Relevant bibliographies by topics / Women – Political activity – Liberia

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Academic literature on the topic 'Women – Political activity – Liberia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Women – Political activity – Liberia"

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Bauer, Jacqui. "Women and the 2005 election in Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (2009): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003802.

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ABSTRACTIn 2005, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf defeated George Weah to become President of Liberia and the first woman elected to head an African country. Women voters were widely credited with her victory. This paper quantifies this claim by analysing newspaper content during the election period to gauge civil society group activity. It finds that consistency in their activities may have allowed women's groups to surpass other civil society groups in impacting the election. Activity levels of women's groups remained stable between the election and run-off periods, unlike other major group types whose
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Dajnowicz, Małgorzata. "Polish Writers and their Influence on Women’s Public Activity: A Case Study of Józefa Kisielnicka and Eliza Orzeszkowa." Respectus Philologicus 27, no. 32 (2015): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2015.27.32.4.

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Józefa Kisielnicka (1865–1941) created a new model of a woman in the society, a woman that is actively involved in the public life and concentrates on the charity work and educational needs of the people in their close environment. Her attitude towards women’s involvement in the public life was greatly appreciated by both men and women, especially among the gentry class. In her literary works (published, e.g., in Warsaw Courier and Daily Courier), she depicted women’s everyday life. The general image of her characters was very negative.
 Eliza Orzeszkowa (1841–1910) can be described as a
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George, Nicole. "Conflict transition, emplaced identity and the gendered politics of scale in Solomon Islands." Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 4 (2020): 518–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836720954476.

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Although there is growing recognition that women’s participation is critical for the durability of peaceful conflict transition, grounded research examining the political scale of women’s participation has not been common. Where feminist researchers have tackled this topic, they have generally reproduced binary representations of political space, sometimes strongly critical of local spaces as restrictive of women, sometimes strongly critical of a hegemonic liberal international. In this article, I address the issue of women’s participation in conflict transition governance from another more et
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Михайлюк, В. П., and O. I. Михайлюк. "Genesis of women movement in the context of gender relationsin Ukraine (second half of XIX - beginning of XX century)." ВІСНИК СХІДНОУКРАЇНСЬКОГО НАЦІОНАЛЬНОГО УНІВЕРСИТЕТУ імені Володимира Даля, no. 3(259) (February 18, 2020): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33216/1998-7927-2020-259-3-41-47.

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The purpose and tasks of the article are to summarize and analyze the organizational forms of the genesis of the women's movement in Ukraine in the second half of the nineteenth - early twentieth centuries; highlighting their specificity in the time intervals proposed by the authors in each of the three stages; opening on the basis of the first organized women's groups and societies in the Dnieper Ukraine and the Western Ukrainian lands of joint orientation of actions in realization of tasks of achievement of gender equality.
 On the first - emancipatory - there is a process of origin and
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Clark, Jennifer Hayes, and Heather K. Evans. "Let’s Talk about Sex: Examining the Factors Influencing Congressional Response to #MeToo on Twitter." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 1 (2019): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519001124.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the factors that influence whether members of Congress tweet about the #MeToo movement. Whereas social-identity theory suggests that congresswomen would be more likely to tweet about #MeToo, congressional research argues that increased polarization has resulted in congresswomen bucking gender stereotypes and embracing more partisan behavior than might otherwise be expected (Pearson and Dancey 2011). We examine how gender, partisanship, and ideology shape the Twitter activity of members of Congress surrounding the #MeToo movement using an original dataset of their
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Vonhm Benda, Ebenezer Mainlehwon. "Activity report: peace education in Liberia." Journal of Peace Education 7, no. 2 (2010): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2010.498989.

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Prysby, Charles. "North Carolina: The Development of Party Organizations in a Competitive Environment." American Review of Politics 24 (July 1, 2003): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.145-164.

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Activists in the two political parties have moved further apart over the past ten years. They already were ideologically distinct in 1991, but since then the Republicans have become even more conservative and the Democrats have moved in a liberal direction. Also, Democratic activists now have a substantially higher percentage of blacks and women in their ranks than was the case in 1991. Both parties have become somewhat more cohesive than they were in 1991, although both organizations still contain conflict and factions, with the Democrats being somewhat more divided than the Republicans. Amon
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Sisay, Hassan B., and Mary H. Moran. "Civilized Women: Gender and Prestige in Southeastern Liberia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 1 (1991): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220097.

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Caviedes, Gabriela. "Feminine Features as Political Tools: the Cases of Femen and Women of Liberia." Araucaria, no. 38 (2017): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2017.i38.06.

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Beekman, Gonne, Erwin H. Bulte, and Eleonora E. M. Nillesen. "Corruption and economic activity: Micro level evidence from rural Liberia." European Journal of Political Economy 30 (June 2013): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2013.01.005.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women – Political activity – Liberia"

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Clarke, Roland Tuwea. "Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia: The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1038.

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Despite the remarkable contributions made by women to secure peace in Liberia, women's representation in politics is still low. The first female African President has been elected, as well as a few women to strategic government positions, but the vast majority of women remain invisible. The reliance on these few women in government is inadequate to produce the significant changes that will be required to bring equality for all women. This study examines the recognition of women's relative participation and recognition in postwar reconstruction in Liberia. Differences between traditional and no
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Appelblom, Maria. "I want to be like Ellen : The influence of women in decision-making in post-conflict Liberia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-209254.

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Mok, Hing-luen, and 莫慶聯. "A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.

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Wagener, Debra Lorraine. "Identity, dissatisfaction and political activity : the experience of east German women since unification." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288876.

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This thesis is an investigation into the integration of east German women into the Federal Republic following German unification. It draws on oral history interviews to examine the existence of a distinctive identity amongst east German women and concludes that their opinions and values reflect the Marxist Feminist principles upheld in the GDR, with particular reference to the belief in the importance of paid employment for the emancipation of women. The thesis also investigates the nature of dissatisfaction with the Federal Republic amongst east German women and concludes that a lack of fulfi
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Chang, Yan Margaret, and 章茵. "A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977273.

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Sturman, Kathryn. "The Federation of South African Women and the Black Sash : constraining and contestatory discourses about women in politics, 1954-1958." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18272.

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The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures o
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Boylan, Kristina A. "Mexican Catholic women's activism, 1929-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34c1a60f-ded1-4cd5-b304-aa4b9a292e9e.

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This dissertation examines Catholic lay women's roles in the Church-State conflict in Mexico during the 1930s. After the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929), clergy and laymen who publicly supported the Catholic Church were threatened with legal sanctions and government reprisal. Thus, Church leaders called upon Catholic women to assume public roles and to work creatively in defence of their faith, albeit following strictly delineated, gendered norms of behaviour. The Introduction discusses the lack of nuanced analysis of women's participation in the Catholic Church in Mexico. Chapter 1 traces the
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Chiu, Shuk-yi, and 趙淑儀. "Changes in the role concept of women in their process of political participation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31249188.

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Stormont, Diane. "Hong Kong : politics, women and power /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.

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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.

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Books on the topic "Women – Political activity – Liberia"

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Gender and the liberal democrats: Representing women? Manchester University Press, 2011.

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FitzHerbert, Margaret. Liberal women: Federation--1949. Federation Press, 2004.

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FitzHerbert, Margaret. Liberal women: Federation--1949. Federation Press, 2004.

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FitzHerbert, Margaret. So many firsts: Liberal women from Menzies to Turnbull Era. Federation Press, 2009.

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So many firsts: Liberal women from Menzies to Turnbull Era. Federation Press, 2009.

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Arat, Yeşim. Rethinking Islam and liberal democracy: Islamist women in Turkish politics. State University of New York Press, 2005.

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Sydenham, Diane. Women of influence: The first fifty years of women in the Liberal Party. Women's Section, Liberal Party of Australia, Victorian Division, 1996.

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Williams, Melissa S. Voice, trust, and memory: Marginalized groups and the failings of liberal representation. Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1999.

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Williams, Melissa S. Voice, trust, and memory: Marginalized groups and the failings of liberal representation. Princeton University Press, 1998.

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Nobody's baby: A survival guide to politics. Deneau, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women – Political activity – Liberia"

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Poloni-Staudinger, Lori, and Candice D. Ortbals. "Women Engaged in Violent Political Activity." In Terrorism and Violent Conflict. Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5641-4_3.

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Ortbals, Candice D., and Lori M. Poloni-Staudinger. "Women Engaged in Violent Activity as Terrorists, Guerrillas and Genocidaires." In Gender and Political Violence. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73628-0_2.

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Berthezène, Clarisse. "The middlebrow and the making of a ‘new common sense’: women’s voluntarism, Conservative politics and representations of womanhood." In Rethinking Right-Wing Women. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994389.003.0007.

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Recent work on interwar Conservatism has stressed the success of the Conservative Party’s politics towards women and the stability of the female vote in this period. This chapter focuses on the contribution Conservative women made to the formulation of Conservative principles. It examines their claim that they were ‘practical’, ‘commonsense’ women, as opposed to what they saw as their cerebral, theoretically minded Labour and Liberal counterparts. The deliberate cultivation of the identity of ‘the middlebrow’ was an important means to embrace democracy and speak to all social classes, which led them to develop a particular view of ‘responsible womanhood’ and citizenship, notions which they felt had been inappropriately annexed by the Left. It was also a response to the emergence of a new culture of non-partisan organisations, which provided an important challenge to the position of political parties in interwar Britain. Women’s voluntary associations were particularly instrumental in educating in citizenship and provided a female sphere of political activity that was removed from the rough-and-tumble of party politics. This chapter investigates the links between the Women’s Voluntary Service and Conservative party politics during the Second World War and the importance of specific representations of womanhood to the Conservative identity.
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Richter-Devroe, Sophie. "Conclusion." In Women's Political Activism in Palestine. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041860.003.0005.

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Palestinian women engage in many different forms of politics, and have done so historically. Studying their political activism necessitates a focus not only how women do politics, but also what their acts mean to them and others, as well as how they frame and present or represent them. In Palestine, women have a wide variety of political agencies, ranging from everyday survival and coping strategies, through different forms of popular resistance (covert and overt, individual and collective, nonviolent and more confrontational) to more conventional liberal peace negotiations and dialogue projects. Women give very different, even oppositional, meanings and framings to these politics....
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Laville, Helen. "Gender in an Era of Liberal Consensus." In The Liberal Consensus Reconsidered. University Press of Florida, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813054261.003.0014.

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For many historians of American women, the postwar era of “liberal consensus” maps neatly onto a vacuum in women’s activism from 1945 through to the early 1960s; attempts to foster activism on gender issues in this period were astutely described by one scholar as “survival in the doldrums.” In part the absence of feminist political engagement reflected the strong cultural focus on gender and domesticity and a consequent discomfort with the place of women in the public sphere. It also testified to the determination of women’s civic associations to replace a politics of grievance and victimhood associated with feminist identity with a model of political participation that stressed responsibility and participation. This chapter critically assesses the way in which mainstream women’s organizations explicitly rejected gender identification as the basis of political engagement in the postwar years. It also contends that they contributed to the liberal consensus in promoting a political role for women that was based on inclusion rather than exclusion.
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"Ma Ellen—The Iron Lady of Liberia: Evaluating Ellen Johnson Sirleaf ’s Presidency." In Women as Political Leaders. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203122907-16.

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"Noblewomen and Political Activity." In Women in Medieval Western European Culture. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203054871-18.

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Richter-Devroe, Sophie. "Women’s Popular Resistance." In Women's Political Activism in Palestine. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041860.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 discusses women’s popular resistance activism. Based on ethnographic observations and interviews with Palestinian female protestors, it traces the forms, meanings, and impact of women’s involvement in demonstrations against the illegal Israeli separation wall. Such embodied protest actions hold particular gender-specific meanings: by dramatically putting their bodies on the line, women resist the Israeli occupation, but they also challenge essentialist discourses that reduce women to biological and cultural reproducers of the nation and counter the international agenda’s disciplining project of confining Palestinian women’s political spaces to that of joint Palestinian-Israeli peace initiatives. By doing politics differently, Palestinian female resistance activists thus challenge classic liberal notions of the political and enact what Nancy Fraser in her critique of Habermas termed “subaltern counterpublics.”
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Richter-Devroe, Sophie. "Women’s Peacebuilding." In Women's Political Activism in Palestine. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041860.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 provides an ethnography and analysis of women’s peacebuilding initiatives in Palestine, tracking the ways in which the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the liberal Women, Peace and Security agenda was interpreted and implemented there. After the Oslo Accords, foreign donors but also some scholarly analysts have displayed a peculiar fascination with peacebuilding initiatives between Palestinian and Israelis. Such joint peace initiatives often are legitimized in the international community with reference to the UNSCR 1325, but they have become few and lack social support and impact in Palestine. Countering liberal approaches to peace, politics, and the public sphere, including Habermas’s notion of ideal speech, this chapter argues that joint Palestinian and Israeli women’s peacebuilding in fact constitutes an attempt to discipline rather than to strengthen women’s political activism in Palestine.
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Valk, Anne M. "Women’s Movements in 1968 and beyond." In Reframing 1968. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748698936.003.0012.

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This chapter discusses the formation and achievements of feminist organizations in the late 1960s and beyond, including the National Organization for Women and emerging local women’s liberation organizations. It focuses particularly on the ideological and political intersections that link second-wave feminism to other activist causes. It highlights the importance of coalitions and alliances and looks at the raft of ideological stances that separated distinct strands of feminism and separated feminist organizing from other causes. Focusing on specific issues in feminist activism, including campaigns against sexual violence, the movement for abortion rights, and the struggle for the Equal Rights Amendment, the chapter examines the distinctions activists made between liberal, radical and cultural feminism, and charts the intellectual shifts from second-wave to third-wave feminism.
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Conference papers on the topic "Women – Political activity – Liberia"

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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, al
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