, whose life I have followed for 22 years, as a point of departure, and place it in the historical and social contexts of her society. I try not only to negotiate presuppositions about women and Islam in order to challenge notions of Muslim women as a homogeneous category, but also to challenge the automatic association of Islam, fundamentalism and the debate on veiling. In this debate it is often taken for granted that women have no say over their own lives. I show not only that the wishes of diverse groups of women living in Muslim societies may vary, but also that in a single woman's life her views may change. I explore how aspects of the new fundamentalist discourse (in which education for women is of importance) – against a background in which political and religious leaders, as in the past, cooperate closely – come to the fore in the subject of veiling. Religious and political councils initiate the foundation of private Islamic schools that are built with money from Saudi Arabian NGOs. In these schools women may wear headgear, which they have to take off in public schools in accordance with the laic prescriptions of Cameroon's constitution. The incessant change of views on veiling is linked to local, national and international contexts, but in a different way at each level. The story of Maimouna indicates that modernity is gendered. In the fundamentalist discourse in Cameroon in which veiling has acquired significance, men opt for another type of school where veiling is allowed, while women opt for education.

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Cole, Jennifer. "Foreword: Collective Memory and the Politics of Reproduction in Africa." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.1.

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When Bamileke women in urban Cameroon give birth, older women often recall the ‘troubles’, the period between 1955 and 1974 when the UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) waged a battle of national independence, as a way of teaching their daughters about the hazards of reproduction and threats to Bamileke integrity as a people (Feldman-Savelsberget al.). Slightly to the north-west, in the Nigerian city of Kano, Igbo talk constantly about their memories of the Biafran war, using them to forge a sense of Igbo ethnic distinctiveness that reinforces patterns of patron-client relations critical to the maintenance of transregional connections (Smith), while further to the south many Yoruba are reassessing the meaning of the old practice of pawning children (Renne). Meanwhile in Botswana, where the AIDS epidemic exacts a high death toll, members of an Apostolic church create distinctive practices of remembering what caused a person's death. In so doing, they counter the attenuation of care and support that often occurs when people interpret death as due to illnesses transmitted through blood and improper sexual relations (Klaits). By contrast in a Samburu community in Kenya, the cultural practice ofntotoi, a complex board game, reproduces a male-dominated history of kinship, while systematically erasing a female narrative of adulterous births and forced infanticide. And among rural Beng in Côte d'Ivoire, beliefs and practices that structure infant care serve as an indirect critique of the violence of French colonialism and of its aftermath that continues to interfere in Beng lives in the form of high rates of infant mortality (Gottlieb). As these examples taken from this volume indicate, the papers gathered together in this special issue examine the complex and often contradictory ways in which the reproduction of memories shapes the social and biological reproduction of people.

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Fokwang, J. "African Women and Politics: Knowledge, gender, and power in male-dominated Cameroon, by Emmanuel Konde." African Affairs 107, no. 427 (February 16, 2008): 292–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adn009.

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6

Pommerolle, Marie-Emmanuelle, and Nadine Machikou Ngaméni. "FABRICS OF LOYALTY: THE POLITICS OF INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY WAX PRINT CLOTH IN CAMEROON." Africa 85, no. 4 (November 2015): 656–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000534.

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ABSTRACTBased on a study of the International Women's Day (8 March), a truly popular event in Cameroon, this article attempts to understand the dynamics of state mobilization in this long-lasting regime. By observing the production and use of one of its symbolic objects, the pagne du 8 mars (a dedicated wax print), it sheds significant light on the social fabric of loyalty and the articulation of loyalist and disruptive popular mobilizations and allows us to move beyond ready-made, state-centred explanations. As an object of exchange and social distinction, the pagne provides women with a variety of ways of interacting (or not interacting) with the state and with men. Although, on the face of it, the act of dressing in the day's cloth may be seen as an expression of collective loyalty to the regime, one cannot assume that it represents a single, undifferentiated approach to authority. Licentious behaviour while wearing this pagne may even represent a real condemnation of moral and political power imposed on women. For the moment, however, this ritual and its popular mobilization are sufficient for the government's purposes: it is able to point to the event as an example of its capacity to mobilize its female citizens, thereby showing that its claims to legitimacy are well-founded.

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Ageh Agejo, Patrick. "Legal Framework to Gender-Based Violence, Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights of Indigenous Women in Cameroon." African Journal of Legal Studies 11, no. 4 (December 10, 2019): 371–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340040.

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AbstractMen and women have different health profiles which necessitate different health needs, as a result of their biology and their distinct status in society. Discrimination and harmful traditional practices in many societies in the global south further affect the reproductive health of indigenous women. The paper will highlight discrimination against women in patriarchal indigenous communities in Cameroon. The paper focuses on violations that affect women’s reproductive health. The paper will discuss these violations in light of the country’s commitment to Sustainable Development Goal No. 3 on good health and well-being and Goal No. 5 on gender equality. The paper will also highlight the national and international laws addressing the right to the reproductive health of indigenous women. It will also examine gender-sensitive interventions, legislation and policies put in place by the indigenous community and the Government of Cameroon if any. The paper will end with conclusion and suggestions/recommendations on ways to improve the reproductive health of indigenous women in Cameroon.

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Vakunta, Peter Wuteh. "The status of pidgin English in the Cameroonian Tower of Babel." English Today 34, no. 1 (December 5, 2017): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026607841700044x.

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The choice of an official language in a linguistically pluralistic society often poses thorny problems, not least of which is that concerning perceived threats to the linguistic rights of minority language communities. This article discusses the importance of Cameroonian pidgin English (CPE) in relation to the two imperial languages inherited from colonial masters – English and French. I will contend that for the purpose of socio-political integration and national unity in Cameroon, it is incumbent upon policy-makers and language planners to choose pidgin English as one of the official languages in the country. CPE is a national lingua franca spoken by the rich and poor, men and women, educated and uneducated, young and old. Being one of the most widely spoken languages in the country, having met the communicative needs of Cameroonians for more than 500 years, and being a language that carries the identity and ecology of Cameroon, pidgin English has the potential to be promoted to the status of an official language and made to serve as a compromise medium for socio-political integration in an ethnically pluralistic nation such as Cameroon.

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Ako, Andrew Ako, Jun Shimada, Gloria Eneke Takem Eyong, and Wilson Yetoh Fantong. "Access to potable water and sanitation in Cameroon within the context of Millennium Development Goals (MDGS)." Water Science and Technology 61, no. 5 (March 1, 2010): 1317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2010.836.

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Cameroon has been fully engaged with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. This paper examines the situation of access to potable water and sanitation in Cameroon within the context of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), establishes whether Cameroon is on the track of meeting the MDGs in these domains and proposes actions to be taken to bring it closer to these objectives. Based on analyzed data obtained from national surveys, government ministries, national statistical offices, bibliographic research, reports and interviews, it argues that Cameroon will not reach the water and sanitation MGDs. While Cameroon is not yet on track to meet the targets of the MDGs for water and sanitation, it has made notable progress since 1990, much more needs to be done to improve the situation, especially in rural areas. In 2006, 70% of the population had access to safe drinking water and the coverage in urban centres is 88%, significantly better than the 47% in rural areas. However, rapid urbanization has rendered existing infrastructure inadequate with periurban dwellers also lacking access to safe drinking water. Sanitation coverage is also poor. In urban areas only 58% of the population has access to improved sanitation facilities, and the rate in rural areas is 42%. Women and girls shoulder the largest burden in collecting water, 15% of urban and 18% rural populations use improved drinking water sources over 30 minutes away. Cameroon faces the following challenges in reaching the water and sanitation MDGs: poor management and development of the resources, coupled with inadequate political will and commitment for the long term; rapid urbanization; urban and rural poverty and regulation and legislative lapses. The authors propose that: bridging the gap between national water policies and water services; recognizing the role played by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the attainment of MDGs; developing a Council Water Resource Management Policy and Strategy (CWARMPS); organizing an institutional framework for the water and sanitation sector as well as completion and implementation of an Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) plan, would bring Cameroon closer to the water and sanitation MDGs.

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10

van Santen, José C. M. "Islam, gender and urbanisation among the Mafa of north Cameroon: the differing commitment to ‘home’ among Muslims and non-Muslims." Africa 68, no. 3 (July 1998): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161256.

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The history of the town of Mokolo, in the heart of the land of the Mafa (in northern Cameroon), exhibits a specific pattern of urbanisation that seems characteristic of Islamic frontier zones generally in Africa. The town was founded as a settlement for converted slaves towards the end of the nineteenth century by Fulbe chiefs who regularly raided the area. Since that time urbanisation has largely gone hand in hand with Islamisation. It has involved, therefore, a marked change of identity for Mafa converts in the town, with drastic consequences for their relationship with their areas of origin in the mountains. The article emphasises, moreover, that the implications of Islamisation/urbanisation differ along gender lines. Although for both men and women the Muslim community in town provided specific forms of social security, the motives for migration, and the ways men and women were included in the urban community, differed sharply. In the 1980s, owing to political changes at the national level, the pressure to convert to Islam decreased throughout northern Cameroon. Since then the number of migrants to town who do not convert has increased rapidly. Mokolo used to be a Muslim town. In the 1990s, however, it has become more and more a Mafa town, and thus symbolises the revival of Mafa ethnicity as a truly region-wide force.

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Feldman-Savelsberg, Pamela, Flavien T. Ndonko, and Song Yang. "Remembering ‘The Troubles’: Reproductive Insecurity and the Management of Memory in Cameroon." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.10.

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AbstractThe ‘time of troubles’, a period of a radical nationalist movement (the UPC) and state reprisals sometimes called the Bamileke Rebellion, rocked Cameroon during the years surrounding its Independence in 1960. At the time, Bamileke women related their political and economic tribulations to numerous reproductive difficulties. They continue to do so today, linking perceived threats to their ethnic distinctiveness and survival to a sense of reproductive vulnerability. In this paper we explore the management of collective memories of the troubles as part of the social and cultural context of reproduction in a high-fertility society. Building upon extensive fieldwork among the Bamileke since the 1980s, we use data from participant observation, intensive interviews, and a two-round social network survey in six Bamileke women's associations in Yaoundé. Envisioned as a complement to a meaning-centred ethnographic approach, we are interested in several interrelated aspects of how urban Bamileke women manage their repertoire of memory. First, we explore how the ‘time of troubles’ and its memories are referenced in women's images of reproductive threat in three periods of Cameroonian history (the troubles themselves, the aftermath of a regime change, and the ‘crisis’ at the turn to the new millennium). Second, we seek to understand the social structuring of memory in network terms. Who are the carriers of memories of ‘the troubles’? And through which social ties are these memories transmitted and negotiated? Finally, drawing upon Mannheim's insights regarding generations and collective memory, we analyse cohort effects on the content of memories.

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12

Kimengsi, Jude Ndzifon, Roland Azibo Balgah, Gertrud Buchenrieder, Magdalene Silberberger, and Hene Pridedinorah Batosor. "An empirical analysis of credit-financed agribusiness investments and income poverty dynamics of rural women in Cameroon." Community Development 51, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15575330.2020.1716031.

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13

Schler, Lynn. "Writing African Women's History with Male Sources: Possibilities and Limitations." History in Africa 31 (2004): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036154130000351x.

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Colonial sources can provide historians with a wealth of information about African lives during the colonial period, but they must be read against the grain, filtering out valuable information from the biases and prejudices of European officials. The task of studying African women's history using colonial sources is even more complicated, as women were not often the focus of the colonial agenda, and contact between colonial officials and African women was relatively limited, and often indirect. Particularly in those arenas of African social, cultural, and political life deemed as women's spheres, colonial officials had little incentive to intervene. As a result, historians of later generations are faced with relatively sparse documentation of women-centered social activity during the colonial era. For their part, African women guarded cultural and political spheres under their influence from outside intervention, thus making it difficult for Europeans, and particularly European men, to gain a full and accurate understanding of women's individual and collective experiences under colonial rule.This paper will examine colonial research and documentation of African women's birthing practices.to illustrate both the potential for using these sources to understand some basic elements of women's experiences, and the limitations of this source material in providing deep and accurate insights into African women's history. Using an example from colonial Cameroon, we will see how European interest in women's birthing practices was motivated by colonial economic and scientific agendas steeped in racism and sexism, preventing European researchers from obtaining a balanced and accurate understanding of this women's sphere of social life. On the other hand, the documents reveal efforts of African women to prevent the colonial infiltration into women's arenas of influence.

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Mforbe Chiangong, Pepetual. "Patronage or Negotiation?" Matatu 51, no. 1 (June 18, 2020): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05101006.

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Abstract The collaboration between theatre directors and funding agencies can impede and/or promote the aesthetics and functionality of theatre performances, thus (dis)empowering the ordinary people. The paper, focusing on two performances, The Boomerang and Pamela’s Journal sponsored by the Fobang-Mundi Foundation and The Society for Women and AIDS in Africa-Cameroon (SWAA-C), explores the role of institutions and organisations that fund theatre projects in Africa to highlight the impact of patronage, specifically in contexts where the patron-artist relation is evoked. Questioning whether such projects could actually confer “power to the people,” depend on the negotiation skills and professionality of the theatre facilitator; the paper focuses on the beneficiaries of commissioned performances.

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Fonjong, Lotsmart N., and Adwoa Y. Gyapong. "Plantations, women, and food security in Africa: Interrogating the investment pathway towards zero hunger in Cameroon and Ghana." World Development 138 (February 2021): 105293. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2020.105293.

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Frank, Barbara. "Gendered Ritual Dualism in a Patrilineal Society: Opposition and Complementarity in Kulere Fertility Cults." Africa 74, no. 2 (May 2004): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.2.217.

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AbstractAlthough a favourable position for women is usually anticipated where they occupy important economic roles in the context of matrilineal descent, such a position may well exist in a patrilineal society, especially if women organise as in West Africa. Here there exist well-organised women's cult associations which are well known from Liberia and Sierra Leone and occur also in western Cameroon and south-eastern Nigeria. The present article demonstrates the existence of a comparable women's association in middle-belt Nigeria among the Kulere. The article focuses mainly on the manner in which through the cooperation of certain men's and women's associations ‘gender symmetry’ was ritually expressed in the sphere of agriculture and fertility. The practical foundation of this symmetry in fertility cults was a relatively even division of labour between the sexes and a favourable position for women in marriage, since they could decide independently whether to stay with a husband or leave him. Cult associations were predominant in public life. Women were strictly excluded from men's associations which held political–ritual offices and channelled advantages in ritual consumption to men. Notwithstanding this exclusion, women had their own association in which they could regulate their own affairs as well as pass decisions for the whole community including the men. The women's organisation held major responsibilities for the protection and the fertility of the fields, both practically as well as ritually. In this responsibility the women's association cooperated with a men's association which otherwise intimidated women. This association of males protected the fields through the presence of supernatural guardians which was sometimes staged in masquerades. The corresponding duties and cooperation of both associations were enacted ritually through the use of common shrines and when the women contacted water spirits to increase the harvest under the protection of male masqueraders. The Kulere case shows a patrilineal society where women had a relatively independent position which was publicly acknowledged through gender dualism in the ritual organisation of agriculture in which their special capabilities with respect to fertility and sustainability were recognised.

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Jindra, Michael. "Christianity and the Proliferation of Ancestors: Changes in Hierarchy and Mortuary Ritual in the Cameroon Grassfields." Africa 75, no. 3 (August 2005): 356–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.3.356.

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AbstractDuring the twentieth century, the ‘death celebration’ became arguably the most important cultural event throughout much of the Western Grassfields of Cameroon. The growth of this ritual festival occurred in the context of major political, economic and religious changes in the Grassfields. This article will focus on how religious changes, particularly the growth of Christianity, contributed to the rise of this event and how it has prompted significant changes in notions and practices concerning the pollution of death, personhood, burial rites and the ancestors. In the traditional hierarchical structure of Grassfields society, only certain titled individuals and chiefs were believed to live on after death and become ancestors. This was reflected in burial rituals. Individuals who became ancestors were buried in family compounds while ‘unimportant’ people were frequently disposed of in the ‘bush’, streams or hurriedly given unmarked burials. Christianity, because of its stress on individual personhood and its message of an afterlife for everyone, became an attractive alternative to established beliefs and practices, especially for young adults, women and those without titles, who were the most disenfranchised in the traditional system. With Christianity, burial rites became standardized and were extended to virtually everyone. Christianity also caused declines in notions of death ‘pollution’ and in beliefs about ‘bad deaths’. Because of continued beliefs in the power of ancestors, the egalitarian notions of personhood stimulated by Christianity have ironically created a ‘proliferation’ of ancestors for whom delayed mortuary rites such as ‘death celebrations’ are owed.

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Ndjio, Basile. "POST-COLONIAL HISTORIES OF SEXUALITY: THE POLITICAL INVENTION OF A LIBIDINAL AFRICAN STRAIGHT." Africa 82, no. 4 (November 2012): 609–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000526.

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ABSTRACTThis study addresses the problem of sexuality and ideology in relation to (pan)-Africanist doctrines that have been instrumental in the effort of post-colonial African elites to constitute an exclusive African sexual selfhood. The focus is on their efforts to ‘Africanize’ the sexuality of the masses in a global context that dramatizes the uncontrolled flow of sexual desires, and favours the emergence of new forms of sexual expressions and practices that destabilize the post-colonial sexual order. The leading question informing this study is how a hegemonic heterosexual identity has come to be internalized in post-colonial Africa, and how both men and women have come to believe that to be ‘good’ citizens or ‘real’ Africans they have to become repressed subjects who not only limit their sexuality solely to heterosexual desires, but also have a natural aversion to other forms of sexuality such as same-sex relations. My main argument is that in most African countries, and specifically in Cameroon, both the edification of a phallocratico-patriarchal society and the political invention of the sublimated Muntu, the so-called libidinal African straight, went along with the suppression, annihilation or negation of gays and lesbians, generally misrepresented as deracinated Africans and dangerous ‘witch-others’.

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Feldman-Savelsberg, Pamela, and Tiokou Ndonko. "Urbanites and Urban Villagers: Comparing ‘Home’ Among Elite and Non-elite Bamiléké Women's Hometown Associations." Africa 80, no. 3 (August 2010): 371–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2010.0302.

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Most work on the political implications of hometown associations has focused on male elites. This contribution attends instead to the gendered varieties of hometown associations, exploring variations in the bases of shared identity among six Bamiléké women's hometown associations – hailing from Ndé Division, Western Province, and organized in both elite and neighbourhood-based non-elite associations – in Yaoundé, Cameroon. It suggests several ways to reconceptualize hometown associations and belonging. Addressing the situationally specific ways Bamiléké women use and interpret ‘home’, the unit of belonging, it differentiates among actors and associations by gender and status. Viewing the autochthony debate from the perspective of allogènes, it reveals that the emotions of memory, marginalization and recognition are central to belonging, understandings of home, and involvement in hometown associations. Finally, it suggests that differences in associations’ network structure affect both orientations and actions toward the home place, and at times an ‘ethnicization’ of ‘home’. The non-elite hometown associations exhibit the dense, bounded networks of ‘urban villages’ and strive to bring ‘home’ to the city. Members of elite hometown associations are urbanites, developing social networks consisting of more diverse and specialized ties, which may account for more universalistic discourse about bringing ‘development’ to the hometown.

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Ndumbe, PeterM, and Emmanuel Yenshu. "Cameroon: Vaccination and politics." Lancet 339, no. 8803 (May 1992): 1222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(92)91151-w.

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Mouyema, Honorée D. Epée-Kotto. "The status of activities concerning girls, young women and mothers in the programme of health and social measures of the National Social Insurance Fund of Cameroon." International Social Security Review 38, no. 4 (October 1985): 378–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-246x.1985.tb00579.x.

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BARLEY, NIGEL. "DESIGNING WOMEN, CAMEROON." Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 810, no. 1 Queens, Queen (June 1997): 371–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.1997.tb48135.x.

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23

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Cameroon." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 23, no. 10 (October 2, 2017): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2017.23.10.518.

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Rawat, Preeti S., Shrabani B. Bhattacharjee, and Vaishali Ganesh. "Selective incivility, trust and general well-being: a study of women at workplace." Journal of Indian Business Research 12, no. 3 (November 18, 2019): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jibr-04-2018-0107.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study if trust on team members and leaders leads to an experience of civil behavior in the workplace or reduced incivility at the workplace. The study was conducted on women employees and therefore termed as selective incivility. Design/methodology/approach In the study, the relationship between team trust and leader trust was the antecedent variables and general well-being was the consequent variable. Civil behavior in the workplace was the mediating variable. The research was conducted on 228 working women in different sectors of the Indian organization. Trust (in leaders and on teams) and general well-being were measured by established scales. Selective incivility scale was developed based on the qualitative inputs from working women. Data were analysed on SPSS and AMOS version 20. Findings The study showed that trust (between leader and subordinates and among team members) led to an experience of civil behavior at workplace, and experience of civil behavior led to an experience of general well-being. Research limitations/implications This research has contributed to both theoretical and managerial aspects. On the theoretical front, this research has emphasized the role of trust in building a civil environment in the workplace. On the managerial front, it has contributed to showing how low incivility encourages inclusivity and maintains the general well-being of employees, and therefore advocates the practice of civil behavior. Practical implications The study is relevant in managing politics at workplace. With an environment of trust, the insecurity and doubt in the minds of employees are reduced. This leads to higher well-being of employees. In the modern times, workplaces are becoming more diverse. There are not only gender differences but also differences in age, sexual orientation and persons with disabilities. Presence of low incivility can go a long way in encouraging an inclusive workplace. It is thus relevant in managing workplace diversity and for creating a more inclusive environment. Social implications Diverse workplace constituting women and minority race have experienced more workplace incivility (Cameron and Webster, 2011). Also, presence of higher percentage of men in the workforce composition enhanced incivility toward women (Trudel and Reio, 2011). As the paper indicates that low incivility leads to general well-being, it also tries to point out that overall health of organization also improves. It should not be ignored that it is not only the employee who is exposed to incivility who gets affected but also the other employees who are witness to such situation. Originality/value This study investigates the mediating effect of civil behavior at the workplace between trust, both team member and leader, and general well-being.

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Yoong, Melissa. "Gender, Power and Political Speech: Women and Language in the 2015 UK General Election, by D. Cameron and S. Shaw." Journal of Language and Discrimination 3, no. 1 (July 18, 2019): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jld.38588.

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Page, Ben, Martin Evans, and Claire Mercer. "Revisiting the Politics of Belonging in Cameroon." Africa 80, no. 3 (August 2010): 345–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2010.0301.

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The article introduces a themed section in the journal on hometown associations in Cameroon. It outlines the impact of ten years’ work in this field and argues that notions of autochthony remain central in understanding Cameroonian politics. However the three articles go on to argue that some of the claims about home, belonging and politics are difficult to reconcile with the hazier reality observed on the ground. The articles aim to disturb any universal, inevitable or overly tidy segue between questions of belonging and claims of political segmentation. Too often the existing literature moves too quickly to an analysis that foregrounds only the worrisome dimensions of a politics of belonging, thus leaving little space for other interpretations. To explore this dilemma the article continues by exploring a land dispute in Bali Nyonga, north-west Cameroon. It shows (1) how ideas of belonging remain central to the practice of politics; (2) how the politics of belonging has changed over time; and (3) how it is possible to foreground an alternative ‘politics of conviviality’, which would otherwise be shaded out by the dominance of the politics of belonging within the literature.

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27

Doho, Gilbert. "Women Reappropriate Power in Rural Cameroon." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29, no. 2 (January 2004): 551–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/379732.

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Edwards, Adrian, and Philip Burnham. "The Politics of Cultural Difference in Northern Cameroon." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 5, no. 3 (September 1999): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2661304.

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BREITINGER, ECKHARD. "‘LAMENTATIONS PATRIOTIQUES’: WRITERS, CENSORS AND POLITICS IN CAMEROON." African Affairs 92, no. 369 (October 1993): 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098665.

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Nyamnjoh, F. B. "Entertaining repression: Music and politics in postcolonial Cameroon." African Affairs 104, no. 415 (April 1, 2005): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi007.

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31

Fonchingong, Charles. "Structural adjustment, women, and agriculture in Cameroon." Gender & Development 7, no. 3 (November 1999): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/741923241.

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32

Nwapa, Flora. "Women in Politics." Présence Africaine 141, no. 1 (1987): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.141.0115.

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Mikhailov, Sergei. "Women and Politics." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 7, no. 1 (1998): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-1998-7-1-157-161.

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Hamilton, Cynthia. "Women in politics." Women's Studies International Forum 12, no. 1 (January 1989): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(89)90092-7.

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Clots-Figueras, Irma. "Women in politics." Journal of Public Economics 95, no. 7-8 (August 2011): 664–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.11.017.

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Iwamoto, M. "Women and Politics." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 54 (2003): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.54.0_15.

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Rao, K. Samba Siva. "Women in Politics." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 8 (June 15, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/august2014/208.

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38

Smith, Hilda L. "Women and Politics." Eighteenth-Century Studies 39, no. 3 (2006): 405–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2006.0012.

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39

Awasom, Nicodemus Fru. "Politics and Constitution-Making in Francophone Cameroon, 1959-1960." Africa Today 49, no. 4 (December 2002): 2–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2002.49.4.2.

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Awasom, Nicodemus Fru. "Politics and Constitution-Making in Francophone Cameroon, 1959-1960." Africa Today 49, no. 4 (2002): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2003.0033.

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Nyamnjoh, Francis, and Michael Rowlands. "Elite associations and the politics of belonging in Cameroon." Africa 68, no. 3 (July 1998): 320–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161252.

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The development of elite associations has been a consequence of the growth of multi-partyism and the weakening of authoritarian state control in Cameroon in the 1990s. The attachment of electoral votes and rights of citizenship to belonging to ethnicised regions has encouraged the formal distinction between ‘natives’ and ‘strangers’ in the creation of a politics of belonging. The article argues that this development has also led to the replacement of political parties at the local level by ethnicised elite associations as prime movers in regional and national politics.

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42

Anchimbe, Eric A. "Lexical strategies in verbal linguistic victimisation in Cameroon." English Today 28, no. 2 (May 17, 2012): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078412000144.

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The aim of this illustrative paper is to show how words and expressions are coined or changed in Cameroonian speech in English and French in order to insult or stereotype other groups of people. Taken along official language lines, ethnic boundaries and social divides, these lexical elements reproduce some aspect of the addressee's history, social stance, academic achievement, professional background, linguistic and political belonging, and even gender. The expressions are from four major sources: French, English, Pidgin English and various indigenous languages. Some of them capture common social phenomena in the society. For example, Pidgin English supplies a descriptive name for a woman who moves in with a man to whom she is not married, i.e. come-we-stay. This appellation focuses more on the woman and the relationship rather than on the man. Such coinages are also common elsewhere in Africa. For instance, Nigerian Pidgin English supplies the appellation face-me-I-face-you for cramped up residential apartments in which rooms face each other on the corridor. Lexical strategies for naming and derogation are common in these two societies where groups compete with each other for their voices to be heard and respected.

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Orock, Rogers. "Rumours in war: Boko Haram and the politics of suspicion in French–Cameroon relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 4 (December 2019): 563–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000508.

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AbstractCameroon's autocrat, Paul Biya, declared war on Boko Haram in 2014. Using a variety of ethnographic materials, this article examines the politics of rumours and conspiracy theories that have defined the popular response to this war in Cameroon. It underlines the mobilising force of these rumours on intra-elite struggles within the national context as well as on international relations, particularly on French–Cameroon relations. I argue that rumour-mongering is a central mode of production of suspicion in times of war and social crisis. Yet, the current rumours in the wake of the war against Boko Haram in Cameroon are inscribed within a historical framework of a state-directed politics of paranoia that seeks to define ‘enemies of destabilisation’. In the end, this politics of suspicion also works to bring otherwise disaffected Cameroonians to support the autocratic Paul Biya as a victim of foreign plots for regime change in Cameroon.

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Njabanou, Noella M., Julius Atashili, Dora Mbanya, Enow R. Mbu, George M. Ikomey, Charles A. Kefie, Thompson N. Kinge, Dorothee Etogo, Adaora A. Adimora, and Peter M. Ndumbe. "Sexual Behavior of HIV-Positive Women in Cameroon." Journal of the International Association of Providers of AIDS Care (JIAPAC) 12, no. 2 (September 27, 2011): 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1545109711421640.

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Ardener, Shirley. "Microcredit, money transfers, women, and the Cameroon diaspora." Afrika Focus 23, no. 2 (February 25, 2010): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02302004.

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The paper introduces the topic of Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs) and several other forms of microcredit institutions, variations of which are found in most communities around the world, and considers the impact on them of the current financial crisis. For many women and men, poor and wealthy alike, these institutions have been economic and social lifelines. Among many African peoples, they provide the main source of rural and urban credit, both for sustainable living and entrepreneurial endeavour. This paper draws on the experience of contemporary Cameroonians, including those in the diaspora, in particular that of Dr Bridget Teboh. Social anthropologists have espoused ROSCAs for many decades. This paper cites the increasing attention such institutions now get from governments, NGOs, bankers and economists, and considers the impact of the current worldwide financial crisis on the behaviour of those who save in them.

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Roxburgh, Shelagh. "Homosexuality, Witchcraft, and Power: the Politics of Ressentiment in Cameroon." African Studies Review 62, no. 3 (December 26, 2018): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.44.

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Abstract:In this study I hope to deconstruct dominant and popular homophobic discourses in Cameroon to offer a deeper analysis of the common association made between homosexuality, witchcraft, and cults. Through a closer engagement with rumors that suggest homosexuality, witches, and cults are working collectively and covertly to destroy Cameroonian society important issues of power, morality, and inequality emerge, providing a more complex understanding of homophobic violence. I argue that in order to address homophobic concerns in Cameroon, activists must contend with the complexity of epistemological differences and speak to the root causes of an emerging ressentiment.

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Keou, F. X. Mbopi, P. Mauclere, A. Andela, E. Tetanye, R. Leke, G. Chaouat, F. Barre Sinoussi, P. Martin, and L. Belec. "Antenatal HIV prevalence in Yaounde, Cameroon." International Journal of STD & AIDS 9, no. 7 (July 1, 1998): 400–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/0956462981922485.

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Summary: From June 1994 to July 1996, 4100 pregnant women living in Yaounde, Cameroon, were tested for human immunodeficiency virus type 1 HIV 1 and syphilis. The HIV seroprevalence was 4.2 95 confidence interval CI : 3.6- 4.8 , and that of antibodies to Treponema pallidum was 17.4 95 CI: 16.3- 18.6 HIV infection was twice as common in women with positive syphilis serology 7.2 vs 3.6 . Over the study period, the antenatal seroprevalence of syphilis remained stable, while there was an increase in the HIV seroprevalence rate. There was an increase in HIV seropositivity in women uninfected with syphilis between 1994 1995 and 1995 1996 from 2.9 to 4.3 . By the end of the study, HIV infection was no commoner in women with negative compared with positive syphilis serology. It is therefore postulated that HIV infection in Yaounde has entered the general, sexually active female population. We suggest that manage ment of pregnant women in Cameroon should include routine screening for both HIV infection and other sexually transmitted diseases STDs .

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48

Ngwa, Divine Fuhnwi. "Cameroon: Fonship and Power Politics in State Formation in Bafut." Conflict Studies Quarterly 21 (October 3, 2017): 50–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.21.3.

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49

Walle, Nicolas Van De. "Rice Politics in Cameroon: State Commitment, Capability, and Urban Bias." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 579–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020450.

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It has become the common wisdom among students of sub-Saharan Africa since the publication of the so-called Berg Report that the poor performance of agriculture in the continent is a result of the economic policies pursued by most governments.1 Their intervention in the economy, according to several authors, has systematically favoured those living in the towns and cities at the expense of the vast majority in the rural areas. Urban bias is allegedly the consequence of the inability of the state to resist pressure from urban constituencies. Robert Bates, in particular, has been influential in disseminating the view that these policies are chosen because they have a political rationality, even if they are economically irrational.3 His central contention has been that state allocations in Africa have favoured urban at the expense of rural constituencies because the former are able to exert more influence on decision-makers.

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Alobwede, Charles Esambe. "LINGUISTIC HYBRIDITY AND DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVES IN CAMEROON." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 9, no. 4 (May 8, 2021): 501–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v9.i4.2021.3852.

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Language politics and the issue of official bilingualism have been factors in Cameroonian politics since the country obtained independence from its respective colonial masters. These phenomena have impacted not only on the operation of state institutions, but also on the cultural and linguistic make-up of the society. This has given birth to cultural and linguistic and perspectives in development. French and English, the two official languages of the country and a legacy of colonialism have created linguistic and sometimes political, social and cultural barriers. Bilingualism, a policy adopted by the government of Cameroon to achieve national unity and integration has often been criticized because of some of its shortcomings. However, this article seeks to prove that despite such shortcomings, cultural and bilingualism have positively impacted the political, historical, economic, social and cultural factors of development in Cameroon.

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