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Journal articles on the topic 'Women politicians in mass media'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Rahman, Bushra H., and Fakiha Rizvi. "VOICES OF POLITICAL WOMEN ON WOMEN ISSUES IN THE MEDIA: A CASE OF PAKISTAN’S 2013 ELECTIONS." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 54, no. 2 (2015): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v54i2.65.

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The study examines if women politicians of Pakistan in the media are portrayed as effective decision-makers who demonstrate their leadership abilities and dynamism in advocating women issues. It aims to study whether media was used as an organized effort to use political women to bring social and economic improvement in the status of women by examining the Pakistani media on the issues of women during Pakistan’s 2013 general elections. It explores the assumption put forward by the ‘critical mass theory’, that if women form the critical mass in the political power structure, they have a major effect on becoming a voice in the media for women issues. It is a content analysis of articles, editorials and features of four major dailies and talk shows of three major television channels during the Pakistan’s election year 2013. Findings show that women issues were just not sidelined but also women politicians were marginalized in the media to talk on women issues. The discourses on women by ‘empowered’ women were almost non-existent in the media.
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Sazali, Hasan, and Lutfi Basit. "Meta Analysis of Women Politician Portrait in Mass Media Frames." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 36, no. 2 (2020): 320–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2020-3602-19.

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Monogarova, A. G., T. A. Shiryaeva, and A. Yu Bagiyan. "Speech Behavior of British Politicians in Discussion of Brexit: Pragmatics, Gender and Communicative Dominance in Political Media Discourse." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 10 (2020): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-10-114-127.

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The article deals with the study of male and female speech behavior of British parliamentarians in the discussion of Brexit problems by various mass media. It is emphasized that the need to study the gender specifics of the speech behavior of women and men politicians commenting on Brexit in order to attract public attention is due to the extreme importance of media discourse. It determines the “agenda” of both an individual and various social institutions of modern society, on the one hand, and growing research interest in gender discourse studies, on the other. It is shown that institutionalization and ritualization form the basis of the gender manifestation of each individual’s belonging to a particular gender, and the generation and use of discourse cannot be studied outside the gender factor. The novelty and purpose of the study is to identify and analyze the complex linguistic gender specificity of the speech behavior of British politicians in political media discourse. The results of the analysis of the morphological, semantic and stylistic specifics of the speech behavior of British parliamentarians, when discussing Brexit in political media discourse in accordance with the gender of politicians are presented. The influence of social and psychological factors on the choice of pragmacommunicative design of the discursive space of the addressee, as well as the correlation of gender, pragmalinguistic tools and the effect of communicative dominance, have been proved.
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Norocel, Ov Cristian. "Antifeminist and “Truly Liberated”: Conservative Performances of Gender by Women Politicians in Hungary and Romania." Politics and Governance 6, no. 3 (2018): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i3.1417.

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This article employs a two-level analysis to compare the discursive performance of gender on social media in Hungary and Romania; the two countries with the lowest percentage of women in politics in the European Union (EU). First, by revealing the tension between conservative views about gender roles, and social and political specificities in the two countries, the research illustrates how various parties on the conservative right ideological continuum―from the center-right to right-wing populism―relate to the feminist project. Secondly, it analyzes how selected women politicians within this continuum negotiate their ideological beliefs about gender roles with their political career interests, by means of social media (Facebook). The analytical constructs of idealized motherhood and feminine toughness are employed to examine a period of intensive political campaigning in 2014 in both Hungary and Romania. The study triangulates the multi-layered discursive circumstances (the historical, contextual, and social media contexts) in Hungary and Romania, and maps out the similarities and differences that are disclosed when comparing the selected women politicians. The article makes a significant theoretical and empirical contribution to scholarship on gender and conservatism in particular and raises questions for the wider study of gender, politics, and social media in general.
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Graber, Doris A., and Maria Braden. "Women Politicians and the Media." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 3 (1997): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657598.

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Handayani, Diah. "Political Identity, Popular Culture, and Ideological Coercion: The Discourses of Feminist Movement in the Report of Ummi Magazine." Jurnal Pemberdayaan Masyarakat: Media Pemikiran dan Dakwah Pembangunan 5, no. 1 (2021): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jpm.2021.051-08.

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This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. N. (1999). Jilbab Wanita Muslimah. Pustaka At-Tibyan.Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate. Yale University Press.Al-Ghifari, A. (2005). Kerudung Gaul, Berjilbab Tapi Telanjang. Mujahid Press.Armbrust, W. (2000). ‘Introduction’, Mass Mediation: New Approaches to Popular Culture In The Middle East and Beyond. University California Press.Askew, K. (2002). ‘Introduction’, The Anthropology of Media: A Reader.Blackwell.Astuti, S. N. A. . (2005). Membaca Kelompok Berjilbab Sebagai Komunitas Sub Kultur. Universitas Gadjah Mada.BPS. (2017). Statistika Pendapatan. BPS Publication. Banet-Weiser, S. (2006). “I just want to be me again!”: Beauty pageants, reality television and post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7(2), 255–272. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464700106064423Banna, H. (2011). Majmu’ah Rasail Al Iman As Syahid (Risalah Pergerakan Ikhawanul Muslimin. Era Intermedia. Barthel, D. (1976) . The Impact of Colonialism on Women’s Status in Senegal.Ph.D Dissertation, Harvard University.Barthes, R. (1977). Image, Music, Text. Fortana Press.Bertrand, I., & Hughes, P. (2005). Media Research Methods: Audiences, Institutions, Texts. Palgrave Mecmillan.Bordo, S. (1995). Unbearable Weight : Feminism, Western Culture, and The Body. University of California Press.Branner, S. (1995). Why Women Rule the Roost: Rethiking Javanese Ideologies of Gender and Self-Control. In Bewitching Women, Pioner Men. University of California Press.______. (1996). ‘Reconstructing Self and Society, Javannese Muslim Women and The Veil’. American Ethnologist.Bruneinessen, M. v. (2002). ‘Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Suharto Indonesia’. South East Asian Research. Champagne, J. (2004). Jilbab Gaul. Bali. Latitudes, 46, 114-123.Damanik, A. S. (2000). Fenomena Partai Keadilan: Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Mizan.Durkin, K. (1985). Television and Sex Role Acquisition I: Content’. British Journal of Social Psycology, 24, 102-113.Effendi, B. (2003). ‘Islam Politik Pasca Suharto’. Refleksi, 5(2).El-Guindi, F. (1991). Veil, Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance. Berg.Frederick, W. H. (1982). Rhoma Irama and The Dangdut Style: Aspects of Contemporary Indonesian Popular Culture. Indonesia, 34, 103-130.Featherstone, M. (2001). The Body in Consumer Culture. In The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory. SAGE Publication.Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. Routledge and Keagon Paul.Fukuyama, F. (2018). Against Identity Politics. Foreign Affairs, Sptember/October, 1-25.Gough, Y. A. (2003). Understanding Women Magazine. Routledge.Gautlett, D. (2002). Media, Gender, and Identity: An Introduction. Routledge.Geetzt, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Culture. Verso.Gill, R. (2009). Mediated Intimacy and Post Feminism: a Discourse Analytic Examination of Sex and Relationship advice in Woman’s Magazine. Discourse and Communication Journal, 3(4), 345-369. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750481309343870Gramsci, A. (1992). Selection from The Prison on Notebooks. International Publisher.Gorham, B. W. (2004). The Social Psychology of Stereotypes: Implications for Media Audiences. In Race/Gender/Media: Considering Diversity Across Audiences, Content, and Producers. Pearson.Hall, S. (1997). The Work Of Representation. In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. SAGE Publication.Handayani, D. (2014). Performatifitas Muslimah dalam Majalah Ummi. At-Tabsyir. Jurnal Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam, 2(1), 73-98. http://doi.org/10.21043/at-tabsyir.v2i1.461.Hanifah, U. (2011). Konstruksi Ideologi Gender pada Majalah Wanita (Analisis Wacana Kritis Majalah Ummi). KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunkasi, 5(2), 199-220. https://doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v5i2.170Imdadun, R. (2005). Arus Baru Iislam Radikal: Transmisi, Revivalisme Islam Timur Tengah ke Indonesiaan. Erlangga.Itzin, C.(1986). Media Images of Women: The Social Construction of Ageism and Sexism. In Feminist Social Psycology: Developing Theory and Practice. Milton Keynes. Open University Press.Kailani, N. (2008). Budaya Populer Islam di Indonesia: Jaringan Dakwah Foru Lingkar Pena. Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif, 2(3). Kellner, D. (1995). Cultural Studies, Identities and Politics Between The Modern and Postmodern. Routledge.Machmudi, Y. (2006). Islamizing Indonesia: The Rise of Jamaah Tarbiyah and The Presperous Justice Party (PKS). PhD Dissertation, Australia National University.Maulidiyah, L. (2014). Wacana Relasi Gender Suami Istri dalam Keluarga Muslim di Majalah Wanita Muslim Indonesia. Universitas Airlangga.Parihatin, A. (2004). Ideologi Revivalisme Islam dalam Majalah Perempuan Islam (Analisis Wacana pada Majalah Ummi). Universitas Indonesia. Qadarawi, Y. (2004). Al Islamu wal Fannu. Islam Bicara Seni. Era Intermedia. Qutb, S. (1980). Ma’alim fi Al Tariq (Petunjuk Jalan-Milestone). Media Dakwah.Rozak, A. (2008). Citra Perempuan dalam Majalah Wanita Islam UMMI. Jurnal Penelitian Agama. VXII(2), 332-354.Storey, J. (2010). Culture and Power in Cultural Studies: The Politics of Signification. Edinburg University Press.Ulfa, N. M. (2016). Dakwah Melalui Media Cetak (Analisis Isi Rubrik Mutiara Islam Majalah Ummi). Islamic Communication Journal, 1(1), 73-89.
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Tkach, Bohdan, Lesia Lytvynchuk, Ihor Popovych, Olena Blynova, Larysa Zahrai, and Liybomyra Piletska. "Research on the Experience of Users of Political Slogans in Ukraine." BRAIN. BROAD RESEARCH IN ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND NEUROSCIENCE 12, no. 1 (2021): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/brain/12.1/173.

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The study partly reveals “Zelenskyi’s phenomenon”, when a person without any political experience confidently won a victory over an experienced politician at the presidential and parliamentary elections. The paper considered neuropsychological understanding of a brand as a multi-modal image with emotional connection and as an artificial addiction. Specific features of the perception of political slogans were studied with EMOTIV Epoc+ 14-channel mobile neurointerface and EmotivPRO and EMOTIV Brain Activity Map software. The ranking of slogans in terms of the efficiency of perception of the individuals of 40-60 years old was carried out on the basis of EEG and the cognitive and emotional indexes: obtained stress, interaction, interest, excitement, concentration, relaxation. The study involved 30 men and 30 women who intended to vote in the presidential elections of 2019. It was established which slogans are the best, good, average, ambiguous, with little effect, ineffective, with a negative effect. It was determined that the most effective and at the same time efficient slogan that evokes emotions and really encourages to support is PRESIDENT IS PEOPLE’S SERVANT. The best slogan that appeals to support it is “We Are Ukraine”, “New Policy of Ukraine”, “Country of Strong People!” The basic cognitive and emotional indexes that would contribute to the creation of effective psychological impact on voters’ behavior are the presence in the slogan of the word “Ukraine”, the avoidance of the so-called “stop words” (for women it is “army” and everything related to violence and death, and for men it is everything related to the provision of material benefits), the use of religious sentimentality in women and gender differences in slogans targeting. The value of the studied phenomenon and the efficiency of slogans and other media products before launching them into mass advertising has been proved.
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8

Shehzad, Hassan, and Farish Ullah Yousafzai. "Mediatization of Politics or Politicization of Media: Women’s Perspective." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. I (2017): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-i).08.

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In accordance with the phased and meta process of mediatization, politicians have grown dependent on media at the cost of their own independence. As a result, politics has become synonym with something negative. Little research in Pakistan has been done to explore perspective of women politicians and journalists on negative perception about politics. To fill up the gap, we constituted focus groups in Multan, Lahore and Islamabad, comprising mostly women politicians (local and national), rights activists and journalists. It has been found that the respondents are mindful of the fact that there has been an increase in representation of women politicians on media since former President Pervez Musharraf allowed private electronic media to operate in 2002. Female participants in Multan feel encouraged by the increase in representation of women on media but those in Lahore and Islamabad believe that media has added to the challenges women politicians are facing. However, all focus groups opined that this situation is reflective of politicization of media, which shows that they have internalized the negative image that media construct of politicians and that they lack the understanding about the process of mediatization of politics.
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Choiriyati, Wahyuni. "MANIFESTASI PRAGMATISME PENDIDIKAN POLITIK (Analisis Resepsi pada Komodifikasi Berita Selebriti Politisi)." LUGAS Jurnal Komunikasi 1, no. 1 (2018): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31334/jl.v1i1.103.

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Celebrity politicians and mass media attract public’s attention. News about celebrity politicians become a commodity for mass media and it increases the popularity of the celebrity politicians. This creates relationships of capitalism motion in mass media that has penetrated digital media. Focus of this study is public meanings about celebrity politicians on online media. Using qualitative methods and in-depth interviews, this study shows how the practice of the commodification content of celebrity politicians and mass media was interwoven. The result also shows that the practice of the commodification of online media content in the fabric of pragmatism has no exercise of political education efforts through the media. Media were supposed to carry out their duties in an effort to educate the public actually shirking its duty. Practice capitalism in media shallow public thinking on the political dynamics in Indonesia. The struggle between the interests of the media as an institution of political education and vice versa become imaging agents on the political role. This siltation is the embryo of the normalization of news construction power that led towards pragmatism.
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Van der Pas, Daphne Joanna, and Loes Aaldering. "Gender Differences in Political Media Coverage: A Meta-Analysis." Journal of Communication 70, no. 1 (2020): 114–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz046.

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Abstract Do the media cover men and women politicians and candidates differently? This article performs a systematic analysis of 90 studies covering over 25,000 politicians in over 750,000 media stories, and presents the accumulated knowledge in a comprehensive theoretical framework. The paper shows that there is a gender bias in the amount of coverage of politicians in proportional electoral systems, where women politicians lag behind men in media attention, but that, surprisingly, this gender bias is absent in majoritarian electoral systems. In addition, we systematically review gender differences in the content of media reports on political candidates, such as differences in attention to private life and family, viability and horse-race coverage, issue coverage, and gender stereotypes. Overall, women politicians receive more attention to their appearance and personal life, more negative viability coverage, and, to some extent, stereotypical issue and trait coverage. We conclude by pointing out promising avenues for future research.
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Feldman, Ofer. "Meeting with the mass media: Tendencies of Japanese politicians." Political Communication 3, no. 3 (1986): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1986.9962792.

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Sylejmani Nimani, Arbenita. "Insults and prejudices against Kosovar women politicians that are present in the media." Technium Social Sciences Journal 21 (July 17, 2021): 906–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v21i1.4048.

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Offensive and sexist statements against women politicians in Kosovo and women in general are no longer unknown, especially when they are made public, either through various media or through statuses on various social networks. But, in Kosovo, recently there have been insults against Kosovar women politicians by their colleagues, Kosovar men politicians, which insults clearly tend to increase. These statements contain the following epithets: dealing with their body weight, calling them 'cows', 'beautiful', 'prostitutes', and even inviting them on a date. Also, in the media several times and recently, bias has been noted regarding women’s jealousy by calling them jealous, even of those fighting for human rights.
 In this paper, content analysis is used, where the contents of some media are analyzed, such as television and some online media. The contents of the messages written against the Kosovar woman politician were analyzed.
 Offensive statements and prejudices against Kosovar women politicians were pointed out to be very harmful, because this could damage the chances of women politicians to be successful and could contribute to the woman being further qualified only on the basis of her beauty and not to be treated according to its wisdom.
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Papadopoulus, Elias. "Mass Media and International Relations." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (2009): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.15.1.2.

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In the modern theories in the science of International Relations, the traditional pillar of the school of Realism that considered the state as the only actor in the international scene, actor who took every decision in a monolithic and rational way, taking into consideration only the national interest, has now been rejected. The metaphor of the "black box", indicative of this monolithic way of operation and the rejection of every non-state, but also intra-state and out-of-state actor, even if it was valid once, has definitely been weakened by the events of the post-cold war era, and especially with the advent of globalization. New parameters have been inserted in the process of foreign policy formulation and politicians (and all those responsible for a country‘s foreign policy) have to take them into consideration.
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Irawan, Rahmat Edi. "Popularitas Politikus: Antara Kerja Politik atau Kehebatan Televisi." Humaniora 5, no. 2 (2014): 1032. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v5i2.3216.

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Popularity is coveted by politicians before general election. Politicians who have high popularity have a much larger capital to be successfully elected in general election. In contrast, ordinary or even low popularity will be difficult for politicians to win public institution seats contested. The problem is about how to increase the popularity for politicians. This paper discusses about relationship between the popularity of politicians with political work and the greatness of television, whether it is true that the increase in popularity of politicians can only be done with political work, or in the contrary, the increase in the popularity of politicians can be done with the use of television media, as the media are most widely used in the community. Discussion of this paper was done using literature study obtained from political communication and mass communication books related to this matter. In addition, data from recent news media, especially regarding the popularity of the politicians, political work and the use of television media in general elections were also used to enrich this paper. Result of this literature study concludes that popularity of the politicians has become a major requirement for politicians to succeed in general election. Popularity of the politicians is synonymous with political work. Political work done continuously in approaching the constituent is the way to boost the popularity. Nevertheless, the political work is not enough. Currently, efforts to boost popularity needs mass media, especially television, which can introduce politicians to their constituents who are also the television audience.
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Yong-Sang, Park. "Women in the Mass Media." Media Asia 14, no. 4 (1987): 228–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.1987.11726266.

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Rasul, Azmat. "Between the Family and Politics: Female Politicians as Media Objects in Bollywood Films." Society and Culture in South Asia 3, no. 1 (2017): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2393861716674105.

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Of late, researchers have examined the stereotyping of female politicians in entertainment media as a serious problem in several democratic societies. Despite chauvinism and stereotyping, the entertainment industries find female politicians attractive content producers, which guarantee tangible profit, as audiences are interested in learning about the life stories of female politicians. This article employs feminist political economy of communication to analyse exposé of female politicians in three Bollywood chick flick movies featuring lead characters in important political positions. This study finds that chick flicks—movies centred on attractive female lead characters and typically marketed to women—serve as a mechanism to sell commercial entertainment products to both female and male audiences. I argue that Bollywood’s political movies are marketed through a focus on bodily attributes of female politicians that helps perpetuate patriarchal ideology in which women are passive homemakers and effectively domesticated and excluded from public sphere.
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Lachover, Einat. "Signs of change in media representation of women in Israeli politics: Leading and peripheral women contenders." Journalism 18, no. 4 (2016): 446–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884915610991.

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The study seeks to examine gender portrayal of Israeli women politicians, and specifically that of candidates for Israel’s parliament on televised news and in print in the elections of 2013. The study is based on an interpretive analysis of all news items wherein the women candidates are mentioned during the month preceding the elections. This study joins recent studies that point to a change in how women politicians are portrayed in the media. Leading contenders succeed in influencing their coverage, and commensurately usually enjoy nonstereotypically gendered portrayal. Moreover, they occasionally seek to make use of hegemonic cultural norms to benefit what they perceive as structuring their positive gendered portrayal. In contrast, the coverage of peripheral contenders suffers from traditional patterns of sidelining. It emerges that peripheral contenders who gain relatively high exposure are portrayed as exceptional based either on their extraordinary other-ness or on the newsworthiness of their campaigns.
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Vidal-Correa, Fernanda. "Media coverage of women in politics: Mexican local politicians on campaign." Journal of International Communication 26, no. 1 (2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2020.1736599.

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Lund, Sissel. "Mass Media Fail to Inform Women." MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 2, no. 4 (1986): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v2i4.726.

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Begum, Hasna. "Mass media and women in Bangladesh." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (1986): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856408608723077.

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Fisher, Caroline, David Marshall, and Kerry McCallum. "Bypassing the press gallery: from Howard to Hanson." Media International Australia 167, no. 1 (2018): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18766077.

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Traditionally politicians have been dependent on political news media to get their message across to the public. The rise of social media means that politicians can bypass the Press Gallery and publish directly to their target audiences via Facebook, Twitter and other social media platforms. This article argues that Prime Minister John Howard’s (1996–2007) use of talk back radio and early forays on YouTube were pivotal in the trend towards ‘disintermediation’ in Australian politics. It draws on two studies. One involving interviews with 87 key media actors from the Howard era including journalists, broadcasters, politicians and media advisers; and a second, which includes fresh interviews with contemporary press secretaries. This article examines the shift from a ‘mass media logic’ to a ‘hybrid logic’, considered from a mediatization theoretical position. We also ask important questions about the press gallery’s ongoing relevance in the digital era, when politicians preside over their own social media empires.
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Johnson, J. David, and Hendrika Meishcke. "Mass Media Channels." Newspaper Research Journal 13, no. 1-2 (1992): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073953299201300113.

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Women perceive television, magazines and newspapers as equally good at disseminating timely and understandable cancer-related information. But of the three media channels, newspapers are perceived as least credible, least accurate and least clear, raising some serious questions about how newspapers cozier health issues.
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Kislitsyna, Natalya N., and Tatyana V. Melnichenko. "The Use of the Metaphor's Connotative Potential for Constructing a Woman Politician's Image (In English-Language Mass Media)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Filologiya, no. 65 (June 1, 2020): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19986645/65/6.

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Bathla, Sonia. "Gender Construction in the Media: A Study of Two Indian Women Politicians." Asian Journal of Women's Studies 10, no. 3 (2004): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2004.11665973.

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Lapenkov, Denis, Olga Oleinik, and Olga Utkina. "The images of politicians in the language consciousness performed in the English and German newspaper and journalistic discourses." SHS Web of Conferences 72 (2019): 03022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20197203022.

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In the modern era of mass politicization of the public consciousness of the media, in addition to forming an opinion on political events, it also performs the function of manipulating the public consciousness. Of particular interest in this influence are the images of leading politicians. Images of politicians in the media influence the formation of opinions about the political situation in the country and in the world as a whole. In order to analyze the images of politicians in the media and to identify the deep meaning in the presentation of images of politicians, the authors of the article turn to text materials of electronic versions of social and political newspapers and magazines (The Guardian, Daily Mail, Telegraph, Focus, Zeit, Spiegel), using the conceptual method analysis and contextual analysis method. The presentation of images of politicians reveals value meanings of sympathy and antipathy. The authors of the article attempt to identify moments in the representation of the images of politicians, where they generate additional meaning that has an emotional impact on public opinion.
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Sarıtaş, Ahmet, and Elif Esra Aydın. "Elections and Social Media." International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 6, no. 1 (2015): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsesd.2015010105.

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Today, using of the internet extended social media by individuals habitually enables both the business firms and politicians to reach their target mass at any time. In this context, internet has become a popular place recently where political communication and campaigns are realized by ensuring a new dimension to political campaigns. When we examine the posts and discussions in the social media, we can say that they are converted into open political sessions. As there are no censorship in such channels, individuals have a freedom to reach to any partial/impartial information and obtain transparent and fast feedback, and with this regard, political parties, leaders and candidates have a chance to be closer to electors. In this study, it is aimed to give information about the social media, present what medium has been used for election campaigns from the past until today and besides, by considering the effects of effective and efficient use of social media and new trends related to the internet by politicians, together with their applications in the world, to make suggestions about its situation and application in Turkey.
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Lekshmi, P. S. Swathi, K. Chandrakandan, and N. Balasubramani. "Mass media utilization behaviour of farm women." Agricultural Science Digest - A Research Journal 35, no. 1 (2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/0976-0547.2015.00010.5.

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Sari, Mungky Diana, Gayes Mahestu, and Kiky Soraya. "VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN MASS MEDIA FRAMEWORK." Social Economics and Ecology International Journal (SEEIJ) 1, no. 1 (2018): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31397/seeij.v1i1.8.

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This study aims to see how far media positioned women, especially in their news frames. The focus of this research will be more about seeing how are violence against women cases in the mass media framework, especially online media. The selection of online media in this research is because the access of information provided by online media is much wider and easier in comparison with other media, especially mainstream mass media like newspaper. The focus of this study is on violence against women which occurred on a high school student in Bengkulu that resulted on her die. The method used in this study is the framing method of Robert Entman, by looking at the articles on Detik.com and Tribunews.com in May 2016. The results of this study indicate that Detik.com put women as objects, while Tribunews.com a little more put women as subjects, though not yet fully in the entity as a woman.
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Matonytė, Irmina. "From liberal to predatory mass media in post-communist Lithuania." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 2 (January 1, 2009): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2009.2.79.

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Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institutionalization of ideological conflicts) and politicians (representation), the paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy if the free mass media gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. The paper conceptualizes a tremendous decrease (by one third) in public trust in mass media in Lithuania, observed from 1998 to 2009 and interprets this change as a cumulative result of the post-communist illstructured political field under pressing liberalization and democratization coupled with specific patterns of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere. In the conditions of a still relatively high public trust in mass-media and scarce foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda. The Lithuanian massmedia and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate. INTUNE project survey (2009) shows that the media elite’s influence in the national decision making process is significantly higher in Lithuania than, for instance, in Germany or Hungary.Key words: populism, communicative democracy, mass-media ownership, public sphere, public trust.
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Jenkins, Cathy. "Women in Australian politics: Mothers only need apply." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 1 (2006): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i1.845.

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When Julia Gillard considered running for the leadership of the Australian Labor Party in early 2005, her political enemies immediately raised three reasons for opposing her: she is female, single and without children. These criticisms prompted a flurry of discussion in the media about the relevance of a person’s family situation to their ability to work effectively in politics. This article examines the treatment of female politicians by the press over the more than 80 years since the first woman appeared in any Australian parliament. It finds that there continues to be pressure on women to continue in the traditional roles of wife and mother, while more recently, female politicians have had to contend with an extra layer of coverage concentrating on their sexual attributes.
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Guerrero-Solé, Frederic, and Cristina Perales-García. "Bridging the Gap: How Gender Influences Spanish Politicians’ Activity on Twitter." Journalism and Media 2, no. 3 (2021): 469–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia2030028.

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Women have historically been underrepresented in politics. However, in the last few decades, more and more women have been elected to both upper and lower houses, particularly in Spain. Social media has become one >of the main channels for women to gain visibility, but the issue of unequal distribution of power and influence between men and women remains. This paper sheds light on gender differences among politicians on Twitter by analyzing the social media activity and influence of 277 of the 350 Members of the Spanish Congress of Deputies from March to June 2020. Our research shows there are still major gender differences regarding audience figures and amplification and that both male and female politicians still largely retweet more men than women. In addition, we found significant differences between parties and across the political spectrum, although these are less prominent (albeit not neutralized) in parties with a female leader. This is in keeping with studies that have found broad similarities between male and female politicians’ communicative practices, but a persistently large gap to be bridged in terms of their online influence. Female leaders are proposed as a means to bridge this gap.
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Buaphuean, Songyot. "Mass Media and Ideology Dissemination against Democracy in Thailand." MIMBAR, Jurnal Sosial dan Pembangunan 33, no. 1 (2017): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.29313/mimbar.v33i1.2240.

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The study on “Mass Media and Ideology Dissemination against Democracy in Thailand” is qualitative study with the method of documentary research from text books, books, newspapers and online newspapers to find the definition of democracy which was the system of forming the elected government with the principle of sovereignty, majority, equality, freedom and laws. However, some mass media had false consciousness of democracy which included: election brought bad quality politicians; recruitment of persons to form the government was better than election; promotion of superstition; one man one vote was not for Thai society; capitalism deteriorated the nation; The Armed Forces worked for the people. Another concept was the idea that believed Thai society was praising the elite groups. The ideology said the society should obey the senior citizen who had morals, and the Armed Forces forced people to obey.
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Rheault, Ludovic, Erica Rayment, and Andreea Musulan. "Politicians in the line of fire: Incivility and the treatment of women on social media." Research & Politics 6, no. 1 (2019): 205316801881622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018816228.

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A seemingly inescapable feature of the digital age is that people choosing to devote their lives to politics must now be ready to face a barrage of insults and disparaging comments targeted at them through social media. This article represents an effort to document this phenomenon systematically. We implement machine learning models to predict the incivility of about 2.2 m messages addressed to Canadian politicians and US Senators on Twitter. Specifically, we test whether women in politics are more heavily targeted by online incivility, as recent media reports suggested. Our estimates indicate that roughly 15% of public messages sent to Senators can be categorized as uncivil, whereas the proportion is about four points lower in Canada. We find evidence that women are more heavily targeted by uncivil messages than men, although only among highly visible politicians.
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Devere, Heather, and Sharyn Graham Davies. "The Don and Helen New Zealand election 2005: A media a-gender?" Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 1 (2006): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i1.846.

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The media uses the technique of framing to process and package information in order to make sense of the material and present a news ‘story’ which is accessible to the audience. International research reports demonstrate a consistent ‘gendered’ framing of media coverage. ‘Gendering’ refers to the highlighting of a person’s gender, when this is not particularly relevant to the context. Usually gendering involves seeing the male as the norm, and the female as the remarkable. In terms of the media and politics, this gendering includes the under-representation of women politicians, an emphasis on their appearance, marital and maternal status, and personality rather than the policies and issues of debate. More recently, however, there is evidence that in some contexts the media is becoming less overtly biased in its representation of women politicians. While there are still many ways in which women are presented differently from their male counterparts, there is also some evidence that an emphasis on gender is initiated by the party campaigns rather than being a result of media agenda-setting.
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Pruysers, Scott, Melanee Thomas, and Julie Blais. "Mediated ambition? Gender, news and the desire to seek elected office." European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, no. 1 (2020): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15701058119488.

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A gender gap in nascent political ambition is among the best documented in political behaviour. Although the reasons for this gender gap are numerous, it has often been speculated that the media might be partly responsible for suppressing ambition among women. Considerable evidence shows that women in politics are generally subject to more attention being paid to their appearance, marital status and sex than their male counterparts. Does this kind of media coverage dampen political ambition? We test this possibility in two experimental studies. In Study 1, we explore whether overtly sexualised coverage regarding the appearance of politicians can dampen political ambition, while Study 2 considers whether media coverage focusing on the private lives of politicians (specifically parental/marital status) affects political ambition. This two-study approach allows us to consider whether media coverage of political officials is related to political ambition and whether different types of media coverage have different effects.
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Cameron, Deborah, and Sylvia Shaw. "Constructing women’s “different voice”." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 1 (2020): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19086.cam.

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Abstract Since the 1990s, media commentators in the UK and elsewhere have praised women for introducing a “visibly different style of politics”, one symbol of which is the alleged preference of female politicians for a less adversarial and more co-operative style of political speech. Drawing on an analysis of the 2015 UK General Election campaign, we argue that this notion of women’s “different voice” has become increasingly central to the media’s construction of prominent female politicians as public figures, despite the evidence that it does not reflect any clear-cut pattern of differentiation between male and female political speakers of equivalent status and experience. Though it may seem to be an advance on previous negative representations of female politicians, we suggest that it reproduces – albeit in a “modernized” form – the long-established tendency of the media to evaluate women in relation to gendered norms and expectations, while men are judged as individuals.
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Satria Buana, Mirza, Erlina Erlina, and Eka Yulia Rahman. "Paradigma Pendidikan Politik Antikorupsi dan Kesetaraan Gender di Partai Politik." INTEGRITAS 7, no. 1 (2021): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32697/integritas.v7i1.733.

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Political education for women politicians is ineffective because women are still considered merely as an ‘object’ to perpetuate patriarchy political dynasty. This study utilizes a legal inter-diciplinary methodology. It selects five political parties. Respondents are female politicians who have experiences on political education, anti-corruption and gender equality issues. Most of political parties are dependent with political figure as a ‘strong leader’. Political education’s curriculum is a doctrinization of parties’ political figures. It lacks of anti-corruption and gender equality perspectives. Reform should start from within by changing its paradigm into member-based mass political party, so political education can leverage female politicians.
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Kruliš, Ladislav. "Mass media image of selected instruments of economic develepment." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 3 (2016): 282–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0014.

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Abstract The goal of this paper is twofold. Firstly, two instruments of economic development – investment incentives and cluster initiatives – were compared according to the frequency of their occurrence in selected mass media sources in the Czech Republic in the periods 2004-2005 and 2011-2012. Secondly, the mass media image of these two instruments of economic development was evaluated with respect to the frames deductively constructed from literature review. The findings pointed out a higher occurrence of the mass media articles/news dealing with investment incentives. These articles/news were, additionally, more controversial and covered a wider spectrum of frames. Politicians were a relatively more frequent type of actors who created the media message from the articles/news. On the contrary, the mass media articles/news concerning cluster initiatives typically created the frame of positive effects of clusters. The messages were told either by economic experts or by public authority representatives who were closely connected with cluster initiatives. Spatial origin of these messages was rather limited. The definitional vagueness, intangible and uncontroversial nature of cluster initiatives restrained their media appeal.
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Aaldering, Loes, and Daphne Joanna Van Der Pas. "Political Leadership in the Media: Gender Bias in Leader Stereotypes during Campaign and Routine Times." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (2018): 911–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000795.

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This article studies gender differences in media portrayals of political leadership, starting with the expectation that male politicians are evaluated more often on traits belonging to the male leader stereotype, and that female politicians have no such advantage. These gender differences are expected to be especially pronounced during non-campaign periods. To test these expectations, a large-scale automated content analysis of all Dutch national newspapers from September 2006 to September 2012 was conducted. The results show that male politicians received more media coverage on leadership traits in general, although the male and female leader stereotypes explain most of the variation in gender bias between leadership traits. These gender effects are found during seldom-studied routine periods but not during campaigns. As leadership trait coverage has electoral consequences, this gender-differentiated coverage likely contributes to the under-representation of women in politics.
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Teubal, Ruth. "Women and elderly women in the mass media: Some preliminary notes." Ageing International 25, no. 4 (2000): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12126-000-1015-9.

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Bösch, Frank. "When Private Life Became Political: German Politicians, Sex Scandals, and Mass Media, 1880–1914." Trans-Humanities Journal 8, no. 3 (2015): 33–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trh.2015.0009.

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Ette, Mercy. "Where are the women? Evaluating visibility of Nigerian female politicians in news media space." Gender, Place & Culture 24, no. 10 (2017): 1480–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369x.2017.1387104.

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Yarchi, Moran, and Tal Samuel-Azran. "Women politicians are more engaging: male versus female politicians’ ability to generate users’ engagement on social media during an election campaign." Information, Communication & Society 21, no. 7 (2018): 978–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369118x.2018.1439985.

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Fong, Christian, Neil Malhotra, and Yotam Margalit. "Political Legacies: Understanding Their Significance to Contemporary Political Debates." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 03 (2019): 451–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519000209.

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ABSTRACTPoliticians bequeath an important legacy after they leave office: the public’s memories of their time in office. Indeed, the media often discuss legacy concerns as a key motivation of politicians. Yet, there has been little empirical analysis of how politicians’ legacies are interpreted and used by the mass public. Analyzing millions of comments from online discussion forums, we show that citizens frequently mobilize memories of past politicians in their discussions of current events. A randomized survey experiment rationalizes such invocations of past politicians: they bolster the persuasiveness of contemporary arguments—particularly bad ones—but only when made in the context of a policy domain specifically associated with a past politician. Our findings suggest that politicians have a strong interest in cultivating a positive, broad, and enduring legacy because memories of them influence policy debates long after they leave office.
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FRANCESCHET, SUSAN, JENNIFER M. PISCOPO, and GWYNN THOMAS. "Supermadres, Maternal Legacies and Women's Political Participation in Contemporary Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 1 (2015): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000814.

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AbstractElsa Chaney once argued that Latin American women turned to motherhood to justify their political participation. Now that Latin American women have gained unprecedented access to national-level office, we ask whether these cultural narratives of maternalism still condition female politicians’ access to political power. Using public opinion data, media analysis, and elite interviews, we conceptualise four strategic frames deployed by elite women to justify their national-level political careers: the traditional supermadre, the technocratic caretaker, the macho minimiser, and the difference denier. We argue that while today's female politicians have developed diverse responses to maternalism, their access to public office remains profoundly shaped by structural constraints and cultural narratives that privilege traditional feminine ideals of caretaking.
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Tromble, Rebekah, and Karin Koole. "She belongs in the kitchen, not in Congress? Political engagement and sexism on Twitter." Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies 9, no. 2 (2020): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajms_00022_1.

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Social media offer direct lines of communication to many democratic representatives, and, in some instances, they may provide policy-makers and journalists with a better sense of public views. But, are the voices expressed on social media worth heeding? Impersonal and anonymous communication often invites negativity and abuse, including racism and sexism. Indeed, evidence suggests that women face particularly high levels of abuse online. And yet we know relatively little about the role of sexism in citizens’ digitally mediated interactions with their political representatives. Do people direct more criticism and hostility towards female politicians? Using Twitter data comparing political engagement in the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States, we actually find reason for optimism. In the United Kingdom and the United States, there are no differences in the tone of messages sent to male and female politicians, and Dutch citizens direct more positive messages towards women. Across all three countries, gendered insults towards women are rare.
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Maurer, Peter, and Florian Arendt. "A blessing or a double-edged sword? Politicians’ perceptions of newspapers’ impact on the functioning of democracy." Communications 41, no. 1 (2016): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2015-0027.

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AbstractThis study investigated the interplay of politicians’ perceptions regarding the political influence of leading newspapers and the mass media’s general impact on democracy. The scope of the study was restricted to democratic-corporatist media systems. We used comparative data of political elites (
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Samuel-Azran, Tal, and Moran Yarchi. "Women candidates are unrewarded for “masculine” campaigning: Facebook campaigning during Israel's 2018 municipal elections." Online Information Review 44, no. 6 (2020): 1199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-07-2019-0228.

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PurposeThis study examines the impact of gender on Facebook campaign strategies and the reception of these strategies during the 2018 Israeli municipal elections.Design/methodology/approachThe authors analyzed all the messages posted on 48 politicians' official Facebook pages during the week leading up to the elections. They analyzed messages posted by 152 candidates running for the position of head of a municipality, 68 of whom were women (48 had an active Facebook account), examining the amount of engagement they had created. The authors also analyzed the candidates' use of rhetoric and use of negative campaigning and the engagement it created.FindingsAnalysis of the overall engagement of Facebook users in respect to men versus women politicians showed that men politicians' posts were significantly more engaging in terms of the number of likes and shares they generated, although the multilevel analysis found no significant differences between engagement in the posts of men and women politicians. The Aristotelian rhetoric analysis revealed no significant differences between women and men contenders; however, in line with the role incongruity theory, the engagement analysis found that male candidates' logic-based posts attracted significantly more shares. The negative campaigning analysis found that, contrary to the study’s hypothesis, female candidates posted twice as many messages, attacking their opponents as their men counterparts. However, in line with the hypothesis based on the role incongruity theory, these posts gained significantly less engagement than those of their men counterparts.Originality/valueThe study highlights that female candidates do not conform to their perceived gender role as soft, emotional, and gentle in their social media campaigning. However, in line with role incongruity theory, they were not rewarded for this “unwomanly” behavior because they gained significantly less engagement with their logic-based posts and their attacks against other candidates than their men counterparts. Despite the fact that prior studies have indicated the potential of social networks service (SNS) to empower women leaders, the findings of the study highlight the continued gender discrimination and the validity of role incongruity theory during social media campaigning, particularly at the municipal elections level.
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Prathap, D. Puthira, and K. A. Ponnusamy. "Mass Media and Symbolic Adoption Behavior of Rural Women." SIMILE: Studies In Media & Information Literacy Education 6, no. 4 (2006): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/sim.6.4.002.

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Johnson, Carolyn, and Lynne Gross. "Mass Media Use by Women in Decision-Making Positions." Journalism Quarterly 62, no. 4 (1985): 850–950. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769908506200421.

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