Academic literature on the topic 'Women political activists – East Timor'

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Journal articles on the topic "Women political activists – East Timor"

1

Mason, Christine. "Women, Violence and Nonviolent Resistance in East Timor." Journal of Peace Research 42, no. 6 (2005): 737–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343305057890.

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2

Handayani, Diah. "Political Identity, Popular Culture, and Ideological Coercion: The Discourses of Feminist Movement in the Report of Ummi Magazine." Jurnal Pemberdayaan Masyarakat: Media Pemikiran dan Dakwah Pembangunan 5, no. 1 (2021): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jpm.2021.051-08.

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This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. N. (1999). Jilbab Wanita Muslimah. Pustaka At-Tibyan.Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate. Yale University Press.Al-Ghifari, A. (2005). Kerudung Gaul, Berjilbab Tapi Telanjang. Mujahid Press.Armbrust, W. (2000). ‘Introduction’, Mass Mediation: New Approaches to Popular Culture In The Middle East and Beyond. University California Press.Askew, K. (2002). ‘Introduction’, The Anthropology of Media: A Reader.Blackwell.Astuti, S. N. A. . (2005). Membaca Kelompok Berjilbab Sebagai Komunitas Sub Kultur. Universitas Gadjah Mada.BPS. (2017). Statistika Pendapatan. BPS Publication. Banet-Weiser, S. (2006). “I just want to be me again!”: Beauty pageants, reality television and post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7(2), 255–272. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464700106064423Banna, H. (2011). Majmu’ah Rasail Al Iman As Syahid (Risalah Pergerakan Ikhawanul Muslimin. Era Intermedia. Barthel, D. (1976) . The Impact of Colonialism on Women’s Status in Senegal.Ph.D Dissertation, Harvard University.Barthes, R. (1977). Image, Music, Text. Fortana Press.Bertrand, I., & Hughes, P. (2005). Media Research Methods: Audiences, Institutions, Texts. Palgrave Mecmillan.Bordo, S. (1995). Unbearable Weight : Feminism, Western Culture, and The Body. University of California Press.Branner, S. (1995). Why Women Rule the Roost: Rethiking Javanese Ideologies of Gender and Self-Control. In Bewitching Women, Pioner Men. University of California Press.______. (1996). ‘Reconstructing Self and Society, Javannese Muslim Women and The Veil’. American Ethnologist.Bruneinessen, M. v. (2002). ‘Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Suharto Indonesia’. South East Asian Research. Champagne, J. (2004). Jilbab Gaul. Bali. Latitudes, 46, 114-123.Damanik, A. S. (2000). Fenomena Partai Keadilan: Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Mizan.Durkin, K. (1985). Television and Sex Role Acquisition I: Content’. British Journal of Social Psycology, 24, 102-113.Effendi, B. (2003). ‘Islam Politik Pasca Suharto’. Refleksi, 5(2).El-Guindi, F. (1991). Veil, Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance. Berg.Frederick, W. H. (1982). Rhoma Irama and The Dangdut Style: Aspects of Contemporary Indonesian Popular Culture. Indonesia, 34, 103-130.Featherstone, M. (2001). The Body in Consumer Culture. In The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory. SAGE Publication.Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. Routledge and Keagon Paul.Fukuyama, F. (2018). Against Identity Politics. Foreign Affairs, Sptember/October, 1-25.Gough, Y. A. (2003). Understanding Women Magazine. Routledge.Gautlett, D. (2002). Media, Gender, and Identity: An Introduction. Routledge.Geetzt, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Culture. Verso.Gill, R. (2009). Mediated Intimacy and Post Feminism: a Discourse Analytic Examination of Sex and Relationship advice in Woman’s Magazine. Discourse and Communication Journal, 3(4), 345-369. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750481309343870Gramsci, A. (1992). Selection from The Prison on Notebooks. International Publisher.Gorham, B. W. (2004). The Social Psychology of Stereotypes: Implications for Media Audiences. In Race/Gender/Media: Considering Diversity Across Audiences, Content, and Producers. Pearson.Hall, S. (1997). The Work Of Representation. In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. SAGE Publication.Handayani, D. (2014). Performatifitas Muslimah dalam Majalah Ummi. At-Tabsyir. Jurnal Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam, 2(1), 73-98. http://doi.org/10.21043/at-tabsyir.v2i1.461.Hanifah, U. (2011). Konstruksi Ideologi Gender pada Majalah Wanita (Analisis Wacana Kritis Majalah Ummi). KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunkasi, 5(2), 199-220. https://doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v5i2.170Imdadun, R. (2005). Arus Baru Iislam Radikal: Transmisi, Revivalisme Islam Timur Tengah ke Indonesiaan. Erlangga.Itzin, C.(1986). Media Images of Women: The Social Construction of Ageism and Sexism. In Feminist Social Psycology: Developing Theory and Practice. Milton Keynes. Open University Press.Kailani, N. (2008). Budaya Populer Islam di Indonesia: Jaringan Dakwah Foru Lingkar Pena. Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif, 2(3). Kellner, D. (1995). Cultural Studies, Identities and Politics Between The Modern and Postmodern. Routledge.Machmudi, Y. (2006). Islamizing Indonesia: The Rise of Jamaah Tarbiyah and The Presperous Justice Party (PKS). PhD Dissertation, Australia National University.Maulidiyah, L. (2014). Wacana Relasi Gender Suami Istri dalam Keluarga Muslim di Majalah Wanita Muslim Indonesia. Universitas Airlangga.Parihatin, A. (2004). Ideologi Revivalisme Islam dalam Majalah Perempuan Islam (Analisis Wacana pada Majalah Ummi). Universitas Indonesia. Qadarawi, Y. (2004). Al Islamu wal Fannu. Islam Bicara Seni. Era Intermedia. Qutb, S. (1980). Ma’alim fi Al Tariq (Petunjuk Jalan-Milestone). Media Dakwah.Rozak, A. (2008). Citra Perempuan dalam Majalah Wanita Islam UMMI. Jurnal Penelitian Agama. VXII(2), 332-354.Storey, J. (2010). Culture and Power in Cultural Studies: The Politics of Signification. Edinburg University Press.Ulfa, N. M. (2016). Dakwah Melalui Media Cetak (Analisis Isi Rubrik Mutiara Islam Majalah Ummi). Islamic Communication Journal, 1(1), 73-89.
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3

Fernandes, Clinton. "Accomplice to Mass Atrocities: The International Community and Indonesia’s Invasion of East Timor." Politics and Governance 3, no. 4 (2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i4.272.

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This paper examines early warning of, and political responses to, mass atrocities in East Timor in the late 1970s. Using newly-declassified intelligence and diplomatic records, it describes Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor in 1975 and its three year military campaign to crush the East Timorese resistance. It shows that the campaign resulted in mass deaths due to famine and disease, and considers the United Nations’ response to the unfolding crisis. It evaluates the level of international awareness of the humanitarian crisis in East Timor by inspecting contemporaneous eyewitness reports by foreign diplomats from states with a keen interest in Indonesia: Australia, the United States, New Zealand and Canada. In contrast to a popular, highly lauded view, the paper shows that these states did not “look away”; rather, they had early warning and ongoing knowledge of the catastrophe but provided military and diplomatic assistance to Indonesia. The paper contrasts a counter-productive effort by civil society activists with a very effective one, and thus demonstrates the role that robust scholarship can play in terminating atrocities.
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Gross, Michael L. "Backfire: The Dark Side of Nonviolent Resistance." Ethics & International Affairs 32, no. 3 (2018): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679418000412.

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AbstractAlthough nonviolent resistance assumes the moral high ground because its tactics do not intend to harm adversaries, severe ethical difficulties arise when nonviolent activists intentionally provoke harm to themselves. This occurs in a process called “backfire,” as hunger strikers or demonstrators provoke a disproportionately brutal and often lethal response from their adversaries to draw world attention and sympathy to their cause. As cases studies from Ireland, East Timor, and Israel demonstrate, backfire can offer insurgents and national liberation movements significant strategic gains. In Ireland, a 1981 IRA hunger strike radicalized the IRA's campaign against Britain. In East Timor, the massacre of hundreds of Timorese demonstrating for independence in 1991 galvanized world opinion and eventually brought international intervention and statehood. In Israel, the Marmara flotilla of 2010 and mass demonstrations in Gaza in the spring of 2018 refocused world attention on Palestinian grievances while easing the Israeli-imposed land and naval blockade. These events were transformative, but their success depended upon the careful cultivation of violence. An anathema to ideological nonviolence, backfire is often used by strategic activists who will mix violent and nonviolent tactics as circumstances demand. Ethically discharging this tactic requires organizers to articulate feasible operational goals while protecting minors, to mitigate risk, to obtain free and informed consent from participants, and to constantly evaluate the costs and benefits of political action.
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Hidayahtulloh, Muhammad Ammar. "The Role of Caucus Feto Iha Politika in Increasing Women’s Representation in Timor-Leste’s Parliament." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 5, no. 1 (2019): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v5i1.8006.

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Woman had been neglected from the political affairs in the early of post-independent era. It raised the concerns of women activists on political participation. They realized Timorese women had played a significant role in fighting for independence along with male veterans. Caucus Feto Iha Politika appears as the prominent NGO in Timor-Leste that promoting gender equality in politics. It resulted the rising of women’s representation in Timor-Leste Parliament significantly. Moreover, its woman participation in parliament achieves the highest percentage in the Asia Pacific. This research lies on the question of how does the role of Caucus Feto Iha Politika in increasing women’s representation in parliament of Timor-Leste. The data obtained from primary and secondary sources by conducting the in-depth interview and library research. In order to answer the research question, the authors reiterated the three main components of NGOs roles –implementer, catalyst, and partner by Lewis as the analytical framework. The authors humbly concluded that for increasing the number of women MPs, Caucus Feto Iha Politika played two prominent roles, as follows: 1) catalyst, by advocating the policy change of women-friendly legislative quota policy to the Government of Timor-Leste, and 2) partner, by working closely with the related stakeholders to increase the capacity of potential female candidates and elected women MPs through capacity building.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. "Civil Society and Women Activists in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 2 (2013): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1134.

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While much of the literature related to women and democratization in the MiddleEast neglects the role of women in this process, Wanda Krause persuasivelyargues that the grassroots activism of Middle Eastern women plays a vital rolein democratizing the region. Krause contends that this scholarly neglect is aresult of the literature’s (1) prioritizing the state (over civil society) and secularism(over religious groups), (2) ignoring the feminine (at the expense of thefeminist) and the practical (at the expense of the political), and (3) relegatingwomen’s concerns, like family issues, to “the private sphere and overlookedas having any meaning to the public” (p. 49). She further criticizes this literaturefor what she considers its orientalist attitude, which often manifests itself asexcessive attention to women’s dress, segregation, polygamy, and female genitalmutilation (FGM) and thus constructs a passive and oppressed image ofMuslim women. To fully understand the role of Middle Eastern women, Krauseurges scholars to focus not just on the government’s formal structures, but alsoto pay attention to civil society and investigate how beliefs, values, and everydaypractices both expand it and advance democratic values ...
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Wahyuni Iskandar, Ida. "WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATIONS IN EAST KALIMANTAN." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (2021): 3175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1223.

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The struggle of women to actualize themselves in the political arena is very difficult since the situation that always accompanies is even an obstacle for them to move freely. Meanwhile, political reform which occurred in Indonesia has certainly given great opportunity to women to participate. In this study, the sampling technique is purposive sampling. The analysis technique used in this study is using interactive model analysis. The results of the research are vote casting the most basic of political participation which women are already involved in general election to vote for governor of East Kalimantan. They have realized that their vote determines the future of their region. For this the simplest form of political participation, most of the women in East Kalimantan have performed their right.The role of the participation of women activists is important in inviting women in East Kalimantan to participate in general elections. To increase activist women's participation is not only the responsibility of one party. Political education for women needs to be held more widely, not only for certain groups. Efforts to increase women's participation in politics certainly need systemic collaboration from various parties from the government, political parties, and community organizations.
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8

Savio, Diogo, and Claudia Glavam Duarte. "Entre fios, resistências e educação matemática: os tais do Timor Leste." Cadernos CIMEAC 11, no. 1 (2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18554/cimeac.v11i1.5090.

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Este artigo tem como objetivo articular aspectos da cultura do Timor-Leste com a Educação Matemática Escolar. Especificamente, a investigação descreve e analisa os “Tais”, roupas tradicionais, cuja existência antecede o período colonial e são conhecidos por todo o povo do Timor-Leste. A parte empírica da pesquisa foi realizada através de procedimentos de inspiração etnográfica e envolveu cinco mulheres tecelãs de diferentes postos administrativos pertencentes ao município de Lautem no Timor-Leste. O material empírico coletado foi analisado tendo como principal referencial teórico a Etnomatemática. Especificamente, neste artigo, foram analisados os padrões e elementos geométricos presentes nos Tais. Assim, foram evidenciadas possíveis articulações com a Educação Matemática a partir do trabalho com sequências, elementos da geometria, paralelismo, perpendicularidade e transformações geométricas. Afirmamos, ao longo deste trabalho que além dos conteúdos matemáticos, existe a necessidade de que as aulas de matemática abriguem discussões que envolvam diferentes dimensões da vida timorense, seja em seus aspectos sociais, políticos e ou culturais.Palavras-chave: Timor Leste. Tais. Etnomatemática. Educação matemática escolar. Abstract: This article aims to articulate aspects of the East Timor culture with the School Mathematics Education. Specifically, the research describes and analyzes the tais, traditional clothing, whose existence predates the colonial period and are known to all the people of Timor-Leste. The empirical part of the research was carried out through ethnographic inspiration procedures and involved five weavers women from different posts administratives belonging to the Lautem city in East Timor. The empirical data collected was analyzed with the main theoretical framework to Ethnomathematics. Specifically in this article, the patterns and geometric elements present in the Tais were analyzed. Thus, possible articulations with Mathematical Education were evidenced from the work with sequences, elements of geometry, parallelism, perpendicularity and geometric transformations. However, I punctuate that these concepts should not be disconnected from the tais weaving process. Put in another way discuss the need for math classes entertain discussions involving different dimensions of Timorese life whether in its social, political and or cultural.Keywords: East Timor. “Tais”. Ethnomathematics. School Mathematics education.
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Moghadam, Valentine, and Elham Gheytanchi. "Political Opportunities and Strategic Choices: Comparing Feminist Campaigns in Morocco and Iran." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 3 (2010): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.3.n248564371645v14.

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How do women's rights activists mobilize in nondemocratic and culturally conservative contexts? Why do some women's movements succeed in securing the policy outcomes they seek while others fail to realize their objectives? Comparing two recent cases of feminist activism in the Middle East/North Africa region—the Moroccan and Iranian campaigns for family law reform—the article demonstrates the way that political opportunity structures shape the strategic options available to activists and influence movement frames. While a political opening is conducive to movement growth and success, including cooperation for legal and policy reform (Morocco), the closing of political space compels extrainstitutional feminist contention and transnational links (Iran). In examining the structure of political opportunity in addition to strategic choices, the paper addresses the interplay of structure and agency in mobilization processes and finds that—to paraphrase Marx—women and men make history, but not under conditions of their own choosing.
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Ruble, Alexandria N. "Creating Postfascist Families: Reforming Family Law and Gender Roles in Postwar East and West Germany." Central European History 53, no. 2 (2020): 414–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000175.

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ABSTRACTAfter 1945 both German states overturned longstanding laws and policies from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that designated women as second-class citizens in spousal rights, parental authority and marital property. From the early postwar years, female politicians and activists in the women's movement pursued in both Germanys reforms of the obsolete marriage and family law. The article compares how these women and mainly male legislators in both states envisioned the role of women in the family and in gender relations. It shows that these debates in the FRG and the GDR were influenced on the one hand by earlier, pre-1933 ideas, and on the other hand reacted to Nazi-era politics. Yet, because of their different political, economic and social conditions, discourses and policies developed in the context of the Cold War in both states in different directions, though they continued to be related to each other.
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Books on the topic "Women political activists – East Timor"

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Cristalis, Irena. Perempuan merdeka: Kisah aktivisme kaum perempuan di Timor Leste. Kalyanamitra Foundation, 2007.

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Timor-Leste) Road Map Workshop (2011 Dili. Enhancing women's leadership and participation in the 2012 elections and beyond in Timor-Leste: Women's leadership leads us to peace and stability : report Road Map Workshop, 7-8 November 2011, National Conference, 5-6 December 2011. Republica Democrá́tica de Timor-Leste, Parlamento Nacional, 2012.

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Women and politics in the Islamic republic of Iran: Action and reaction. Continuum, 2011.

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Helen Matthews Lewis: Living social justice in Appalachia. University Press of Kentucky, 2012.

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Scott, Catherine, Irena Cristalis, Ximena Andrade, et al. Independent Women. Catholic Institute for International Relations, 2005.

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Civil Society And Women Activists In The Middle East Islamic And Secular Organizations In Egypt. I. B. Tauris & Company, 2012.

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When hope and history rhyme. Picador Africa, 2013.

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Women and Politics in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Action and Reaction. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2013.

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Galpin, Shannon. Mountain to Mountain: A Journey of Adventure and Activism for the Women of Afghanistan. St. Martin's Press, 2016.

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Mountain to Mountain: A Journey of Adventure and Activism for the Women of Afghanistan. St. Martin's Press, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women political activists – East Timor"

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"Civil Society and Political Participation." In Civil Society and Women Activists in the Middle East. I.B.Tauris, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755611669.ch-002.

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"A mirror of political culture in Egypt: divisions and debates among women activists." In Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511489518.008.

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Kurebwa, Jeffrey, and Sikhulekile Ndlovu. "The Contribution of Zimbabwean Uniformed Women in Peacekeeping in Africa." In Civic Engagement in Social and Political Constructs. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2364-3.ch010.

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This study sought to assess the contribution of Zimbabwean uniformed women in peacekeeping in Africa with specific reference to Liberia and East Timor. The study found out that despite being a key ingredient for successful operational impact in any peacekeeping mission, the contribution was not greatly appreciated due to a variety of factors. The study also noted that uniformed women peacekeepers were grappling with a plethora of challenges ranging from language and cultural barriers, a low number of female peacekeepers, gender stereotypes, to a non-family status of most United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions. The study concludes that UN member states should vigorously conduct more sustained recruitment of women into national institutions such as military, police and prisons and correctional service to increase the pool of personnel for subsequent deployment to peacekeeping duties. The UN should look at the possibility of reviewing some of its policies to reduce the negative impact caused by the prolonged absence of peacekeepers away from their families.
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Frazier, Jessica M. "Conclusion." In Women's Antiwar Diplomacy during the Vietnam War Era. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631790.003.0008.

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It seems remiss not to end a book ostensibly about the Viet Nam war with the acknowledgment that the memory of the war still divides U.S. society.<sup>1</sup> Yet, evaluating American and Vietnamese women’s relationships leads to a different conclusion. By war’s end, women had created networks such that, despite national, social, political, and economic differences, they collaborated on terms dictated by those asking for assistance—the Vietnamese. Although these alliances did not continue in this manner, this story provides an example of women from the East and West or the Global South and Global North forming cooperative relationships against a common enemy, the U.S. government. They formed these alliances primarily for informational purposes at first, but soon the reasons on both sides for maintaining contact with one another expanded beyond these initial desires. As more and more Americans came to describe U.S. actions in Viet Nam in terms similar to those the Vietnamese used, groups of American activists identified more closely with the Vietnamese people. With this shiftcame new perspectives on U.S. society and multiple versions of feminism....
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