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Journal articles on the topic 'Women representatives'
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1
Campbell, Rosie, Sarah Childs, and Joni Lovenduski. "Do Women Need Women Representatives?" British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (December 11, 2009): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990408.
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This article analyses the relationship between the representatives and the represented by comparing elite and mass attitudes to gender equality and women’s representation in Britain. In so doing, the authors take up arguments in the recent theoretical literature on representation that question the value of empirical research of Pitkin’s distinction between substantive and descriptive representation. They argue that if men and women have different attitudes at the mass level, which are reproduced amongst political elites, then the numerical under-representation of women may have negative implications for women’s substantive representation. The analysis is conducted on the British Election Study (BES) and the British Representation Study (BRS) series.
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Riyanti, Ratna, and Absori Absori. "REPRESENTATIVES OF WOMEN 2019 LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS IN CENTRAL JAVA INDONESIA." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 24, no. 02 (February 13, 2020): 3787–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v24i2/pr200700.
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Celis, Karen, and Sarah Childs. "The Substantive Representation of Women: What to Do with Conservative Claims?" Political Studies 60, no. 1 (November 4, 2011): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00904.x.
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Recent developments in the gender and politics literature suggest that studying the substantive representation of women is much more complicated than counting the number of women present in a particular political institution and judging the actions of women representatives against a ‘feminist’ shopping list of demands. In brief, the substantive representation of women is no longer considered to be restricted to what happens in our parliaments or only by what women representatives do therein. Furthermore, what constitutes women's issues and interests – that which is to be represented – can also no longer be considered straightforwardly ‘out there’ to simply be acted upon by representatives; they are constructed as part of the representative process. Acknowledgement of the diversity and likely contested nature of claims to act ‘for women’ coincides with an emerging appreciation that the claims for women made by conservative representatives need to be brought more explicitly into our analytic frameworks and empirical studies. Together, these points not only undermine any assumption that the substantive representation of women equals the feminist substantive representation of women; they also raise the possibility of non- and anti-feminist representative claims and actions ‘for’ women. Against this backdrop, we review recent developments within the sub-field of the substantive representation of women literature and offer some reflections and suggestions about how to take conservatism seriously when studying the substantive representation of women both conceptually and empirically.
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Glover, Julian Kevon. "Customer Service Representatives." South Atlantic Quarterly 120, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 553–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-9154913.
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This article investigates sex work among Black transgender women in Chicago’s ballroom scene, drawing on ethnographic data to argue that Black transwomen engage in sex work as a practice of self-investment undergirded by an epistemological shift regarding the centrality of affective labor to their work. In so doing, interlocutors reap the benefits of deploying embodied knowledge—the harnessing and transformation of insight derived from lived experiences of racial, gender, and sexual subjection into useful strategies, tactics, and tools—to secure material and human resources necessary for survival. A focus on how Black transwomen live, despite continued physical, spiritual, socioeconomic, political, and cultural annihilation, remains critically important given the myriad indicators (low average life expectancy, low annual income, disproportionally high murder rate, etc.) that expose the world’s indifference to the plight of this community and Black bodies writ large. Further, the author places interlocutors in conversation with Black feminist historians’ and theorists’ discussions of sex work among Black women to expose points of convergence between Black cis- and transgender women. The author also complicates narratives that link sex work to “survival” and subsequently obfuscate explorations of limited and situated agency among Black women that have significant historical precedent.
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Kumar, Radhika. "Dalit Women Panchayat Members in Haryana: Gender, Caste and Political Representation." South Asia Research 41, no. 2 (April 23, 2021): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02627280211003338.
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Drawing on the latest round of elections to Panchayati Raj Institutions in the state of Haryana in 2016, this article interrogates the substantial increase in the number of Dalit women representatives, based on fieldwork in a specific village. Since both Dalit and non-Dalit women present narratives of non-participation in the functioning of the village panchayat, it is argued that the increase in Dalit women representatives was not by design, but by default, due to an amendment of the Haryana Panchayati Raj Act 2015. Overall, in the studied village, women continue to remain marginalised in the local representative bodies, and gender-based quotas have only ensured numerical visibility of women.
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Costa, Mia, and Brian F. Schaffner. "How Gender Conditions the Way Citizens Evaluate and Engage with Their Representatives." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (August 8, 2017): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917722235.
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Scholars argue that women’s presence in politics enhances symbolic representation, such as positive evaluations of one’s representative and increased political engagement. However, there is little empirical evidence of these symbolic benefits from descriptive representation. With data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study panel survey, we examine how a change in the gender of a representative affects individuals’ perceptions of that representative and likelihood to contact them. In general, we find that women express more positive evaluations of female representatives than male representatives, yet they are also less likely to contact female representatives. By contrast, the effect of an elected official’s gender does not significantly affect how men evaluate or engage with that official. However, we also show that partisanship conditions these effects, perhaps due to the fact that gender stereotypes operate differently for Democrats than Republicans. For example, women rate female Republican legislators more positively than they do male Republican legislators, but neither women nor men rate Democratic legislators differently based on their gender. The findings provide strong evidence that gender matters when it comes to representation, but contrary to some conventional wisdom, female elected officials may actually enjoy some advantages in terms of their standing among constituents.
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A, Raheena P., and Sara T. T. Neena. "Participation of Women for the Development of Civil Society: A Study among Women Representatives in Local Governance." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.41.2.
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Political Participation and grass root democracy have been strengthened considerably by the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments that have created new democratic institutions for local governance by giving the opportunity to women in the local administration. Indian Government raised reservation for women in all tiers of the panchayat raj system from 33 to 50 percent. An elected women representative needs the requisite social space in order to effect and experience the changes that she desires. The involvement of women in the development process is not merely a matter of equality but a necessity too. This study attempted to assess the involvement of women representatives to the development of weaker sections of society, especially women and children. This study was conducted in village panchayats under Cherpu and Ollukkara blocks in Thrissur district. Simple random sampling technique was adopted for selecting the sample of fifty elected women representatives and data collected through structured Questionnaire Method.
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Clayton, Amanda, Cecilia Josefsson, Robert Mattes, and Shaheen Mozaffar. "In Whose Interest? Gender and Mass–Elite Priority Congruence in Sub-Saharan Africa." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758767.
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Do men and women representatives hold different legislative priorities? Do these priorities align with citizens who share their gender? Whereas substantive representation theorists suggest legislators’ priorities should align with their cogender constituents, Downsian-based theories suggest no role for gender. We test these differing expectations through a new originally collected survey data set of more than 800 parliamentarians and data from more than 19,000 citizens from 17 sub-Saharan African countries. We find that whereas parliamentarians prioritize similar issues as citizens in general, important gender differences also emerge. Women representatives and women citizens are significantly more likely to prioritize poverty reduction, health care, and women’s rights, whereas men representatives and men citizens tend to prioritize infrastructure projects. Examining variation in congruence between countries, we find that parliamentarians’ and cogender citizens’ priorities are most similar where democratic institutions are strongest. These results provide robust new evidence and insight into how and when legislator identity affects the representative process.
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Sojka, Jane Z., Ashok K. Gupta, and Dawn R. Deeter‐Schmelz. "Asian purchasing agents’ perceptions of women sales representatives." Women in Management Review 16, no. 7 (November 2001): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000006114.
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Kubiś, Adam. "The Hemorrhaging Woman and Jairus’ Daughter as Representatives of Israel." Biblical Annals 10, no. 3 (May 17, 2020): 355–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.9313.
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The scope of the present study is the symbolic analysis of the two interwoven Markan narratives about the healing of the woman with the flow of blood (5:25-34) and the raising of Jairus’ daughter (5:21-24.35-43). The principal thesis of this work consists in interpreting both women as symbols of Israel. The study begins with the presentation of the methodological premises of symbolic analysis. The main methodological premise of this work is the conviction that the literary sense of this pericope is in fact imbued with symbolism. Then there is a presentation of three criteria which help in detecting symbols in the biblical text: textual probability, conventions probability and contextual probability. Subsequently, in order to lend credence to the principal thesis of the article, seventeen literary elements found in Mark 5:21-43 are discussed; each of them meets the first two criteria and lends itself to symbolic interpretation of the two women as representations of Israel. The cumulative weight of these seventeen elements creates a rather strong cumulative argument in favor of the main thesis. Finally, the conformity between the symbolic interpretation of these women and both the immediate and global contexts of this pericope is discussed. The presence of this conformity meets the third criterion of contextual probability. The article thus offers a convincing case for the symbolic interpretation of the hemorrhaging woman and Jairus’ daughter in Mark 5:21-43 as representations of Israel.
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Mandasari, Nanik. "ANALISIS PARTISIPASI PEREMPUAN STUDI KASUS DI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH (DPRD) KABUPATEN KERINCI." JURNAL ADMINISTRASI NUSANTARA 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51279/jan.v3i1.153.
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Title. Analysis of Women's Participation Case Study in the Kerinci Regency Regional House of Representatives (DPRD). This research was carried out in the Kerinci Regency Regional House of Representatives (DPRD). Women's participation in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD) in the election of DPRD members has not participated maximally because only one female DPRD member is elected because women's participation is not as optimal as men's women's space and time limitations in entering politics there are still half measures and voters do not understand and know for sure the female candidates they have chosen. The research problem formulation is, What is the Participation of Women in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD)? The research objective is to find out the participation of women in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD). This research uses a qualitative approach where data is obtained through field interview guidelines for 5 informants referring to 6 research indicators namely 1. Formal education 2. Organizational Experience 3. Recruitment System 4. Social and Religious Perception 5. Cultural Perception 6. Cultural Perception. The data obtained in the field were analyzed based on the classification of the informant's answers described in the results and discussion of the study which was then interpreted by the researcher. it is known that Women's Participation in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD), for indicators one to six has not been carried out to the maximum that is women's participation in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD) has not been able to represent the number of women in the Kerinci Regency because women are elected in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD), only one person. For this reason, the writer suggests that the participation of women in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD) can be increased and the number is higher and women in the Kerinci Regency choose female candidates so that women's participation in the Kerinci Regency Regional Representative Council (DPRD) can contribute. in the development of the Kerinci Regency.
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Rossetti, Sonia. "Saharawi women and their voices as political representatives abroad." Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 2 (March 2012): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2011.627772.
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Sharma, Dr Gopal, and Pujan Singh Ariya. "Political Participation of Women in Panchayats: A comparative study of Raiganj and Islampur Blocks of Uttar Dinajpur District, West Bengal, India- Issues and Trends." ENSEMBLE 2, no. 2 (July 25, 2021): 256–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2021-0202-a026.
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In recent years women empowerment has become a significant issue among academicians, social workers, and policy decision-makers in India. After the successful establishment of the Panchayat system as well as reservations for women in the local bodies, there has been a tremendous change in the number of women representatives in PRIs. But women empowerment is not an easy process rather, that needs a change in the mindset of the patriarchal society, social institutions, and far more determined effort on the part of the women representatives. Sometimes it becomes difficult to serve political duties for the women representatives in this present situation where there is a lack of proper knowledge, lack of education, lots of dependencies, family influence, and so on. In this light, the present study is an attempt to examine the socio-economic conditions and experiences of the elected women representatives of Gram Panchayats of Raiganj and Islampur Blocks and their participation in different sectors of grassroots politics. The whole study is based on empirical data which have been collected through field survey.
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Jeffrey, Rowan. "Challenging Voices? Going Public on Community Radio." Media International Australia 103, no. 1 (May 2002): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0210300108.
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Presenting a program on community radio can be immensely rewarding for community access broadcasters. Yet the experience of ‘going public’ is not always positive. Based on a case study of the participation of women at one community access radio station in Aotearoa/New Zealand, this paper argues that, particularly for programmers from minority communities, the public nature of broadcasting can be problematic. Whether or not they desire such a role, such broadcasters often become positioned as public representatives of their community. This representative aspect of going public makes it problematic, because public representatives attract criticism as well as praise, and the validity of their voices can be challenged. Drawing on the narratives of women involved at community access station Plains FM and the work of John Hochheimer (1993), this paper addresses issues of participation, representation and legitimacy, and explores the challenges that they pose for the democratic potential of community access media.
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Azemfac, Kareen, S. Ariane Christie, Melissa M. Carvalho, Theophile Nana, Ahmed N. Fonje, Gregory Halle-Ekane, Rochelle Dicker, Alain Chichom-Mefire, and Catherine Juillard. "A Community-Based Assessment of Knowledge and Practice of Breast Self-Examination and Prevalence of Breast Disease in Southwest Cameroon." Journal of Cancer Epidemiology 2019 (January 1, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/2928901.
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Introduction. Despite the rising trend in breast cancer incidence and mortality across Sub-Saharan Africa, there remains a critical knowledge gap about the burden and patterns of breast disease and breast cancer screening practices at the population level. This study aimed to identify socioeconomic factors associated with knowledge and practice of breast self-examination (BSE) as well as assess the prevalence of breast disease symptoms among a mixed urban-rural population of women in the Southwest region of Cameroon. Methods. We conducted a household-level community-based study in Southwest Cameroon between January and March 2017, using a three-stage cluster sampling framework. We surveyed 1287 households and collected self-reported data on 4208 female subjects, 790 of whom were household representatives. Each household representative provided information on behalf of all female household members about any ongoing breast disease symptoms. Moreover, female household representatives were questioned about their own knowledge and practice of BSE. Results. Women demonstrated low frequency of knowledge of BSE, as 25% (n=201) of household representatives reported any knowledge of BSE; and among these only 15% (n=30) practiced BSE on a monthly basis. Age (aOR: 1.04), usage of Liquid Petroleum Gas fuel, a marker of higher socioeconomic status (aOR: 1.86), and speaking English as a primary language in the household (aOR: 1.59) were significant predictors of knowledge of BSE. Eleven women reported ongoing breast disease symptoms resulting in an overall prevalence of 2.3 cases of breast disease symptoms per 1000 women. Conclusions. Socioeconomic disparities in access to health education may be a determinant of knowledge of BSE. Community-based strategies are needed to improve dissemination of breast cancer screening methods, particularly for women who face barriers to accessing care.
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Evans, Heather. "Do women only talk about “female issues”? Gender and issue discussion on Twitter." Online Information Review 40, no. 5 (September 12, 2016): 660–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-10-2015-0338.
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Purpose Recent research has shown that female US House candidates were more likely to talk about so-called “female issues” on Twitter during the 2012 election (Evans and Clark, 2015). In this paper, the author extends this former work by investigating the Twitter activity of all US House representatives during their 2012 election and seven months later (June and July of 2013). The purpose of this paper is to show that women do talk more about “female issues” than men, but do not only focus on these issues. Design/methodology/approach This paper content analyzes the tweets sent by female and male representatives in the 113th Congress during their 2012 elections, and seven months later. Findings Female representatives spend significantly more time devoted to “female issues” on Twitter than male representatives, but their time is not dominated entirely by “female issues.” Even though the difference is not statistically significant, women sent more tweets about “male issues” than men both during and after the 2012 election. Women tweet more than men about “women,” but they also care about business issues, as is evidenced by that issue being one of the most discussed on Twitter by female representatives during both the election and seven months later. Originality/value Unlike other studies on gender and issue discussion, this paper examines a new type of communication: Twitter. Tweets are split by issue type (female/male) and the author sees that while women do discuss “female issues” more than men, they do not exclude “male issues.” This paper also shows that women focus on “female issues” both during elections and after.
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Kunz, Karen, and Carrie M. Staton. "Engaging Women in Public Leadership in West Virginia." Public Voices 13, no. 2 (November 29, 2016): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.116.
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As the 113th Congress begins to tackle the issues of the day, men and women alike celebrate the inclusion of a record number of women representatives. The historic numbers indicate progress, but the reality is that women compose slightly more than half of the national population but less than twenty percent of the national legislative representatives. Women fare slightly better at the state level, holding just under a quarter of state legislative seats and executive offices. In this study we explore the challenges faced and advances made by women in attaining statewide executive office in rural states by examining how they have fared in Appalachia and particularly West Virginia. We integrate theoretical understandings and statistical data with lived experiences gleaned from personal interviews conducted with the women who have held executive office in West Virginia.
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Yushkina, N. A. "The gender aspect of image formation in the modern information society." Digital Sociology 2, no. 3 (February 25, 2020): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2658-347x-2019-3-10-15.
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The information space affects social processes and forms a new system of values, ideas about a person as a person, its self-expression and achievement of success in various areas of life. Image becomes an expression of new requirements of public consciousness. Based on the data of a sociological study, it has been identified and analyzed in the article: what value guidelines and qualities make up the image of the most authoritative representatives of modern Russian society, what is the gender composition of these representatives, as well as professional areas and qualities that help women gain a high level of trust and create a positive image in the modern information society.The factors, contributing to the formation of a negative image, have been considered, 329 interviews in 8 federal districts have been conducted. In the course of the interview, the respondents indicated the representatives of the society who, in their opinion, had the most positive image and high level of trust, as well as the opposite example of a negative image, causing a low rating. Asymmetry in the criteria for evaluating the image of women and men by society, as well as gender imbalance among representatives with high public authority have been revealed.The boundaries of the permissible presence of women at the top of society, determined by the society itself, have been denoted. Professional areas in which women are better able to form a positive image in the conditions of the modern information society have been noticed. It has been identified, that charity is a valuable component of a positive image of a woman in all professional fields. Traditional gender values continue to be an important component of the image. A high level of presence in the information space can contribute to image building and have negative consequences.
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Miroshnichenko, V. M., O. P. Shvets, T. V. Samolenko, and O. I. Salnykov. "Dynamics of indicators of physical development of women 25-35 years under the influence of aquafitness training." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 15. Scientific and pedagogical problems of physical culture (physical culture and sports), no. 5(136) (May 22, 2021): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series15.2021.5(135).16.
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The aim of the study was to identify the features of the impact of aquafitness training on the indicators of physical development of women 25-35 years of different somatotypes. The study involved 41 women 25-35 years old. The somatotype was determined by the Heath-Carter method. Physical development indicators were determined by the indicators of the device OMRON BF-511, which works on the principle of bioelectric impedance. Under the influence of aquafitness training in a group of women that brought together representatives of different somatotypes, not found statistically confirmed changes of indicators physical development. At all control stages of the study, body mass, BMI, fat percentage, visceral fat content tended to decrease. Among women distributed by somatotype, a statistically significant decrease in body mass and BMI was found only in representatives of the endomorphic somatotype. The decrease in body mass and BMI was due to a decrease in body fat and visceral fat. In the representatives ectomorphic somatotype, body mass, BMI, and muscle component percentage tended to increase, and fat percentage tended to decrease. Representatives of the balanced and endomorphic-mesomorphic somatotype demonstrated only a tendency to decrease body mass, BMI, fat content and visceral fat content. The percentage of muscle component tended to increase. Different adaptive reactions were revealed to aquafitness training in women 25-35 years of different somatotypes. Statistically significant decreased body mass and BMI occurred only in representatives of the endomorphic somatotype. Body mass and BMI decreased due to a decrease in body fat (including visceral fat).
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Wright, Sheila. "Quakerism and its Implications for Quaker Women: the Women Itinerant Ministers of York Meeting, 1780-1840." Studies in Church History 27 (1990): 403–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012201.
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In York Monthly Meeting, women ministers were to become dominant by the end of the eighteenth century, having been outnumbered by men since the beginning of the century. The Meeting for Ministers and Elders appears to have degenerated between 1726 and 1768 under the stewardship of Nathaniel Bell and Daniel Peacock. At the same time, female influence in the Meeting suffered a hiatus, the Meeting ceasing to send female representatives to the Quarterly Meeting in about 1718. This situation continued until 1783, when women once again began to feature strongly in the Meeting of Ministers and Elders; they were appointed to the positions of elder and minister and resumed sending representatives to Quarterly Meetings. From 1706 to 1775, York Meeting had 7 male ministers, of whom 4 were itinerant. There were 5 female ministers; 3 made more than one journey in the ministry. From 1775 to 1860 there were 11 male ministers, 2 being itinerant. There were 20 female ministers, of whom 11 made regular journeys in the ministry.
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Rožman Ivančič, Nejc. "The The Image of a Woman of Colour and Native American Woman in Two Kerouac Novels: A Double Otherness." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 16, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.16.2.117-133.
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The article examines the portrayal of a woman of colour in the novel The Subterraneans (1958), and the portrayal of a Native American woman in the novel Tristessa (1960). The two works are representative examples within the opus of the American writer Jack Kerouac (1922–1969), and offer suitable starting points for the reinterpretation of his attitude towards women and non-white ethnicities. The novels reveal the ethnocentric, even colonizing attitude of the dominating male narrator in relation to the dominated and subjugated social groups. Although the treated works are considered Kerouac’s “female-centred novels” (Phelan Lyke 1991, v), this syntagm is problematized here by showing that the male narrator remains the true protagonist, focused essentially on his own perceptions of the non-white romantic subject, whereas the two female characters are (mere) objects for the protagonists’ self-discovery, life experience and psychological projection. In this sense, Kerouac’s consistent presentation of women as representatives of an identity of the exotic/Other reveals his nested gender and racial prejudice.
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Billava, Narayana, and Nayanatara S. Nayak. "Empowerment of Women Representatives in Panchayat Raj Institutions: A Thematic Review." Journal of Politics and Governance 5, no. 4 (2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2456-8023.2016.00001.2.
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Drage, Jean. "The Invisible Representatives: Women Members of Hospital and Area Health Boards." Political Science 45, no. 1 (July 1993): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879304500106.
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Nelli, Jumni. "EKSISTENSI PEREMPUAN PADA LEMBAGA POLITIK FORMAL DALAM MEWUJUDKAN KESETARAAN GENDER (Studi Terhadap Anggota Legislatif di Provinsi Riau)." Marwah: Jurnal Perempuan, Agama dan Jender 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/marwah.v14i2.2629.
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The involvement of women in politics is important, because women have special needs that can only be understood best by the women themselves. If the women's problems is entrusted to the representatives who do not have the perspective of a female problem, it is almost certain that the policy issued is not sensitive to women's issues. Currently the representation of women is still low, not least in the province of Riau. But the low or lack of women's representation in the legislative agenda does not mean the strengthening of gender equality or gender mainstreaming (PUG) neglected. Interesting traced the existence of women legislators in Riau Province area totaling 18 people from 65 people to the Province, seven women sitting in Pekanbaru, and six women in Kampar truly representative of women in the province of Riau. The study concluded Women legislators in Riau Province is very sensitive and understand the problems and issues of gender/women, but because there is still minimal cause many obstacles encountered in achieving gender equality.
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BOCHEL, CATHERINE, and HUGH BOCHEL. "Exploring the Low Levels of Women's Representation in Japanese Local Government." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (December 2005): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001957.
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Although women have consistently outvoted men in elections in Japan since the 1970s, the country has a relatively poor record in terms of women being elected to representative bodies. In recent years, there have been increases, particularly in the number of women in the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors, but at the local level the rate of change has been slower.As in other states, a number of propositions have been put forward to explain the low numbers of women in local assemblies. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including the developing literature and interviews with women councillors and others, this article seeks to identify the variety of factors that have contributed to holding down levels of female representation in local government in Japan. It examines these in the context of recent changes and considers the extent to which there is the prospect for further change.
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Prokopenko, O. S., E. V. Beliaiev, Mete Korkut Gulmen, O. I. Popova, and L. А. Cherkasova. "Features of t teleroentgenographic parameters of the upper and lower jaws in Ukrainian young men and young women with orthognathic occlusion and with different types and profiles of the face according to Schwarz A. M." Biomedical and Biosocial Anthropology, no. 39 (October 29, 2020): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31393/bba39-2020-10.
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Numerous studies have shown that teleroentgenographic indicators differ in people of different races, ethnicities, different populations, inhabitants of different geographical areas and often differ from the values of such indicators described by the authors of classical methods of cephalometric analysis. The aim of the study was to establish teleroentgenographic parameters that can be most often corrected during orthodontic and surgical interventions and to determine their features in Ukrainian young men and young women with orthognathic occlusion depending on profiles and facial types according to Schwarz A. M. The results of studies of lateral teleroentgenogram of the head of 49 young men aged 17 to 21 years and 76 young women aged 16 to 20 years with a physiological bite as close as possible to orthognathic using dental cone-beam tomography Veraviewepocs 3D Morita (Japan) are presented in this work. The morphometric teleroentgenographic parameters of the upper and lower jaws and inter-jaw parameters, which can most often change during surgical, orthodontic, cosmetic interventions in groups of persons with different profiles or types of faces according to Schwarz A. M., were determined. All significant differences between groups of young men with different facial profiles and between groups of young women with different facial profiles are of the same type: in both young men and young women with the first type of face profile – angle B is greater than in representatives with the third profile type, and angle MM is greater than in representatives with the third and second profile types; both in young men and young women with a second face type profile – distance R.asc. larger than the representatives with the first profile type; in both young men and young women with the third face profile type, the angle F is larger than in the representatives with the first profile type, the angle I is larger than in the representatives with the first and second profiles type, and the distances L-Mand and R.asc. larger than the representatives with the first profile type; the angle T have greater values in young men or young women with the first profile type of the face than with the second and third profiles type and have greater values in the representatives with the second profile type than with the first type profile of the face. Another picture is observed in the analysis of indicators in young men and young women with different face types. Thus, in persons with the third type of face the distance Max is greater than in persons with the first type and with the second type of face; the angle F in young men or young women with the third type of face is greater than in representatives with the second and first types, and in representatives with the second type – greater than in young men or young women with the first type of face. Young men with the first type of face have higher values of angles G, B and T than young men with the third type and angle B than young men with the second type of face; in young men with the second type of face – greater values of angle I than in young men with the first type and angle B than in young men with the third type of face; young men with the third type of face have larger values of angle I and distance R.asc. than young men with the first type of face. In young women, only tendencies to higher values of I and T angles were recorded in persons with the third type of face than with the first type. The obtained results indicate the need to divide young men and young women into separate groups according to the profile and type of person for an individualized approach to the definition and analysis of teleroentgenographic indicators in the population of Ukraine.
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Wilson, Walter Clark, and Roberto Felix Carlos. "Do Women Representatives Regender Legislative Bureaucracy? Assessing the Effect of Representative Sex on Women's Presence among US Congressional Staff." Journal of Legislative Studies 20, no. 2 (November 15, 2013): 216–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2013.833392.
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Azis, Ardhana Ulfa, and Mia Siscawati. "Janus Faced of Women's Parliament Family Line: Representation of Women in Politics and Party Oligarchy." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 2 (February 2, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i2.2404.
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The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.
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Muça, Valbona. "The Phenomenon of Violence Against Women and Girls in Albania." Postmodernism Problems 10, no. 2 (August 28, 2020): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46324/pmp2002219.
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This study aims to analyze and evaluate the social services provided to girls and women victims of domestic violence, based on the practices implemented in the non-public and public sector through this sector's representatives' representatives. The group of subjects included in the study consists of representatives of the Ministry of Social Welfare and Youth, local government, and non-profit social centers for girls and women - victims of violence and the center's beneficiaries. Qualitative ethnographic methods were used to conduct this study. One of the most important findings of this study was that the primary need of raped girls and women is to provide shelter to guarantee a safe place with their children. Also, the findings of this study show that non-public social services for girls and women-victims of domestic violence are limited and very deficient. The lack of some services and their lack of coordination does not meet the needs of the subjects. From 2013-2019, the cases of denouncing domestic violence have increased because the state and non-profit organizations have played an essential role in raising their awareness. A vital contribution of this study is the relevant recommendations to improve social services for this target group.
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Bäck, Hanna, and Marc Debus. "When Do Women Speak? A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Gender in Legislative Debates." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (July 31, 2018): 576–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718789358.
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Do female representatives participate less often in legislative debates, and does it matter which topic is debated? Drawing on the role incongruity theory, we hypothesise that women take the parliamentary floor less often because of the gender stereotypes that are likely to guide the behaviour of party representatives. Such underrepresentation is less likely to be present when debates are dealing with policy areas that can be characterised as feminine. By referring to critical mass theory, we expect women to participate less in debates if they are members of parties with fewer female representatives. The results of an analysis of speechmaking among members of parliament in seven European countries show that female members of parliament are less represented in legislative debates, especially when debates deal with topics that can be characterised as masculine. Furthermore, the effect of gender on speechmaking clearly varies across parties. However, the pattern does not follow the logic derived from critical mass theory. Instead, female members of parliament take the floor less often when they are members of parties with many female representatives.
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Chairiyah, Sri Zul. "Political Identity and Citizenship Participation (Representatives) in Politics by Minangkabau Women in Post-2019 Election." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (April 16, 2020): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21725.
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This research aimed to describe the identity politics and citizenship of Minangkabau women, towards the political participation (representation) of Minangkabau women in the post-2019 election. Minangkabau women have 2 identities, in adat (matrilineal system) women have rights that are equal to men in decision making, while in religion (patrilineal system), women are not one of the main elements in decision making. In citizenship, community still applies a patriarchal culture that is rooted and dominates. These two identities have a major influence on the political representation of Minangkabau women, where identity politics and citizenship are attempts to understand the relationship of these two concepts to the involvement of Minangkabau women in political representation in each election. The research used aqualitative method with individual analysis. This research was conducted in West Sumatra Province. These two factors influence the political representation of Minangkabau women in West Sumatra. The temporary conclusion showed that the low political representation of Minangkabau women in legislative institutions is not because of identity politics but because of patriarchal culture is still rooted and dominates in the community especially in West Sumatra.
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Palanithurai, G. "Role of Support Agency for Elected Women Representatives: A Narration of Two Decades Experience in Women Empowerment." Indian Journal of Public Administration 60, no. 3 (July 2014): 489–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120140309.
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Goia, Marisol Rodriguez, Mariana Braga De Lima, and Lucia Salmonson Guimarães Barros. "The Deviation Game: Can Deviation from Standard Beauty Become Appealing? An Age Perspective." Revista Brasileira de Marketing 17, no. 4 (September 10, 2018): 459–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5585/remark.v17i4.3754.
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Objective: This article aims to qualitatively explore the possibilities of amplifying the female representations in advertising and other types of marketing communication that embraces mature women by the beauty industry. Method: We interviewed women who are 40 years old and older, and leaders from multinational and Brazilian beauty companies. We also ran a survey experiment testing the persuasiveness of a fashion ad. Main results: Consumers are persuaded by ads displaying mature women, but the industry representatives are skeptical about the commercial appeal of these images. Contributions: The usual communication and marketing practices from leader companies are not grounded by the logic of value co-creation. These companies seem not to be consumer-oriented as a prominent practice. Relevance/Originality: Beauty standards and communication and marketing content should be understood from a social and political configuration that belongs to the organizational field from the contemporary fashion and cosmetic industries. Marketing practices are oriented by power and prestige relations, and by values and norms that are shared within this field. Managerial Implications: It is possible to amplify beauty standards and, by doing so, to better meet mature womens aspirations.
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Azam, Azmi. "Hester Prynne and Nora Helmer: Two extraordinary women representatives in English Literature." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 19, no. 4 (2014): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-19419497.
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Palmer, Barbara, and Dennis Simon. "Political Ambition and Women in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1916-2000." Political Research Quarterly 56, no. 2 (June 2003): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290305600202.
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Palmer, Barbara, and Dennis Simon. "Political Ambition and Women in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1916-2000." Political Research Quarterly 56, no. 2 (June 2003): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3219892.
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Wynn, Alison T., and Shelley J. Correll. "Puncturing the pipeline: Do technology companies alienate women in recruiting sessions?" Social Studies of Science 48, no. 1 (February 2018): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718756766.
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A ‘chilly’ environment limits women’s advancement through the educational pipeline leading to jobs in science and technology. However, we know relatively little about the environment women encounter after making it through the educational pipeline. Do technology companies create environments that may dampen women’s interest at the juncture when they are launching their careers? Using original observational data from 84 recruiting sessions hosted by technology companies at a prominent university on the US West Coast, we find that company representatives often engage in behaviors that are known to create a chilly environment for women. Through gender-imbalanced presenter roles, geek culture references, overt use of gender stereotypes, and other gendered speech and actions, representatives may puncture the pipeline, lessening the interest of women at the point of recruitment into technology careers.
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Praino, Rodrigo, and Daniel Stockemer. "The Career Length and Service of Female Policymakers in the US House of Representatives." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (October 18, 2016): 437–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.37.
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Various studies have outlined the institutional (e.g. the existence of quota laws and the electoral system type of a country) and non-institutional factors (e.g. the political culture of a country) that account for variation in women’s representation, in general, and, in more detail, the low representation of women in the US Congress. However, no study has, so far, compared the Congressional career paths of men and women in order to understand whether this gender gap in representation stems from a difference in terms of the duration and importance of the careers of male and female policymakers. Using data on all US House elections between 1972 and 2012, we provide such an analysis, evaluating whether or not the political careers of women in the US House of Representatives are different from the political careers of their male counterparts. Our findings indicate that the congressional careers of men and women are alike and, if anything, women may even have a small edge over their male colleagues.
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Rodríguez García, Magaly. "The League of Nations and the Moral Recruitment of Women." International Review of Social History 57, S20 (August 29, 2012): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000442.
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SummaryThis article analyses the debate on trafficking and policies to combat the recruitment of persons for commercial sex within the Advisory Committee on the Traffic in Women and Children of the League of Nations. Its main argument is that the Committee's governmental and non-governmental representatives engaged in what might be called a “moral recruitment of women”. This form of recruitment had a double purpose: to protect females from prostitution through the provision of “good employment”, and to repress intermediaries of prostitution by means of criminalization. Three elements of the Committee's internal debates and concrete actions will receive special attention. Firstly, the ideological framework (feminism, social purity, humanitarianism, abolitionism, regulationism, and/or class); secondly, the gender dynamics (differences of opinion between the Committee's male and female representatives); and thirdly the degree of gendering (construction or reinforcement of gender roles and relations).
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Turnbull, Brian. "Interviews with women in India." Qualitative Research 19, no. 6 (October 8, 2018): 753–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794118803837.
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Significant social science research has been dedicated to determining and describing effective means of gathering data via the interview, while minimizing bias and accounting for the methodological and ethical problems created by gender power imbalance and racial privilege. This research note contributes to this discussion by providing insight from fieldwork conducted in the highly patriarchal environment of Rajasthan, India, with a focus on experiences often unique to conducting research in the developing world. I discuss the unique theoretical and methodological challenges created by a white male using semi-structured interviews with women to determine the degree of independence among representatives brought in through the gender quota system.
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Forrest, Anne. "Connecting Women with Unions." Articles 56, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 647–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000101ar.
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Summary This paper investigates the role of “women’s issues” in the decision to join unions by examining a successful organizing drive in a predominantly female workplace. The main focus of the discussion is the identification of women’s issues where they were not immediately apparent to workers and union representatives. The theoretical question raised by this case study is the extent to which women workers’ relationship to unions is similar to or different from men workers’. Contemporary industrial relations discourse tends to emphasize the similarities between women and men, without taking into account well-documented differences in women’s paid and unpaid work and union experiences. From a feminist perspective, the conclusion that gender is unimportant in organizing campaigns often rests on an inadequate analysis of what constitutes women’s workplace/union issues.
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Aruna, C. "Does Social Capital Make a Difference for Dalit Women Representatives in Local Self Governance?" Contemporary Voice of Dalit 10, no. 1 (January 8, 2018): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x17745172.
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Women’s participation in political processes is important to address gender inequality and strengthen democracy. In Indian context, to empower women and enable political participation, 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (1992) was introduced. Subsequently, many women entered politics. Though widespread proxy is reported, still a small proportion engages effectively in governmental participation (Hust, 2002; Mathew, 2003; Palanithurai, 2001). Studies also find female Dalit-headed panchayats are more active (Jayshree, 2010; Kalaiselvi, 2012). As the cultural norms, traditions and patriarchy are rigid, the paper attempts to examine what helps the women to be functional? Does social networks differ? Is there a link between social capital, by way of associationalism, and capacity for self governance as suggested by Putnam (1993) in the Indian context? Social capital is understood through social networks and membership in associations. Thirty-eight elected representatives of Panchayati Raj Institutions of southern Tamil Nadu, south India was interviewed in depth. Active members prominently belong to Dalit community and the social network of the elected active members is larger in size, heterogeneous in terms of age, gender and caste composition, and they are anchors themselves. They are primarily embedded in a web of political, caste and self-help group associations and have access to all women police stations, cooperative societies and political parties through family ties. The elected representative’s mandatory membership in district Dalit federations provides safety-net in dealing with discrimination and atrocities while also intervening at the village-level panchayat. Dalit women who have the capacity to mobilize social capital emerge efficient in local self governance.
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Béki, Piroska, and Gábor Géczi. "Women on ice - gender equalization." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 11, no. 1-2 (June 30, 2017): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2017/1-2/17.
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In the last decades the women started to do sports which were originally masculine (Pfister, 1990). The parity led to the slow transformation of the old-school thinking about the traditional roles of sexes (Hall, 1996). The main questions of our investigation were whether the athletes’ thought of the figure skating and the ice hockey are different according to their sport or to the existing stereotypes in the Hungarian sport society. We used semi-structured interviews to gather opinions of two different gender type icy sports’ top women athletes (figure skating and ice hockey) to see their viewpoints about the gender equalization. We can verify Metheny (1965) findings, that the social acceptance or refusal of women in sports on the basis of traditional features is changing slightly. Research questions were: Are there differences in the childhood sport socialization processes of the representatives of the two sports? What was the motivation behind their choice of sports? Are there differences in the gender identities of female athletes? What is the athletes’ opinion on one another and the representatives of the other sport? Method was semi-structured in-depth interviews and the samples were the members of the Hungarian women ice hockey and figure skating national team. According to our results family and siblings were decisive in the childhood socialization process. Early age patterns do not seem to have much influence on the selection of sport. Although among water polo/ice hockey girls there were a few tomboys. Among the ice hockey team members there were girlish girls and boyish girls as well, but among the figure skaters there were no one who was boyish. No differences can be observed in their views on gender roles concerning for example employment or housework.
JEL Code: Z29
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Childs, Sarah, and Julie Withey. "Women Representatives Acting for Women: Sex and the Signing of Early Day Motions in the 1997 British Parliament." Political Studies 52, no. 3 (October 2004): 552–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2004.00495.x.
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Allik, Mirjam. "Welfare State and Representation: Do Women Make the Welfare State or Does the Welfare State Make Women Representatives?" Representation 52, no. 4 (October 2016): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1300599.
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Thane, Pat. "Aspects of Women's History." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000795.
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The first volume under review is the outcome of a five-day conference held in Italy in July 1989. It was the first gathering of representatives of national historians’ associations affiliated to the International Federation for Research in Women's History/Federation International pour la Recherche de l'Histoire des Femmes (IFR WH/FIRHF), or rather of those associations which could afford to send representatives. IFR WH/FIRHF is an Internal Commission of the International Committee of the Historical Sciences. Its purpose, obviously, is to promote the serious study of women in history and the role of women within the profession.
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Angevine, Sara. "Representing All Women." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 1 (November 23, 2016): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912916675737.
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Is sisterhood global? This study investigates if women in Congress are representing women worldwide by extending their surrogate representation of American women to women in foreign countries. Congressional research shows that race affects surrogate representation across borders via transnationalism. I test whether this also applies to gender when no shared “mother country” unites women, there are divisions over how to represent women, and American foreign policy is considered a stereotypically masculine policy domain. With an original dataset of three Congresses (2005–2010), I test if female House Representatives are more likely to introduce foreign policy legislation that targets foreign women and girls by applying regression analysis. Controlling for likely individual, electoral, and institutional incentives, I find that gender matters and that women in Congress are more likely to introduce legislation on behalf of women worldwide, acting as global surrogates. These findings offer new insights into the boundaries of surrogate representation, congressional foreign policy decision making, the influence of gender on international relations, and the impact of women in Congress.
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Newell, Stephen J., Duke Leingpibul, Bob Wu, and Yang Jiang. "Gender effects on buyer perceptions of male and female sales representatives in China." Journal of Business & Industrial Marketing 34, no. 7 (August 5, 2019): 1506–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jbim-09-2018-0258.
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Purpose Women in many countries are breaking through the gender barrier and are working in positions where they have a major impact on the buying and selling activities in business-to-business relationships. A number of studies have investigated the role gender plays in driving perceptions of sales representatives in the USA, however, little research has been undertaken on this important topic in China, one of the largest and most influential countries. Consequently, the purpose of this study is to examine whether the gender of both the buyer and seller, affects perceptions of expertise, trust and loyalty in business relationships. Design/methodology/approach A survey instrument was developed, tested and used on individuals with purchasing responsibility in China. Confirmatory factor analysis was used in the pre-test and the final study data to develop and refine measurement instruments, assessing construct validity, identifying method effects and evaluating factor variance across groups. Independent t-tests were used to compare male and female buyers on their evaluation of sales reps. Findings The results indicate that the gender of the sales person does not seem to be a consideration for male buyers in evaluating reps in any of the variables tested. However, female buyers consistently give less favorable evaluations to female sales people than male sales representatives. The possible implications of these findings are discussed. Research limitations/implications First, this research uses a quantitative methodology in both the collection and analysis of the data. Thus, future studies may want to use a qualitative data set to gain a more in-depth understanding of the business-to-business relationships between men and women in the workplace. Also, as the study was concentrated on a relatively small number of business professionals from only one area in China, subsequently researchers should consider increasing the geographic domain where respondents are sampled, to help improve the generalizability of the results. Practical implications The gender bias by female buyers found in this study has several important implications for businesses in China. Specifically, the suggests that female buyers may carry with them a “collective negative bias” against other women, in this case, female sales reps. The solution to this problem is not to avoid assigning female sales reps to female buyers, rather, it is to change the negative collective social-esteem identity preconceptions. Organizations can do this through training by making women aware of their own predisposition to unfairly evaluate women that they interact with in the workplace. Originality/value It has been argued that gender plays a small role in perceptions of sales representatives in buyer-seller relationships. While this seems to be true in the USA, it has not (until now) been empirically tested in China. Somewhat surprisingly, the gender differences we did uncover are not from male buyers in their assessments, but from female buyers in their evaluation of women sales representatives. This result provides some interesting insight into Chinese business relationships and how some women in positions of power are more critical of other women within their sphere of influence.
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Rasyidin and Fidhia Aruni. "The Representatives of Women and Affirmation Action in The 2019 Legislative Election of Indonesia." Journal of Sustainable Development Science 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46650/jsds.2.1.900.24-29.
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This study aims to deeply see the representation of women in politics in the 2019 general election in Indonesia because women's participation in politics was still very limited. Based on this phenomenon, the Indonesian government has made Affirmative Action as a foundation for women in politics. The results showed that Affirmative Action could not yet be realized and the involvement of women in representative institutions at least 30% have not been fulfilled under affirmative action. From all the political contestants, only the Partai Nasional Demokrat has fulfilled the quota. The findings of this study indicated that patriarchal culture was still an obstacle to women's representation in Indonesian Representative institutions in addition to the Shari'a and other cultures.
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Jones, Stephanie, Nickie Charles, and Charlotte Aull Davies. "Transforming Masculinist Political Cultures? Doing Politics in New Political Institutions." Sociological Research Online 14, no. 2 (March 2009): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1863.
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In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland and Wales the proportion of women representatives is approaching parity. This is in marked contrast to Westminster where one in five MPs are women. In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with a more feminised political and organisational culture. Drawing on interviews with half the Assembly Members, women and men, we show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics. AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an ‘absolute duty’ to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics. We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way relates not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also to the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it. Differently gendered political institutions can develop a more feminised political culture which provides an alternative to the masculinist political culture characterising the political domain.