Academic literature on the topic 'Women Women Women's rights Local government'
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Journal articles on the topic "Women Women Women's rights Local government"
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Niewiadomska-Cudak, Małgorzata. "Aktywność kobiet w wyborach na urząd prezydenta miasta Rzeszowa w latach 2002–2018." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 2 (2020): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.2.9.
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The article deals with the activity of women in the elections to the enforcement authority in Rzeszów over the period of 16 years, i.e. from the moment the act on the direct election of a commune head, town mayor and president came into force. An attempt was made to analyze the women's electoral participation in the candidacy for the position of mayor or president from the political science perspective. The choice of the place of this city is not without significance, as the feminization rate (the women’s involvement in local government authorities in cities with poviat status), indicates that Rzeszów came 62 out of 66 cities (Swianiewicz, Łukomska, 2020, s. 9). Examining the representation of female voters in five elections not only gauges the phenomenon of female gender participation, but also helps to understand the problem of under-representation of women among presidents at the city level with poviat rights. The article complements the discussions on the participation of women in local government authorities, but also fills a significant cognitive gap in research on the representation of women in local politics.
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Dumenil, Lynn. "Women's Reform Organizations and Wartime Mobilization in World War I-Era Los Angeles." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 2 (March 29, 2011): 213–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781410000162.
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During World War I, the Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense served as an intermediary between the federal government and women's voluntary associations. This study of white middle- and upper-middle-class clubwomen in Los Angeles, California reveals ways in which local women pursued twin goals of aiding the war effort while pursuing their own, pre-existing agendas. Women in a wide variety of groups, including organizations associated with the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Women's Christian Temperance Union, and the Red Cross, had different goals, but most women activists agreed on the need to promote women's suffrage and citizenship rights and to continue the maternalist reform programs begun in the Progressive Era. At the center of their war voluntarism was the conviction that women citizens must play a crucial role in protecting the family amidst the crisis of war.
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Batool, Hafsa, Mumtaz Anwar, Nabila Asghar, Hafeez Ur Rehman, and Asifa Kamal. "A NEXUS BETWEEN HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS AND WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT: A CASE STUDY OF PUNJAB, PAKISTAN." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (March 24, 2021): 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9221.
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Purpose of the study: The empowerment of women is an important aim for them to be fully engaged in economic life and to achieve sustainable growth worldwide. One form of empowerment is to provide women with basic facilities.
Methodology: The study also analyzed the impact on women's empowerment by primary data taken via multi-phase cluster sampling methods of household socio-economic and cultural characteristics in Punjab. Given the diversity of nature and context, the 6-dimensional empirical polychoric principles of empowering women generate a stringent cumulative index of women's autonomy.
Main Findings: The empirical findings show that empowering women and their six-dimensional effects are positive for women's years and jobs, legal advertisements, health care institutions, social participation, safe, smooth surroundings, communication, politics and residential negative participation, unpaid housekeeping, and the fear of violence. The results show that women's empowerment is positive.
Applications of this study: This study can be more effective in the manner that to offer women free advice about their rights through electronic media, the government should establish an integrated legal cell with the local government.
Novelty/Originality of this study: This research contribution in the field of women empowerment that how women can deal with legal advisory, to get jobs, protection in health and institutions.
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Pisapia, Michael Callaghan. "The Authority of Women in the Political Development of American Public Education, 1860–1930." Studies in American Political Development 24, no. 1 (March 5, 2010): 24–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990113.
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Through a comparative historical analysis of the American states, I show how public education was the original policy field through which white American women became empowered as voters and political officials. Women's changing status within the education profession and “school suffrage” rights are an important and overlooked aspect of women's political history, and the rural orientation of state governments and women's increasing administrative authority as county superintendents and rural supervisors of education was pivotal to women's political empowerment. Women's authority, however, varied across regions and across states, with women's authority especially strong in Western states. I find that women in the field of public education were most empowered where there was a history of school suffrage rights, where administrative offices were elective rather than appointed, and where the power of the state superintendent of public instruction was weak. These findings suggest that democratic institutions, more than economic development or state capacity, were fundamental to women's increasing authority in the policy domain that commanded the largest share of state and local resources at the time.
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Goetz, Anne Marie. "No shortcuts to power: constraints on women's political effectiveness in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 4 (November 28, 2002): 549–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004032.
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Numbers of women in public representative office have increased dramatically in Uganda since the introduction of the National Resistance Movement's ‘no party’ system, because affirmative action measures have been taken to reserve seats for them in Parliament and local government. This article offers an assessment of the impact of these measures on women's political effectiveness, examining how far women in Parliament have been able to advance gender equity concerns in key new legislation. The article suggests that the political value of specially created new seats has been eroded by their exploitation as currency for the NRM's patronage system, undermining women's effectiveness as representatives of women's interests once in office. This is because the gate-keepers of access to reserved political space are not the women's movement, or even women voters, but Movement elites. The women's movement in Uganda, though a beneficiary of the NRM's patronage, has become increasingly critical of the deepening authoritarianism of the NRM, pointing out that the lack of internal democracy in the Movement accounts for its failure to follow constitutional commitments to gender equity through to changes in key new pieces of legislation affecting women's rights.
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Xiaoxian, Gao. "From the Heyang Model to the Shaanxi Model: Action Research on Women's Participation in Village Governance." China Quarterly 204 (December 2010): 870–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010001001.
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AbstractIn the fifth village elections in 2003 in Shaanxi province only 184 women were elected as village heads, a mere 0.6 per cent of the total. By the sixth elections in 2006 the number had almost doubled, and by the seventh elections in 2009 it had increased to 544. Together with the women on village Party committees, there were now 1,193 women village officials throughout the province, 4.5 per cent of the total. In contrast to leading women cadres within the formal structures of the political system, these village heads owed their positions not to nomination by upper levels of Party and government leadership but to success in fiercely competitive elections. Their success was the result of a grass-roots movement launched by a civil organization, the Shaanxi Research Association for Women and Family, to mobilize women's political participation. Their activities and trajectories had an impact on the local gender division of labour and entrenched gender attitudes that far surpassed the numbers alone. This article examines the collaboration between the Shaanxi Research Association for Women and Family and the All-China Women's Federation to mobilize women's political participation in Heyang county, Shaanxi province. It particularly focuses on the role of the Research Association in drawing on international feminist practices of women's empowerment to provide participatory based gender training courses as the key to persuading women to confront local and institutional resistance. Collaboration between the Research Association and the Women's Federation opened up access to significant resources both within and outside the system, creating new spaces for the articulation and protection of women's rights. Originating in a grass-roots movement, this collaboration can be seen as an instance of China's contemporary movement for gender equality.
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Bumet, Jennie E. "Situating Sexual Violence in Rwanda (1990–2001): Sexual Agency, Sexual Consent, and the Political Economy of War." African Studies Review 55, no. 2 (September 2012): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0034.
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Abstract:This article situates the sexual violence associated with the Rwandan civil war and 1994 genocide within a local cultural history and political economy in which institutionalized gender violence shaped the choices of Rwandan women and girls. Based on ethnographic research, it argues that Western notions of sexual consent are not applicable to a culture in which colonialism, government policy, war, and scarcity of resources have limited women's access to land ownership, economic security, and other means of survival. It examines emic cultural models of sexual consent and female sexual agency and proposes that sexual slavery, forced marriage, prostitution, transactional sex, nonmarital sex, informal marriage or cohabitation, and customary (bridewealth) marriages exist on a continuum on which female sexual agency becomes more and more constrained by material circumstance. Even when women's choices are limited, women still exercise their agency to survive. Conflating all forms of sex in conflict zones under the rubric of harm undermines women's and children's rights because it reinforces gendered hierarchies and diverts attention from the structural conditions of poverty in postconflict societies.
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Arenawati, Arenawati, Nikki Prafitri, and Yeni Widyastuti. "Affirmative Action Untuk Mengurangi Disparitas Gender Dalam Politik di Kota Serang." Jurnal Administrasi dan Kebijakan Publik 5, no. 1 (November 6, 2020): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jakp.5.1.75-85.2020.
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Affirmative action is a solution to reducing gender disparities in various fields including politics. Efforts to increase women's representation are important in providing justice for women for their political rights, by producing policies that protect women's political rights. The indicator set by the Sustainable Development Goals for gender equality is the number of women's representation in parliament. This research is motivated by the condition where the number of members of the Serang City DPRD for the 2019-2024 period is only 8 women from a total of 45 members or 17%, where this number has not met the 30% quota for women. This study aims to determine the affirmative action taken to reduce gender disparities in politics. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with interactive data analysis techniques. This research finds that from a policy perspective, both the central and local governments have made efforts to carry out affirmative action in the political field even though women's participation in politics is still low. This is inseparable from obstacles in the form of public perceptions of the quality of female cadres, women's self-distrust, factors of family support and family background. The study also found that strengthening the role of political parties through socialization, gender-biased political education and the involvement of female cadres in organizational activities and community empowerment activities can have an effect on reducing the stigma of gender disparity in politics
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Amador, Emma. "Organizing Puerto Rican Domestics: Resistance and Household Labor Reform in the Puerto Rican Diaspora after 1930." International Labor and Working-Class History 88 (2015): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547915000162.
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AbstractOn November 28, 1946, a group of Puerto Rican women picketed the Chicago offices of Castle, Barton, and Associates, a private employment agency that had brought them to the city to become domestic workers. They protested low wages, long hours, and deductions from their pay for transportation and other costs. Their resistance challenged the Puerto Rican and United States governments to both recognize local labor exploitation and grapple with Puerto Rican rights as those of migrant United States citizens. These women made demands on the Puerto Rican state to regulate migrant contract work and sponsor training programs for domestic work. They would succeed as colonial subjects to gain recognition as workers. Nonetheless, they failed to win well-paid, safe, and desirable jobs. This history of Puerto Rican women's domestic work and their struggle for regulation illuminates a formative moment in the history of Puerto Rican women's organizing and activism for labor rights.
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Rasooli, Mohammed Majeed. "Trends of Women's Economic Empowerment in Iraq for the Period 1990-2018." Journal of Economics and Administrative Sciences 27, no. 127 (March 30, 2021): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33095/jeas.v27i127.2143.
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This research aims to study the economic, social, and political reality of Iraqi women by identifying the obstacles and diagnosing their empowerment trends in various fields, assessing the extent of their participation in economic activity, and re-achieving balance between women and men by reducing the gender gap between them and reducing the percentage of female unemployment to the lowest possible level. Is achieved by enhancing confidence in Iraqi women by enacting laws and making decisions that allow them to access resources freely. The researcher used the descriptive and analytical method to deal with information and data related to the research topic over a specific period (1990-2018), using local, Arab, and international reports issued by the United Nations and the World Bank, and the Iraqi Ministry of Planning surveys - the Central Bureau of Statistics and previous studies. Among the researcher's findings in the research conclusion is the necessity of empowering Iraqi women by facilitating their possession of an academic qualification that would increase their skills and confidence in themselves and facilitate their involvement in the labour market. Moreover, amend laws that hurt women working in the government and private sectors and activate the media. In addition to activating positive media for women and society to accept her as a right partner with men in all fields of life and work firmly and complete transparency to enforce criminal laws against perpetrators of violence against women in all its forms.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women Women Women's rights Local government"
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Chang, Catherine Kuo-Shu. "Violence against women in post-Mao China : international human rights norms and local law /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9614.
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Dywili, Mhlobo Douglas. "Gender equality in the provision and utilisation of women administrative personnel : a comparative study of the Camdeboo Local Municipality and Inxuba Yethemba Local Municipality." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2414.
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In 2000, cabinet adopted the South African Policy framework for women’s empowerment and gender equality, 2000 (Policy framework) which provided for the establishment of the National Gender Machinery (NGM). The NGM is a network of coordinated structures within and outside government which operate cooperatively in facilitating political, social, economic and other forms of transformation to dismantle systemic gender inequality and promote equality between women and men. The implementation of gender equality policy as a function area has constitutionally been given to the national and provincial legislatures in South Africa. The constitution allocated this function to the local sphere of government. Camdeboo and Inxuba Yethemba local municipal authorities are the facilitators of sustainable gender equality policies to citizens on behalf of the national and provincial spheres of government. The study was thus conducted within the Camdeboo local municipality and Inxuba Yethemba local municipality. Camdeboo locoal municipality is one of nine local municipalities in Sarah Baartman district municipality. Inxuba Yethemba local municipality is in Chris Hani district municipality. The purpose of the study was to evaluate the implementation of gender equality in the Provision and Utilisation of Women administration Personnel a comparative study of the Camdeboo local municipality and the Inxuba Yethemba local municipality and to determine the impact of the existing policy on the gender equality policy on the needs of women of both municipalities. For this purpose the fundamental and overall study problem was found to be that the gender equality at the Camdeboo and Inxuba Yethemba is hampered by the implementation of an inadequate municipality gender equality policy and by incompetent municipal personnel in particular and in general by the municipality itself. These action do not satisfy the main purpose of the Employment Equity Act no 55 of 1998 to achieve in the workplace by promoting equal opportunity and fair treatment in all forms of employment through elimination of unfair discrimination as well as the implementation of affirmative action measures. The hypothesis was furthermore based on the fact that the existing gender policy of Camdeboo local municipality and Inxuba Yethemba local municipality gender equality policy are inadequate to satisfy women and impacts negatively if not harmfully on human being of women. The study revealed that besides the implementation of gender equality policy by these incompetent municipal personnel, there are economic, social, political and physical effects on women. In case of applications for senior management position, preference is always given to their male counterparts at the expense of equally qualified female applications. Secondly, Gender equality in human resource determination forms part of the processing phase in the system theory. These two municipalities should be made to commit themselves by appending their signatures to all control measures put in place to evaluate the level and the extent of gender equality across all the departments/ sections in the municipality. Any section/ department that implements gender equality more effectively should be identified applauded and given recognition. This would motivate and eliminate gender inequality. Personnel provision and utilization is of paramount importance to every organization. It then becomes extremely necessary to examine the gender equality on human resource determination.
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Nsibirwa, Martin Semalulu. "An Examination of the domestication of normative standards on women's political participation at Local Government Level in Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/37360.
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This study is premised on the assumption that women’s right to political participation in
Africa is vital, especially as women constitute half of the population in African states. Since
the 1990s, much attention has been focussed on the role of women in African politics.
Consequently, women’s inclusion, especially in legislatures and in the executive arm of
government, has increased during this period. International and national law, combined
with political will, have been relied upon to ensure that women are included in key decisionmaking
positions in national government. However, women’s political participation in local
government has received less attention, despite the fact that local government may be the
level of government best suited to positively impact on women’s daily lives. Four of the
leading African states in respect of women’s political participation in local government are
Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda. The study focuses on these states with a view to
establishing the extent to which they have domesticated international norms that advance
women’s political participation in local government.
Surveying relevant international instruments at the global and Africa regional level, the
study establishes that generally, international law recognises women’s right to participate in
politics. Local government was, in particular, not even mentioned and participation in local
government could be inferred from the wider right to political participation. However,
recent developments in international law are increasingly paying attention to local
government. In addition, attention is increasingly being paid to ensuring that women enjoy
the right to political participation on the basis of equality with men. Consequently, parity in
representation is being promoted and states are expected to domesticate the international
norms to which they are parties in order to realise the goal of equality in political
participation.
States have made efforts to domesticate international norms by including them in their
constitutions or legislation. In addition, states have put in place temporary special measures
focussing on the area of local government. These measures are to be utilised by states, to
ensure that women participate more fully in local government.
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With respect to the four states under investigation, it is observed that there is a limited
application of temporary special measures that can be used to promote women’s political
participation in local government. In terms of the actual extent of women’s participation,
the limited available data illustrates a relatively high percentage of women in local
government, especially at the level of councillors where all the four states reviewed are
performing reasonably well. None of the four states has attained gender parity among
directly elected councillors even though the number of women councillors is fairly high in
some of the states. Among other senior local government positions, the rate of including
women is inconsistent. In some cases women are included in substantial numbers but there
are also cases were the inclusion of women is disconcertingly low. States are also failing to
provide detailed information on women’s political participation across all portfolios in local
government. The implication of such shortcomings is that the actual levels of women’s
inclusion remain largely unknown and therefore efforts to address women’s marginalisation
are undermined.
In order to ensure increased political participation of women at the local government level,
a number of measures must be taken. First, efforts should be made at the international level
to further elaborate the right to political participation with particular reference to local
government, especially in so far as indirectly elected or appointed office is concerned. These
are areas of local government where the current norms do not sufficiently advance
women’s inclusion and as a result inclusion of women is inconsistent. Second, human rights
treaty bodies should pay greater attention to questioning states on their performance in
including women in local government. Questioning state performance will create greater
awareness and increase the attention that states pay to women’s political participation in
local government. Third, concerted efforts should be made to streamline legislation on local
government in the four states under review with a view to making it simpler, clearer and
consistent. The current proliferation of laws can create challenges in understanding the
extent to which the law promotes women’s political participation in local government.
Finally, the four states should display greater transparency with regard to providing data on
women’s political participation in local government. Providing sufficient data would enable
proper scrutiny and provide a diachronic picture of developments as far as women and
men’s political participation in local government is concerned.Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
Unrestricted
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Molina-Lopez, Karol C. "Los Derechos Económicos de Las Mujeres en Chile Bajo el Gobierno de Pinochet." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/607.
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Este tesis explorara las facetas de los derechos económicos de la mujeres antes, durante y despues del régimen de Pinochet. El primer capítulo se enfocara en resumir las políticas económicas y sociales de Allende, el antecesor de Pinochet. El segundo capítulo analiza el rol de la mujer en la casa y el trabajo en este momento, donde se determinó la diferencia salarial entre los dos sexos. El tercer capitulo demostrara una comparación entre las mujeres que son de clase altas versus las de las clases socio-económicas más bajas. El último capítulo tocara el tópico de la moderna perspectiva sobre los derechos de la mujer post-Pinochet.
This thesis will explore the facets of the economic rights of women before, during, and after the Pinochet regime. The first chapter will focus on summarizing the economic and social policies of Allende, the predecessor of Pinochet. The second chapter analyzes the role of women in the home and work, where there will be a comparison on the wage difference between the two sexes. The third chapter will show the contrast between women who are in high-class status versus those of lower socio-economic classes. The last chapter will be relating to the modern perspective on the rights of women post-Pinochet.
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Harrison, Janet Harrison. "Securing Government Contracts for Women-Owned Small Businesses." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/3889.
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Research indicates a variety of factors may inhibit the award of federal contracts to women-owned small businesses; however, a dearth of research exists on the topic from the perspectives of women who own small businesses. The purpose of this case study was to identify the capabilities needed by female small business owners in Atlanta, Georgia to win federal contracts. The framework was based on the theory of representative bureaucracy and the effects of gender differences on individuals' entrepreneurial perceptions. Data were collected via semistructured interviews with 6 women who owned small businesses and competed for federal contracts. Results of the thematic data analysis revealed 3 overarching themes: intrinsic factors, extrinsic factors, and contract procurement experiences. Each of these themes reflected qualities fundamental to participants' successful procurement of federal contracts. Significant intrinsic characteristics included adaptability, work ethic, and networking skills. Stakeholders may use study results to foster positive social change by providing women with resources they need to compete for federal contracts. Female entrepreneurs could improve communities by using strategies from this research to reduce unemployment and increase income for themselves and their employees. Social implications include the development of additional training programs to teach women how to complete contract applications, which may increase their participation in federal contract procurement and positively contribute to the economy.
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Alsarraf, Hani A. "POLICY ADMINISTRATION AND POLITICAL RIGHTS: THE EXPERIENCES OF HIGH-LEVEL WOMEN IN THE KUWAITI GOVERNMENT." Cleveland, Ohio : Cleveland State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1210182727.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cleveland State University, 2008.Abstract. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 8, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 149-159) and appendices. Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center. Also available in print.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "Rural women's representation and participation in local governance in the Masvingo and Mashonaland central provinces of Zimbabwe." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020085.
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This study focused on the representation and participation of rural women in local governance in the Masvingo and Mashonaland Central provinces of Zimbabwe. It argued that increased representation and participation of women in local governance, particularly as ward councillors and senior administrative employees, is important and should be pursued. This has the potential to change the local governance system. The research further argued that change is more likely to occur when elected women are supported by the presence of more women at the most senior administrative levels in the local governance system. The presence of more women is required if the local governance system is to become inclusive of the diversity of the people it represents, especially women. This study rejected the assumption that rural women are passive recipients of local governance since they contribute significantly in fulfilling household and community needs and interests. Through their knowledge and understanding of the construction of power relations at the local level, rural women have creatively managed to produce, reproduce and use alternative strategies which are based on their sexuality and traditional gender roles in challenging and transforming gender inequality at the local level and in improving the quality of rural women. A National Gender Management System (NGMS) that can be used to effectively promote gender equity, equality and justice in local authorities has been developed. It is desirable that the NGMS be established within the existing organisational framework of central and local governments in Zimbabwe. This should be connected to the national structures to ensure that local level activities are systematically accounted for at the national level. The NGMS recognises the strategic importance of building partnerships with social actors at all levels. Qualitative research method was used in the study. The study used both primary and secondary data in analysing the representation and participation of rural women in local governance in the two selected provinces in Zimbabwe, namely Masvingo and Mashonaland Central. Primary data was collected through in-depth interviews and survey questionnaires, while secondary data was gathered through a literature survey of relevant textbooks, newspapers, and peer-reviewed journals, reports and legislation. The research findings indicated that rural women face a number of constraints in getting access to and participating in local governance. Some of the constraints include; cultural beliefs; violence against women; lack of resources; lack of mutual support among women; domestic responsibilities; and institutional factors. The contributions of the research to the study of women in local governance are discussed. Recommendations to increase the participation of women in local governance are made. These include creating an enabling environment for women’s political empowerment, gender-responsive budgets, capacity-building programmes, establishment of gender focal points, gender management committees and teams, increasing women’s self-worth and changing perceptions by men. The study also found that decentralisation in Zimbabwe has not brought local governance closer to rural women due to the interweaving cultural, structural, physical and financial barriers local government faces in ensuring gender equality.
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Ford, Carole, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Still invisible: The myth of the woman-friendly state." Deakin University. School of Social Inquiry, 2001. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20060628.151004.
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Australian women faced the last two decades of the twentieth century, optimistic in their capacity to contribute positively to social change in the restructuring state. Encouraged by the relative euphoria of the late 1970s and early 1980s, women had a fleeting glimpse of the possibilities of woman-friendly legislation and feminist inspired government policy. What eventuated was the dismantling of supportive welfare structures, under the guise of economic rationalist state action, which undermined and eventually halted womens economic and social advancement. This research project examines the impact of government policy on the welfare of Victorian women, through a feminist analysis of state and federal decision-making, framed in the context of case studies in the areas of employment, education and health. The promotion of gender-neutral policy, by generally conservative bureaucracies, effectively exposes the mythical woman-friendly state. The implications do not auger well for Victorian women in the new millenium.
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Kobayashi, Yoshie 1955. "A path toward gender equality : state feminism in Japan." Thesis, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/3026.
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This dissertation is the first study of state feminism in a non-western nation state, focusing on the activities and roles of the Women's Bureau of the Ministry of Labor in post-World War II Japan. While state feminism theory possesses a strong capability to examine state-society relationships in terms of feminist policymaking, it tends to neglect a state's activity in improving women's status and rights in non-western nations where the feminist movements are apathetic or antagonistic to the state and where the state also creates a vertical relationship with feminist groups. To apply the state feminism theory to examine activities of a state institute for women in non-Western nations, I created new analytical factors, domestic and international master frames, which show how policymakers and activists collaborate on policymaking at a domestic level and how policymakers utilize international standards to create the domestic master frame. Using the two-level-analysis of domestic and international politics in terms of creation of master frames together with the existing institutional and mobilizing structural variables, this dissertation presents a detailed study of the activities and roles of the Japanese women's bureau as an initiator and facilitator of gender equality in the process of agenda setting for the equal opportunity laws by utilizing international influence to persuade the opposition and as an interest mediator in the process of decision-making for them. The empirical evidence presented also demonstrates that the change of roles arose from the lack of the following factors: 1) limited resources and institutional capability caused by the marginalization of the women's bureau within the government, 2) the lack of a domestic master frame on the issue of gender equality between the women's bureau and women activists, and 3) the lack of mobilizing structures that provide women's groups the access to political decision-making to reflect their opinions. The combination of these factors hindered policymaking on gender equality and created a gradual and incremental progress toward gender equality in Japan. The way to gender equality in Japan is different from the western nations. Yet, this is a way that other non-western nations have also advanced and will follow in.Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-274).
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Also available by subscription via World Wide Web
xiii, 274 leaves, bound 29 cm
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Chakona, Loveness. "Fast track land reform programme and women in Goromonzi district, Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003105.
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From the year 2000, land became the key signifier for tackling the unfinished business of the decolonisation process in Zimbabwe, notably by rectifying the racially-based land injustices of the past through land redistribution. This took the form of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). However, the racialised character and focus of the FTLRP tended to mask or at least downplay important gender dimensions to land in Zimbabwe. Colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe (up to 2000) had instigated, propagated and reproduced land ownership, control and access along a distinctively patriarchal basis which left women either totally excluded or incorporated in an oppressive manner. This patriarchal structuring of the land question was rooted in institutions, practices and discourses. Although a burgeoning number of studies have been undertaken on the FTLRP, few have had a distinctively gender focus in seeking to identify, examine and assess the effect of the programme on patriarchal relations and the socio-economic livelihoods of rural women. This thesis makes a contribution to filling this lacuna by offering an empirically-rich study of land redistribution in one particular district in Zimbabwe, namely, Goromonzi District. This entails a focus on women on A1 resettlement farms in the district (and specifically women who came from nearby customary areas) and on women who continue to live in customary areas in the district. My thesis concludes that the FTLRP is seriously flawed in terms of addressing and tackling the patriarchal structures that underpin the Zimbabwean land question.
Books on the topic "Women Women Women's rights Local government"
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Office, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung South Africa, ed. Gender and local government. Johannesburg: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, South Africa Office, 2002.
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Elizabeth, Mwaniki, and United Nations Human Settlements Programme., eds. Gender mainstreaming in local authorities: Best practices. Nairobi, Kenya: UN-HABITAT, 2008.
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sohan, Sayeda Rowshan. Women representatives at the Union level as change agentjhoik. Dhaka: Women for Women, Research and Study Group, 1987.
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Centre for Basic Research (Kampala, Uganda), ed. Decentralisation, local politics, and the construction of women's citizenship: The case of Uganda. [Kampala]: Centre for Basic Research, 2007.
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Diana, Miloslavich Túpac, Moromisato Doris 1962-, López Montaño Cecilia, United Nations Population Fund, and Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán., eds. La mitad del cielo, la mitad de la tierra, la mitad del poder: Instancias y mecanismos para el adelanto de la mujer. [S.l.]: UNFPA, 2002.
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Kadın Adayları Destekleme ve Eğitim Derneği. Cinsiyet eşitliği yolunda yerel politikalar raporu. Çankaya, Ankara: KA-DER, 2006.
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In-sun, Kim, ed. Chibang chachʻi tanchʻejang ŭi yŏsŏng munje insik e kwanhan yŏnʾgu: Kichʻo tanchʻejang ŭl chungsim ŭro. Sŏul-si: Hanʾguk Yŏsŏng Kaebarwŏn, 2000.
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Analyse contextuelle sur la participation de la femme dans les organes dirigeants des partis politiques à la veille des élections de 2010. Burundi: Observatoire de l'action gouvernementale, 2010.
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Centre d'études en sciences sociales de la défense, ed. K̲h̲avātīn kī ik̲h̲tiyārāt men̲ shirkat: Baldiyāti niz̤ām 2001: k̲h̲avātīn, Sī Sī Bī aur maqāmī ḥukūmaten̲. Pishāvar: CESSD, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Women Women Women's rights Local government"
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Amponsah, Nana Akua, and Janet Serwah Boateng. "Women in Local Government in Africa: Gender, Resistance, and Empowerment." In The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies, 1–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77030-7_147-1.
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Olukolu, Yomi Rasul. "Harmful Traditional Practices, Laws, and Reproductive Rights of Women in Nigeria." In Therapeutic Jurisprudence and Overcoming Violence Against Women, 1–14. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2472-4.ch001.
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There are many traditional practices in Nigeria that literally affect women's reproductive rights within and without marriages ranging from genital mutilation, harmful traditional practices to control women, early girl marriage, one sided divorce rights in Islamic marriage to men alone, nutritional taboos and other uncouth pregnancy related practices, to unfavorably widowhood practices and inheritance. This chapter intends to bring to the fore these traditional practices which impede the women's reproductive rights in Nigeria with emphasis on the study of the role of law as a therapeutic agent within the therapeutic jurisprudential context. This is done with a view to calling on the Nigerian government to wake up to its responsibility by enacting local laws specifically on women's rights generally or domesticating the various international instruments which the country had so far voluntarily ratified on women's reproductive rights.
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Önez Çetin, Zuhal. "Local Governments on the Way at the Provision of Gender Equality." In Handbook of Research on Institutional, Economic, and Social Impacts of Globalization and Liberalization, 485–98. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4459-4.ch027.
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The provision of gender equality has been a critical agenda for public administrations and organizations. In Turkey, both local governments and central government has been dealing with initiatives towards the provision of equality of man and woman. At that context, Republic of Turkey Ministry of Interior, Foreign Affairs and European Union Department 2010 Circular on “Human Rights of Women and Girls” is an important Circular in terms of local governments and the issue of gender in Turkey. At the study, the local governments' relation with the issue of gender equality has searched. At that framework, firstly, the concepts of gender and gender equality have explained. Secondly, the national documents in related to women in Turkey, and Local Equality Action Plans of six provinces in the context of the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Interior and United Nations Protecting the Human Rights of Women and Girls and Development Joint Program have been explained to search the local governments' relation with the issue of gender, and lastly some practices of local governments have explained on the issue of gender equality.
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Becker, Lydia E. "The rights and duties of women in local government 24 January 1879." In Before the Vote was Won, 347–53. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315012964-25.
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Chacko Jose P. "Kudumbashree." In Handbook of Research on New Dimensions of Gender Mainstreaming and Women Empowerment, 437–56. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2819-8.ch024.
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Kudumbashree, established in Kerala, India in the year of 1998 was perceived not merely as one SHG-based women empowerment programme in the narrow sense, but as a poverty eradication mission of Kerala. Kudumbashree is a multifaceted programme focusing primarily on microfinance and micro-enterprise development, but at the same time integrally linked to local self-government institutions. Kudumbashree enhances the civic participation in the development process in a grass root level, particularly, deepen democracy, strengthen social capital, facilitate efficiency sustained growth and gender mainstreaming. Kudumbashree has succeeded to empower women by boosting women's sense of self-worth; right to have and to determine choices; right to have access to opportunities and resources; right to have the power to control their own lives, both within and outside the home; and ability to influence the direction of social change to create a more just, social and economic order.
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Tuuri, Rebecca. "But If You Have a Pig in Your Backyard … Nobody Can Push You Around." In Strategic Sisterhood, 128–48. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638904.003.0007.
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Following its local workshops in the late 1960s, the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW) began to create self-help community programs. This chapter focuses on NCNW's programs in Mississippi--a pig bank for Fannie Lou Hamer's Sunflower County Freedom Farm; low-income home ownership (also known as Turnkey III); and childcare centers in Okolona, Ruleville, and Jackson. To fund these programs, the NCNW utilized financial support from public sources--such as the federal government--and private sources--such as foundations, businesses, and voluntary organizations. Drawing upon its new concept of grassroots expertise as well as the War on Poverty concept of "maximum feasible participation" of the poor, the NCNW recruited local civil rights women such as Fannie Lou Hamer and Unita Blackwell to lead these programs that provided black communities with much-needed food, housing, and childcare. The NCNW's efforts boosted Mississippi women's interest in the larger national organization.
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Nickerson, Michelle M. "Patriotic Daughters and Isolationist Mothers." In Mothers of Conservatism. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691121840.003.0001.
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This chapter examines how women developed forms of antistatist protest in the first half of the twentieth century that posed an oppositional relationship between the family and government. By the 1950s, anticommunism and antistatism became widespread mechanisms of political protest for women on the right much as peace activism and welfare work came to seem natural for women on the left. But unlike the later generation of Cold Warrior women who exerted themselves most forcefully through local politics, conservative women of the early twentieth century made their strongest impact by attacking that national progressive state. They also demonized “internationalism” as the handmaiden to communism, discovering another foe that women's position in the family obliged them to oppose. Consequently, the earliest generation of conservative organizations adopted the habit of calling themselves “patriotic” groups to contrast their own nationalist sentiment with the internationalism of progressives, which they equated with communism. This pattern continued into the post-World War II era.
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Brown, Jeannette E. "Chemists Who Work in Industry." In African American Women Chemists in the Modern Era. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190615178.003.0006.
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Dr. Dorothy J. Phillips (Fig. 2.1) is a retired industrial chemist and a member of the Board of Directors of the ACS. Dorothy Jean Wingfield was born in Nashville, Tennessee on July 27, 1945, the third of eight children, five girls and three boys. She was the second girl and is very close to her older sister. Dorothy grew up in a multi- generational home as both her grandmothers often lived with them. Her father, Reverend Robert Cam Wingfield Sr., born in 1905, was a porter at the Greyhound Bus station and went to school in the evenings after he was called to the ministry. He was very active in his church as the superintendent of the Sunday school; he became a pastor after receiving an associate’s degree in theology and pastoral studies from the American Baptist Theological Seminary. Her mother, Rebecca Cooper Wingfield, occasionally did domestic work. On these occasions, Dorothy’s maternal grandmother would take care of the children. Dorothy’s mother was also very active in civic and school activities, attending the local meetings and conferences of the segregated Parent Teachers Association (PTA) called the Negro Parent Teachers Association or Colored PTA. For that reason, she was frequently at the schools to talk with her children’s teachers. She also worked on a social issue with the city to move people out of the dilapidated slum housing near the Capitol. The town built government subsidized housing to relocate people from homes which did not have indoor toilets and electricity. She was also active in her Baptist church as a Mother, or Deaconess, counseling young women, especially about her role as the minister’s wife. When Dorothy went to school in 1951, Nashville schools were segregated and African American children went to the schools in their neighborhoods. But Dorothy’s elementary, junior high, and high schools were segregated even though the family lived in a predominately white neighborhood. This was because around 1956, and after Rosa Park’s bus boycott in Montgomery, AL, her father, like other ministers, became more active in civil rights and one of his actions was to move to a predominately white neighborhood.
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Makonese, Makanatsa. "How Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution Addresses Women’s Election and Participation in Parliament." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 432–60. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0016.
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The 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe has been hailed as a modern and progressive Constitution that addresses contemporary human rights issues, including gender equality and the promotion of women’s rights. It clearly provides for gender parity in public bodies, including in elective positions. The affirmative action provisions on a women’s quota in the National Assembly and gender equality in party lists for Senators have been useful in increasing the number of women in parliament. However, even with these improvements, the mere existence of the progressive Constitution has not led to gender parity in the Parliament of Zimbabwe or in other elective or public institutions such as local councils and cabinet. This is mainly because key actors and structures such as political parties, the government, and the successive Presidents of Zimbabwe have not fully adhered to the provisions of the Constitution regarding gender equality in public bodies, except where the Constitution provides explicit guidance on how to achieve this. The enactment of legislation to operationalize some of the less explicit provisions of the Constitution may therefore be useful in ensuring compliance with the gender equality provisions in relation to parliament and other public bodies in the country.
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Bettinger-López, Caroline. "Developing a National Plan of Action on Violence against Women and Gender Violence." In The Politicization of Safety, 362–78. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479805648.003.0015.
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International human rights treaties and monitoring bodies have repeatedly called upon governments to develop national plans of action to eliminate violence against women. Although the U.S. is a global leader in the violence against women arena, it has never developed a national plan of action. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), despite its substantial contributions, does not contain some of the core features of a national action plan—such as a strategic vision for ending violence against women, or a declaration that violence against women is a human rights violation and a form of sex discrimination, or a set of goals or benchmarks to measure progress. This chapter examines the key elements of national action plans on violence against women, and ultimately argues that in the Trump era, a national action plan can best be developed through coordinated action at the state and local levels.
Reports on the topic "Women Women Women's rights Local government"
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Community Perceptions of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence: A baseline report conducted in Anbar and Diyala Governorates, Iraq. Oxfam, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.7604.
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Over three months in 2020, Oxfam in Iraq collected data in Diyala and Anbar Governorates in Iraq to improve its understanding of the overall situation regarding sexual and gender-based violence and local communities' perceptions of the issue. The researchers' goal was to provide baseline information against which to monitor and measure the progress and effectiveness of the project “Naseej: Connecting Voices and Action to End Violence Against Women and Girls in the MENA Region." The project aims to address sexual and gender-based violence in fragile and conflict settings. This study found that sexual and gender-based violence is widespread in Diyala and Anbar Governorates, and that communities perceive it to be mostly perpetrated by men. However, it also found that different vulnerabilities can overlap and that not all women and girls are perceived to be at the same risk. Most study participants believed that ending sexual and gender-based violence is the shared responsibility of the government, women's rights organizations, men, women and girls, and extended families.
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Burkina Faso: Community education program scaled-up in Burkina Faso. Population Council, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh16.1005.
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The government of Burkina Faso is committed to the improvement of women’s reproductive health. Within this context, the Population Council’s FRONTIERS Program collaborated with two nongovernmental organizations, Tostan in Senegal and Mwangaza Action in Burkina Faso, to replicate the Tostan community-based education program. Originally developed in Senegal, this program provides modules in local languages on hygiene, problem solving, women’s health, and human rights as a means of promoting community empowerment to facilitate social change. The intervention, implemented from 2000 to 2003 in the provinces of Bazega and Zoundwéogo in Burkina Faso, compared the performance of 23 participating villages with 23 control villages. To measure the program’s impact on awareness, attitudes, and behavior regarding reproductive health and female genital cutting, researchers conducted pre- and post-intervention surveys of women and men in the intervention and control areas, and qualitative interviews with key community members. To measure the diffusion of knowledge, researchers surveyed men and women who lived in the intervention area but did not participate in the study. They also assessed pre-and post-intervention changes in the number of girls under 10 who had been cut.