Academic literature on the topic 'Women school administrators - South Africa - Johannesburg'

Background: The South African government has recently released cancer policies for breast and cervical cancer—the most common types and causes of cancer-related death in South African women. Increased mortality rates and advanced disease at presentation in comparison with developed countries suggests a need for greater awareness of risk factors, screening and preventative methods individualized for the population at risk. Aim: To characterize and compare the knowledge base and perceptions of women in urban and rural settings, we assessed these factors in two different cohorts in South Africa. Methods: A cross-sectional sample was taken in South Africa of women invited to participate in a survey regarding breast and cervical cancer knowledge, and awareness of risk factors, prevention and screening. Participants were approached in shopping malls and health facilities in urban Johannesburg in 2015 (“urban”) and semirural Bushbuckridge, 450 km northeast of Johannesburg (“rural”) in 2016. Results: 600 total women were surveyed, with 300 from each cohort. 83% of the urban cohort completed matriculation or higher, versus 60% of rural participants for whom high school was their highest level of education. Both groups demonstrated comparable levels of cancer awareness, and > 70% felt that cervical cancer is preventable. While the urban cohort was more knowledgeable about Pap smears (76% vs. 66%, P = 0.004), > 75% of both cohorts were willing to get one. Although both groups were largely unfamiliar with the role of HPV in cervical cancer, rural women were more aware of HIV (38% vs. 59%, P < 0.0001), smoking (43% vs. 62%, P < 0.0001) and parity (39% vs. 54%, P = 0.00019) as risk factors. Nevertheless, urban participants were more knowledgeable about breast self exams (71% vs. 59%, P = 0.001) and mammograms (62% vs. 42%, P < 0.0001), and more likely to undergo one (79% vs. 66%, P = 0.0002). Both groups identified family history and genetics as risk factors, but rural women appeared more aware of the roles of diet (30.67% vs. 39.93%, P = .011), oral contraceptives (17.33% vs. 34.77%, P < .0001), alcohol (26.67% vs. 52.15%, P < .0001) and lack of exercise (8.67% vs. 55.12%, P < .0001). Conclusion: Overall knowledge of breast and cervical cancer did not differ between both groups, despite varying levels of education and geographic setting. Women in the rural cohort demonstrated more awareness of several oncologic risk factors. Yet, the greater familiarity with and uptake of screening methods, especially for breast cancer, among women in the urban cohort may point to the benefits of proximity to health care infrastructure, such as tertiary care centers. This data supports a need for further implementation and distribution of cancer care services within cancer policies, to capitalize on increasingly sufficient levels of awareness among South African women.

Educational Adaptations in a Changing Society is the final report arising from two conferences that took place, in July 1934, in Johannesburg and Cape Town, under the auspices the New Education Fellowship. These conferences addressed three fundamental questions related to the role of education in leading social change: the aim of the educational effort, the methods involved, and the content of what should be taught and when. These general concerns sought to respond to the rapid social and economic changes taking place in South Africa (and in other European colonies) at that period: urbanization, school massification, racial conflict, etc. By urging educationalists, philosophers, teachers, administrators and churchmen alike to co-operatively discuss educational reforms and pedagogical technologies adapted to the African context (vocational training, adapted curricula, rural education, moral instruction, etc.) the conference sought to create a reformist environment were the ideals of progressive educational thought intertwined neatly with the social gospel of the protestant movement. It is in this context that I propose to address Dewey’s participation in the conference, not as an individual outstanding pragmatist voice, but as a conceptual persona, who makes it possible to understand theories, ideas and visions of educational modernization as discursive constructs envisaged for the colonial terrain. I will try to tackle the question of policy transfer not as an active borrowing strategy from one context to another, but as an indigenization of concepts and ideas that are passed on by threads of broader colonial discourses and modes of colonial governance.

I hate being misunderstood. I guess we all do, but it goes with the territory. I use the word coloured, and he seems offended: 'We Brits don't say 'coloured'. It's regarded as patronising. We say black, if we say anything. And if we do it's for reasons of simple practicality. It doesn't matter. ' Of course, what he seems to be missing, is that the word coloured in South Africa now refers less to skin colour, and more to a distinct cultural group, with it's own language (a dialect of Afrikaans), food (of Malay origin), and music. To say black in this context would be inaccurate, and cause confusion. Danya and Kyla attend the Yeoville Community School, situated in a vibrant and culturally diverse suburb of Johannesburg. On returning from school one day Danya announces: 'We have to do something at school about our culture. What is our culture Daddy?'To which her father replies, 'Go and ask your mother.' 'Well…we're sort of New Age, sort of holistic…', Toni fumbles. A few days later… 'So what did you do in the end?' Soli asks. 'Oh, us and all the other coloured kids sang, Daar Kom die Alabama'1 says Kyla. It would seem that children want to know where they come from. 'I want you to divide yourself up into your different race groups', the facilitator says. We are in a Managing Diversity workshop, and he means the old South African race classification system, but of course he wants to see what we do with it. We end up with a group of Blacks (including three 'Asians'); an African group (including two 'Whites'); a White group (two); and the Human Race (two).'Why didn't you join the white group?' Thloki asks the Human Race.'I don't define myself by my race', I reply.'Ha! Wait till there's a war over resources' he laughs, 'then you'll quickly pick a side!' The postmodernist argument ensues: 'There is no such thing as race…all these arbitrary classifications…it's nothing but a social construct!''Well you never lived as a black person under apartheid. It was very real to me!'The facilitator aims to mediate/translate for the rest of us: 'Well yes, it is just a social construct. But one which had very real consequences for people.' 'Nobody goes into town anymore' a woman says. To which Har Bhajan replies, 'When I was last in town, there were lots of people there.' Of course, what she means is, hardly any white people go into town anymore. (And she's right about that.) But what is that, the way certain people become invisible, depending on who's looking? My friend Karima and I attend an Al Jarreau concert. Fairly expensive tickets, and almost the entire audience is black. I'm not sure why I'm quite so surprised. But this is Sandton, the richest formerly white suburb of Johannesburg. Perhaps working in the NGO sector I've missed how much things are actually changing… I wonder how many people in the audience have been into town lately. With the shift in power, and the -- albeit slow -- levelling of the playing field, now it is possible for white South Africans to be at the receiving end of racial discrimination too… I am visiting my cousin. He is 60, and a musician. But times are tough for him now. His brother was shot dead in his driveway while someone stole his car. And it's hard for him to find work. 'I am too white, now', he says. He is not bitter, just saddened. In his day he had probably the most famous jazz club in Johannesburg. Rumours it was called. 'The best little bootlegger in Bellevue' he called himself. He was known for breaking the law then. His club was racially integrated long before it was allowed. Controversial South African artist, Beezy Bailey, has an alter ego: 'The creation of Joyce was born of the frustration of 'increasingly prevalent affirmative action'. Bailey submitted two artworks for a triennial exhibition. One was with the traditional 'Beezy Bailey' signature (rejected) the other signed 'Joyce Ntobe'! The latter now enjoys an honoured place in the SA National Gallery as part of its permanent collection. When the curator of the SA National Gallery wanted to work on a paper about three black women artists, Joyce Ntobe being one, Bailey let the cat out the bag which caused a huge media 'scandale'.' (Carmel Art) I spent three months in London, and I realised how easy it is to be white there. Or rather, how easy it is to not be white. Of course, it 'doesn't matter' there, because it doesn't matter. It's easy to donate a monthly cheque to Worldvision, and read about the latest chaos in Zimbabwe in the free rag on the tube, and never have to look overwhelming poverty and disease in the face. But when you live on the African continent, you are very aware of being white. At the diversity workshop, I realise how white South Africans seem to get to take the rap here for the actions of white people on the planet. It's not just the effects of apartheid that black South Africans are angry about it seems, it's also the effects of the global economy, that cause the rich to become richer, and the poor to become poorer. Oh sure, that's not just an issue of race, but the poorest on our planet remain 'people of colour', and wealth remains concentrated in the West/North. I realise also that the Black and African groups at the workshop have one thing that they agree on quite strongly - the importance of making the African continent one's focus. Though the two of us in the Human Race group have both read Naomi Klein's No Logo -- and care about the effects on the poor of economic globalisation -- our sense of 'internationalism' is not viewed in a positive light, but seen rather as 'elitist'. * * * 'The thing about the Dutch' says Gary, 'is that they're pragmatic. They're not politically correct -- call the prostitutes prostitutes, not sex workers, but tax them, and give them health care. They have a strong human rights culture.' The Afrikaners are descendents of these transparent, curtainless Dutch. Sometimes I can see it. 'It is not words that make for bigotry, but attitudes', says columnist Ira Pilgrim. 'Some of the most bigoted people I have known always used the 'correct' words.'2 I am not politically correct. There are certain words I'd never use, and couldn't bring myself to, not out of political correctness, but because they're invested with hate. But words like 'whitey', darkie' and 'honky', where I sit, are terms of endearment. I'd never use them on strangers, but amongst friends, they're terms of affection and irony, because we're laughing at ourselves, and each other. 'It's hard to explain to anyone' Gary continues, 'what it's like living in a place where -- from the time you wake up in the morning, till you close your eyes at night -- every breath that you take is politicised.' Gary left the country because he didn't want to be conscripted to fight a war he didn't believe in. He's done well for himself in Europe. But he had to give up his homeland. I catch a 'Zola', the mini-bus taxi named after South Africa's barefoot runner Zola Budd, probably most famous for inadvertently tripping Mary Decker at the 1984 Olympics (Finnegan). Zola was little and fast, like the taxi's that 'zip, zip, zip' -- often to the infuriation of other motorists -- hence the affectionate nickname. They're the peril of the road, but the saviour of the immobile masses, with their unique language and hand signals. I overhear bits of Zulu conversation, including 'Brooke…Ridge…Thorne.' Our soaps, too, are politicised. It would seem that even black South Africans watch The Bold and the Beautiful for light relief. Usually I am the only whitey here, but accepted as just another carless commuter moving from A to B. Despite the safety risks of bad driving, I enjoy it. I did a Zulu course a few years ago. I didn't learn much Zulu -- discovered I don't have the tongue or an ear for African languages -- but I learnt a lot from the course nevertheless. 'Tell us about an experience that you've had, that was a result of cultural misunderstandings' says the facilitator. 'I spent much of my first year at University hungry' says Nhlanhla. 'My white friends would offer me food when I was visiting, but I would refuse, because in our culture, if you ask you don't really want to give. We just hand you a plate.' Nombulelo tells of the time she went on a yoga retreat. She was confused when she started to undress openly in the dormitory, and got disapproving looks from the other women. 'Why?' she wondered, 'we are all women together?' But these were Hindu women, whose sense of modesty was different from the openness of African women. For the whiteys, the major confusion seems to come from the issue of timekeeping. 'African time' is often referred to. Though in London, I did hear talk of 'Caribbean time'. Perhaps the concept of being on time is a particularly Western one (Makhale-Mahlangu). We are visiting friends of friends. There's an unlikely combination at the dinner table. She is tall and dark. I am short and fair. 'So where do you two know each other from?' Cairo asks. 'I'm Andie's sister', Kim replies. She reads the dumbfoundedness in Cairo's face. 'What can I say…my line got a bit deviated!' she laughs. She has my father's sense of humour. So have I. I ask my father, when he first became aware of racial prejudice. 'I was about six years old', he says. 'I threw my ball out of the school grounds, and called to the black man outside: 'Boy, please would you throw my ball back to me?' And the man replied: 'I am not a boy. I am old enough to be your grandfather.'' I am thinking about the time in our lives before we become aware of race… A friend tells me a story about how her six-year-old daughter came home from school and asked, 'Mommy, what's a [racist-term-not-to-be-repeated]?' She'd been called that. The late Lenny Bruce, controversial American comedian and social critic in the sixties, argued that it is 'the word that gives it the power of violence'3, and if we used 'the words' colloquially often enough, and began to invest them with new meanings, they would lose their power to hurt us. I am about to board a bus…'Woza (come) Mama', says the driver. 'Uyaphi?' (Where are you going?) '…green green, I'm going away to where the grass is greener still', come the Reggae sounds from his radio. We are discussing whether we should be focusing on our sameness or our differences. 'Of course we all want the same things…a home, a job, an education for our children', says Karima, but it's our differences that make us interesting.' I agree. Notes 1 Daar Kom die Alabama (Here Comes the Alabama) is a traditional 'Cape Coloured' song, originally sung in tribute to the Alabama, a confederate ship that docked in Cape Town in 1863. On board were Al Jolson-esque (Burlesque) performers, whom the slaves admired, and they imitated their style of performance. This tradition continues still today with the 'Coon Carnival' held on New Years Day and 'Tweede Nuwe Jaar' (Second New Year). It is said that the custom of Tweede Nuwe Jaar originated as a holiday for the slaves, who were too busy attending to their masters' needs on the first. For more information on the Coon Carnival, see http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html. 2 While the author makes some important general points about the drawbacks of political correctness, his reference to South Africa (including the correction) are in fact incorrect. The apartheid government had four major 'population groups' in it's classification system: African (black), Coloured, Asian and White. (The term black was used then only informally.) These were then sub-divided into other categories. See http://www.csvr.org.za/race.htm for further details. 3 The relevant extract from Julian Barry's 1971 play Lenny, can be found at http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/relrpt/stories/s271585.htm. References Barry, Julian. Lenny. Random House, 1971. http://www.freenetpages.co.uk/hp/lennybruce/ Downloaded 14 April 2002. Carmel Art Galleries. Beezy Bailey Curriculum Vitae, at http://www.carmelart.co.za/site/cvbb.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Finnegan, Mark. 'The 10 worst mishaps in the history of sport.' Observer Sport Monthly 5 November (2000). http://www.observer.co.uk/osm/story/0,69... Downloaded 14 April 2002. Klein, Naomi. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. USA: Picador, 2000. http://www.nologo.org/ Downloaded 14 April 2002. Makhale-Mahlangu, Palesa. 'Reflections on Trauma Counselling Methods.' Seminar presented at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, Johannesburg, 31 July 1996. http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artpales.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Martin, Denis-Constant. 'The Famous Invincible Darkies Cape Town's Coon Carnival: Aesthetic Transformation, Collective Representations and Social Meanings', 1998. http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html Downloaded 14 April 2002. Pilgrim, Ira. 'Kikes, Niggers, Queers, Scotchmen and Chinamen', Mendocino County Observer, 22 March (1990). http://www.mcn.org/c/irapilgrim/race02.html Downloaded 14 April 2002. Transfer of African Language Knowledge (TALK). http://www.icon.co.za/~sadiverse/about.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Andie Miller was born, and spent the first 23 years of her life at the Southern-most tip of the African continent, in Cape Town. She currently works as webmaster for the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, and the National Development Agency in Johannesburg, South Africa. Links http://www.observer.co.uk/osm/story/0 http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html http://www.carmelart.co.za/site/cvbb.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/ http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/relrpt/stories/s271585.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artpales.htm http://www.nologo.org/ http://www.mcn.org/c/irapilgrim/race02.html http://www.freenetpages.co.uk/hp/lennybruce/ http://www.icon.co.za/~sadiverse/about.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/race.htm http://www.nda.org.za/ Citation reference for this article MLA Style Miller, Andie. "Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.3 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php>. Chicago Style Miller, Andie, "Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 3 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Miller, Andie. (2002) Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(3). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php> ([your date of access]).

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research focused on the experiences of female principals of co-ed high schools in the Western Cape. It investigated the path that their careers followed from the decision to become a teacher to ultimately being appointed as a principal and then having to lead the school. It further investigated the personal, organisational and social factors that were influential along the way. In addition, it probed the motivation and drive behind their career choice as well as the barriers and challenges encountered along the way. The researcher interviewed nine female principals. They were asked to tell their life story, with emphasis on their career route thus far. Key questions were asked, focusing on the motivation behind their career choice, whether they had been actively prepared for promotion and how their appointment was received. The interviews were transcribed in order to prepare them for data analysis. Any content that recorded experiences that contributed to their growth and development in teaching was coded accordingly. This produced a spectrum of codes. The codes were then placed into a diagram and grouped together, based on their meaning and implications. Identified groups included education and training, self-belief, work-life balance, mentorship, support and the stereotyping of women. The interconnectedness of the group was considered, together with their collective impact on the individual principals’ career route. The research findings indicated that the career route of the principals was determined by various factors on a personal level as well as on organisational and social levels. On a personal level, qualifications obtained and the influence of parents, family and own teachers played a role. This was critical in preparing the individual for the career path that was to follow. On an organisational level, opportunities taken, work ethic, mentorship and gender barriers were factors encountered. On a social level, the stereotyping of women and the changing family structure were factors that had to be contended with. Once appointed, it was found that the support from family, colleagues and learners contributed to their success. It emerged that the potential of these women had been identified early on in their careers and that they gained confidence when they were granted opportunities to learn and grow. To become a principal was in most cases never their intention but something that developed as they went about doing their work with commitment and diligence. Throughout, it remained a priority for them to invest in the lives of learners and the greatest joy was derived from seeing learners develop into young adults who were contributing to society.

The purpose of this study was to find out the perceptions of male teachers on the under-representation of female teachers in high school management position in the Queenstown Education District and to find the barriers that cause this perception to determine the possible solutions for these problems. To carry out this study descriptive method was employed. Participants of the study were 60 male teachers, selected by using stratified random sampling techniques. The data were collected by using questionnaire and interview. Both qualitative and quantitative data analysis methods were employed in order to turn up at the results. The findings of the study revealed that, despite the male teachers perceptions on the under-representation of female school managers in high school management positon has been changing, but not as expected still they believe that female teachers are reluctant to accept responsibilities of school management positions Some of the challenges which could hinder female teachers representation in high school management positions were for instance; pressure of home responsibilities, men dominance of management position, political appointment, unclear promotion procedures or informal recruitment selection and discrimination.

For the past thirty years, leadership theories have focused on the importance of the individual within the school organisation. The shared assumptions and beliefs of the individuals working in the same organisation shape the school’s organisational culture, and organisational culture is a salient factor which should be considered when understanding educational leadership. The focus of my study is to explore the relationship between organisational culture and leadership. In the same context, new approaches to the study of leadership have explored the issue of gender in leadership. Female leadership studies - the second focus of this study - seek not only to restore the place of the individual but also argue a place for women in educational leadership. Based in the interpretive paradigm, this is a case study of a Catholic all-girl secondary school called the Loreto Convent School of Pretoria. Historically, the Loreto schools have aimed at promoting and empowering girls’ education and female leadership. It was therefore an appropriate site in which to explore organisational culture and its relationship with leadership, particularly female leadership. I purposefully chose three of the school’s female leaders - the school’s principal, the High school Head of Department and the High school head girl - focusing on their perceptions and experiences of their leadership and the school’s culture. My research findings show that an understanding of the relationship between organisational culture and leadership cannot be complete without acknowledging the importance of the leader as an individual, with his/her personal background and values, taking into account gender as well as the multiple roles that the individual has in society. Furthermore, the ‘humane’ characteristic of educational leadership leads to an understanding that the leader is often confronted with conflicting situations where he/she is caught between personal/organisational values and the need to achieve the task. Finally, my findings show that contemporary leaders are now called upon to work and participate in the promotion of social justice in order to fight against society’s socio-economic inequality and improve the quality of education and life.

M.Ed. (Educational Management)<br>The focus of this study is to investigate strategies employed by females in school leadership in disadvantaged communities in South Africa. Disadvantaged communities in the South African context have arisen from a patriarchal and prejudicial system that was structured according to race, class and gender. Currently, many South African educational institutions bear the residue of this prejudicial system. This research will explore how female leaders in four disadvantaged primary schools in the Johannesburg North District navigate through the challenges of leading in a disadvantaged as well as patriarchal context. A specific emphasis has been placed upon feminist literature and debates in the context of female leaders. Discourse analysis is utilised to interpret the experiences of the female leaders. Analysis of recorded data on challenges facing females in school leadership in disadvantaged communities revealed themes on stereotyping of women, collaboration and liaison with stakeholders, leadership traits of women, the social stigma associated with schools in disadvantaged communities, women and emotional intelligence, women and conflict resolution. Themes on balance between family and school, opposing gender discrimination, networking with stakeholders, overcoming stereotypes emanated from the strategies employed by females in school leadership to overcome barriers in disadvantaged communities. The study reveals that in spite of significant gains since the implementation of favourable legislation on gender equity, women in school leadership continue to experience challenges within schools, from the community and in their personal lives. Stereotyping prevails especially in communities where patriarchal systems dominate. The research concludes with suggestions and recommendations for future research.

M.Ed.<br>The problem in this research lies in the absence of women in management positions and women being poorly represented in decision-making in Soweto Schools. The purpose of this research is to argue for the increased number of women in educational management and to discuss the problems that women encounter in management positions in the Gauteng Department of Education. This is a qualitative research. The researcher interviewed, observed and recorded four school principals, five heads of Department and SADTU gender president. The findings are that the legacy of women discrimination still prevails from the apartheid era and male colleagues enjoy seniority. The researcher's recommendation is that no person may unfairly discriminate, directly or indirectly against an employee in any employment policy or practice on one or more grounds including gender, race, sex, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, political opinion, marital status and culture. There should be no harassment of employees.

This thesis examines South African policies addressing gender inequality in education management, and interrogates whether or not these policies made a difference to the career route of women principals of secondary schools. The under-representation of women in education management has been a long observed problem in many countries including South Africa. A number of initiatives have been put in place to address this issue but little improvement is seen in the South African situation in education management. The purpose was to understand why women are still under represented in school management and to learn from their experiences. The study used data from three sources. Firstly, policy documents and practices were analysed in terms of their symbolic, regulative and procedural functions. Secondly, the personal accounts of 28 women principals in KwaZulu-Natal who had been appointed after 1994 were collected through the use of extended interviews, and thirdly, interviews were conducted with key officials and members of School Governing Bodies that had participated in the selection of principals. The data generated were analysed at two levels in order to understand the factors constraining the participation of women in education management. At the micro level, I use the 'management route model' as an analytical framework that identifies the three phases women principals go through in their career route, namely anticipation, acquisition and performance (van Eck and Volman, 1996). The model reveals that factors influencing women's career paths into management are very complex and based firstly on the individual agency where women grapple with more internal issues such as professional qualifications and experience, aspirations, lack of ambition and family responsibilities. Secondly, these factors are at the organisational level where women suffer discrimination at the recruitment and selection processes, and lack of institutional support through mentoring and sponsorship. Thirdly, it is the social level, which involves the cultural discourses in which women operate. These discourses include sex role stereotypes that inform the social expectations about the role of men and women in society. On the macro level, I use feminist theory to interpret and understand the women's experiences and findings in general. The findings reveal that policy interventions put in place since 1994 to close the gender gap were mostly informed by liberal feminism that focused on affirming women in order to gain access into the school management without tackling the social practices that are defined by sex role socialisation and which therefore continue to work subtly and insidiously towards the discrimination of women. I conclude that although the liberal feminist interventions that have been put in place have been useful to some extent, the problems impeding women's full participation in education management cannot only be tackled at a policy level because this attempt leaves the most problematic social practices intact. However, I argue for policy and legal intervention as a starting point to combat the gender crisis in a society that has inherited so much inequality. While I acknowledge that women of all races in South Africa have all been negatively impacted upon by the historical and traditional values and expectations on the role of women and men in society, I argue that the situation has been worse for women of the Black African race, who suffered dual oppression in terms of gender and race. The study proposes the need to look beyond provision of legal and democratic reforms and more into social practices that prevent legal reforms from reaching the desired goals. Social structures and cultural practices that hamper the greater representation of women should be dealt with in order to allow women freedom to participate in discourses where their choice is not informed by gender subordination.<br>Theses (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2006.

M.Ed. (Educational Management)<br>Women and authority therefore form the central theme of this research. The problematic nature of authority as experienced by female principals has led to the researcher addressing this issue and thereby establish guidelines to improve this problem. The value and uniqueness of this study lies in the empirical investigation which will use focus group interviews to identify the essential characteristics of the female principal's authority as experienced by her colleagues. 2 In the ensuing paragraphs, a concise statement of the research problem is given, facilitating the formulation of two queries, which in turn, underscore the specification of the central and specific aims of this research. Further explication of the research design follows, with reference to the nature of the literature and empirical studies conducted and finally to the sequence of this project.

Chapter Five, Soweto, centers upon Sibongile's story from Soweto, a historic collection of six clustered townships in Johannesburg, South Africa. Sibongile faces complex intersections of structural violence instituted by a legacy of apartheid and AIDS as well as personal insecurities in everyday life. Sibongile'snarrative demonstrates the powerful role of cultural and political histories in emergent realities of diabetes and how lived experiences shape and are shaped by her mental and physical health. For example, I unpack myriad forms of structural and interpersonal violence that become fundamental to illness experiences. I also discuss how social and financial demands placed upon women who care for AIDS-orphaned grandchildren require more than love and money for school fees. In many cases, women in Soweto, including Sibongile prioritized the needs of their family members above their personal needs, including the need to manage their diet and medicines for diabetes control. Moreover, in a context of HIV/AIDS stigma, Sibongile and others described how diabetes becomes consumed in a catch-all "chronic illness stigma" where people conflate their diabetes treatment needs with those associated with HIV.