Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Women Women Women's rights Local government'

In 2000, cabinet adopted the South African Policy framework for women’s empowerment and gender equality, 2000 (Policy framework) which provided for the establishment of the National Gender Machinery (NGM). The NGM is a network of coordinated structures within and outside government which operate cooperatively in facilitating political, social, economic and other forms of transformation to dismantle systemic gender inequality and promote equality between women and men. The implementation of gender equality policy as a function area has constitutionally been given to the national and provincial legislatures in South Africa. The constitution allocated this function to the local sphere of government. Camdeboo and Inxuba Yethemba local municipal authorities are the facilitators of sustainable gender equality policies to citizens on behalf of the national and provincial spheres of government. The study was thus conducted within the Camdeboo local municipality and Inxuba Yethemba local municipality. Camdeboo locoal municipality is one of nine local municipalities in Sarah Baartman district municipality. Inxuba Yethemba local municipality is in Chris Hani district municipality. The purpose of the study was to evaluate the implementation of gender equality in the Provision and Utilisation of Women administration Personnel a comparative study of the Camdeboo local municipality and the Inxuba Yethemba local municipality and to determine the impact of the existing policy on the gender equality policy on the needs of women of both municipalities. For this purpose the fundamental and overall study problem was found to be that the gender equality at the Camdeboo and Inxuba Yethemba is hampered by the implementation of an inadequate municipality gender equality policy and by incompetent municipal personnel in particular and in general by the municipality itself. These action do not satisfy the main purpose of the Employment Equity Act no 55 of 1998 to achieve in the workplace by promoting equal opportunity and fair treatment in all forms of employment through elimination of unfair discrimination as well as the implementation of affirmative action measures. The hypothesis was furthermore based on the fact that the existing gender policy of Camdeboo local municipality and Inxuba Yethemba local municipality gender equality policy are inadequate to satisfy women and impacts negatively if not harmfully on human being of women. The study revealed that besides the implementation of gender equality policy by these incompetent municipal personnel, there are economic, social, political and physical effects on women. In case of applications for senior management position, preference is always given to their male counterparts at the expense of equally qualified female applications. Secondly, Gender equality in human resource determination forms part of the processing phase in the system theory. These two municipalities should be made to commit themselves by appending their signatures to all control measures put in place to evaluate the level and the extent of gender equality across all the departments/ sections in the municipality. Any section/ department that implements gender equality more effectively should be identified applauded and given recognition. This would motivate and eliminate gender inequality. Personnel provision and utilization is of paramount importance to every organization. It then becomes extremely necessary to examine the gender equality on human resource determination.

This study is premised on the assumption that women’s right to political participation in Africa is vital, especially as women constitute half of the population in African states. Since the 1990s, much attention has been focussed on the role of women in African politics. Consequently, women’s inclusion, especially in legislatures and in the executive arm of government, has increased during this period. International and national law, combined with political will, have been relied upon to ensure that women are included in key decisionmaking positions in national government. However, women’s political participation in local government has received less attention, despite the fact that local government may be the level of government best suited to positively impact on women’s daily lives. Four of the leading African states in respect of women’s political participation in local government are Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda. The study focuses on these states with a view to establishing the extent to which they have domesticated international norms that advance women’s political participation in local government. Surveying relevant international instruments at the global and Africa regional level, the study establishes that generally, international law recognises women’s right to participate in politics. Local government was, in particular, not even mentioned and participation in local government could be inferred from the wider right to political participation. However, recent developments in international law are increasingly paying attention to local government. In addition, attention is increasingly being paid to ensuring that women enjoy the right to political participation on the basis of equality with men. Consequently, parity in representation is being promoted and states are expected to domesticate the international norms to which they are parties in order to realise the goal of equality in political participation. States have made efforts to domesticate international norms by including them in their constitutions or legislation. In addition, states have put in place temporary special measures focussing on the area of local government. These measures are to be utilised by states, to ensure that women participate more fully in local government. vi With respect to the four states under investigation, it is observed that there is a limited application of temporary special measures that can be used to promote women’s political participation in local government. In terms of the actual extent of women’s participation, the limited available data illustrates a relatively high percentage of women in local government, especially at the level of councillors where all the four states reviewed are performing reasonably well. None of the four states has attained gender parity among directly elected councillors even though the number of women councillors is fairly high in some of the states. Among other senior local government positions, the rate of including women is inconsistent. In some cases women are included in substantial numbers but there are also cases were the inclusion of women is disconcertingly low. States are also failing to provide detailed information on women’s political participation across all portfolios in local government. The implication of such shortcomings is that the actual levels of women’s inclusion remain largely unknown and therefore efforts to address women’s marginalisation are undermined. In order to ensure increased political participation of women at the local government level, a number of measures must be taken. First, efforts should be made at the international level to further elaborate the right to political participation with particular reference to local government, especially in so far as indirectly elected or appointed office is concerned. These are areas of local government where the current norms do not sufficiently advance women’s inclusion and as a result inclusion of women is inconsistent. Second, human rights treaty bodies should pay greater attention to questioning states on their performance in including women in local government. Questioning state performance will create greater awareness and increase the attention that states pay to women’s political participation in local government. Third, concerted efforts should be made to streamline legislation on local government in the four states under review with a view to making it simpler, clearer and consistent. The current proliferation of laws can create challenges in understanding the extent to which the law promotes women’s political participation in local government. Finally, the four states should display greater transparency with regard to providing data on women’s political participation in local government. Providing sufficient data would enable proper scrutiny and provide a diachronic picture of developments as far as women and men’s political participation in local government is concerned.
Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
Unrestricted

Este tesis explorara las facetas de los derechos económicos de la mujeres antes, durante y despues del régimen de Pinochet. El primer capítulo se enfocara en resumir las políticas económicas y sociales de Allende, el antecesor de Pinochet. El segundo capítulo analiza el rol de la mujer en la casa y el trabajo en este momento, donde se determinó la diferencia salarial entre los dos sexos. El tercer capitulo demostrara una comparación entre las mujeres que son de clase altas versus las de las clases socio-económicas más bajas. El último capítulo tocara el tópico de la moderna perspectiva sobre los derechos de la mujer post-Pinochet. This thesis will explore the facets of the economic rights of women before, during, and after the Pinochet regime. The first chapter will focus on summarizing the economic and social policies of Allende, the predecessor of Pinochet. The second chapter analyzes the role of women in the home and work, where there will be a comparison on the wage difference between the two sexes. The third chapter will show the contrast between women who are in high-class status versus those of lower socio-economic classes. The last chapter will be relating to the modern perspective on the rights of women post-Pinochet.

Research indicates a variety of factors may inhibit the award of federal contracts to women-owned small businesses; however, a dearth of research exists on the topic from the perspectives of women who own small businesses. The purpose of this case study was to identify the capabilities needed by female small business owners in Atlanta, Georgia to win federal contracts. The framework was based on the theory of representative bureaucracy and the effects of gender differences on individuals' entrepreneurial perceptions. Data were collected via semistructured interviews with 6 women who owned small businesses and competed for federal contracts. Results of the thematic data analysis revealed 3 overarching themes: intrinsic factors, extrinsic factors, and contract procurement experiences. Each of these themes reflected qualities fundamental to participants' successful procurement of federal contracts. Significant intrinsic characteristics included adaptability, work ethic, and networking skills. Stakeholders may use study results to foster positive social change by providing women with resources they need to compete for federal contracts. Female entrepreneurs could improve communities by using strategies from this research to reduce unemployment and increase income for themselves and their employees. Social implications include the development of additional training programs to teach women how to complete contract applications, which may increase their participation in federal contract procurement and positively contribute to the economy.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cleveland State University, 2008.
Abstract. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 8, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 149-159) and appendices. Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center. Also available in print.

This study focused on the representation and participation of rural women in local governance in the Masvingo and Mashonaland Central provinces of Zimbabwe. It argued that increased representation and participation of women in local governance, particularly as ward councillors and senior administrative employees, is important and should be pursued. This has the potential to change the local governance system. The research further argued that change is more likely to occur when elected women are supported by the presence of more women at the most senior administrative levels in the local governance system. The presence of more women is required if the local governance system is to become inclusive of the diversity of the people it represents, especially women. This study rejected the assumption that rural women are passive recipients of local governance since they contribute significantly in fulfilling household and community needs and interests. Through their knowledge and understanding of the construction of power relations at the local level, rural women have creatively managed to produce, reproduce and use alternative strategies which are based on their sexuality and traditional gender roles in challenging and transforming gender inequality at the local level and in improving the quality of rural women. A National Gender Management System (NGMS) that can be used to effectively promote gender equity, equality and justice in local authorities has been developed. It is desirable that the NGMS be established within the existing organisational framework of central and local governments in Zimbabwe. This should be connected to the national structures to ensure that local level activities are systematically accounted for at the national level. The NGMS recognises the strategic importance of building partnerships with social actors at all levels. Qualitative research method was used in the study. The study used both primary and secondary data in analysing the representation and participation of rural women in local governance in the two selected provinces in Zimbabwe, namely Masvingo and Mashonaland Central. Primary data was collected through in-depth interviews and survey questionnaires, while secondary data was gathered through a literature survey of relevant textbooks, newspapers, and peer-reviewed journals, reports and legislation. The research findings indicated that rural women face a number of constraints in getting access to and participating in local governance. Some of the constraints include; cultural beliefs; violence against women; lack of resources; lack of mutual support among women; domestic responsibilities; and institutional factors. The contributions of the research to the study of women in local governance are discussed. Recommendations to increase the participation of women in local governance are made. These include creating an enabling environment for women’s political empowerment, gender-responsive budgets, capacity-building programmes, establishment of gender focal points, gender management committees and teams, increasing women’s self-worth and changing perceptions by men. The study also found that decentralisation in Zimbabwe has not brought local governance closer to rural women due to the interweaving cultural, structural, physical and financial barriers local government faces in ensuring gender equality.

Australian women faced the last two decades of the twentieth century, optimistic in their capacity to contribute positively to social change in the restructuring state. Encouraged by the relative euphoria of the late 1970s and early 1980s, women had a fleeting glimpse of the possibilities of woman-friendly legislation and feminist inspired government policy. What eventuated was the dismantling of supportive welfare structures, under the guise of economic rationalist state action, which undermined and eventually halted women’s economic and social advancement. This research project examines the impact of government policy on the welfare of Victorian women, through a feminist analysis of state and federal decision-making, framed in the context of case studies in the areas of employment, education and health. The promotion of ‘gender-neutral’ policy, by generally conservative bureaucracies, effectively exposes the mythical woman-friendly state. The implications do not auger well for Victorian women in the new millenium.

This dissertation is the first study of state feminism in a non-western nation state, focusing on the activities and roles of the Women's Bureau of the Ministry of Labor in post-World War II Japan. While state feminism theory possesses a strong capability to examine state-society relationships in terms of feminist policymaking, it tends to neglect a state's activity in improving women's status and rights in non-western nations where the feminist movements are apathetic or antagonistic to the state and where the state also creates a vertical relationship with feminist groups. To apply the state feminism theory to examine activities of a state institute for women in non-Western nations, I created new analytical factors, domestic and international master frames, which show how policymakers and activists collaborate on policymaking at a domestic level and how policymakers utilize international standards to create the domestic master frame. Using the two-level-analysis of domestic and international politics in terms of creation of master frames together with the existing institutional and mobilizing structural variables, this dissertation presents a detailed study of the activities and roles of the Japanese women's bureau as an initiator and facilitator of gender equality in the process of agenda setting for the equal opportunity laws by utilizing international influence to persuade the opposition and as an interest mediator in the process of decision-making for them. The empirical evidence presented also demonstrates that the change of roles arose from the lack of the following factors: 1) limited resources and institutional capability caused by the marginalization of the women's bureau within the government, 2) the lack of a domestic master frame on the issue of gender equality between the women's bureau and women activists, and 3) the lack of mobilizing structures that provide women's groups the access to political decision-making to reflect their opinions. The combination of these factors hindered policymaking on gender equality and created a gradual and incremental progress toward gender equality in Japan. The way to gender equality in Japan is different from the western nations. Yet, this is a way that other non-western nations have also advanced and will follow in.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-274).
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Also available by subscription via World Wide Web
xiii, 274 leaves, bound 29 cm

From the year 2000, land became the key signifier for tackling the unfinished business of the decolonisation process in Zimbabwe, notably by rectifying the racially-based land injustices of the past through land redistribution. This took the form of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). However, the racialised character and focus of the FTLRP tended to mask or at least downplay important gender dimensions to land in Zimbabwe. Colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe (up to 2000) had instigated, propagated and reproduced land ownership, control and access along a distinctively patriarchal basis which left women either totally excluded or incorporated in an oppressive manner. This patriarchal structuring of the land question was rooted in institutions, practices and discourses. Although a burgeoning number of studies have been undertaken on the FTLRP, few have had a distinctively gender focus in seeking to identify, examine and assess the effect of the programme on patriarchal relations and the socio-economic livelihoods of rural women. This thesis makes a contribution to filling this lacuna by offering an empirically-rich study of land redistribution in one particular district in Zimbabwe, namely, Goromonzi District. This entails a focus on women on A1 resettlement farms in the district (and specifically women who came from nearby customary areas) and on women who continue to live in customary areas in the district. My thesis concludes that the FTLRP is seriously flawed in terms of addressing and tackling the patriarchal structures that underpin the Zimbabwean land question.

This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

This dissertation critically examines how traditional leaders use cultural laws to allocate land to women and to allow women to participate in land administration in communal areas. Given the government's commitment to gender equity in all spheres of life as stipulated in Section 9 (3) of the South African Constitution (Act 108 of 1996), the dissertation examines whether related legislation and policy (such as CLARA and TLGFA) alone can guarantee equitable access to land for women and their participation in land administration structures in communal areas where patriarchy dominates. In essence, the study interrogates whether state intervention through formalizing laws that govern land matters do achieve gender equity while cultural laws still exist in communal areas. Based on the view that land in communal areas is held by the state and administered by traditional leaders who have historically discriminated against women, the dissertation employs a case study method to examine whether cultural laws are exercised when women apply for a piece of land at the three levels of traditional authority viz: village, sub-village and traditional council levels in the Matolweni village of the Nqadu Tribal Authority. Although women are often the de facto rights holders in rural areas as a result of male migration to urban areas, findings seem to indicate that it is difficult and/or sometimes impossible to translate paper laws into practice while cultural laws are still operating. For effective transformation to occur, the study recommends that unless a strong women's rural movement emerges, coupled with a socialist feminist position that advocates for a radical transformation of rural society to defeat the patriarchal norms and standards, traditional leaders will continue to discriminate against women in land issues.

Latin America is in a political crisis, yet Bolivia is still widely recognized as a beacon of hope for progressive change. The radical movements at the beginning of the 21st century against neoliberalism that paved the road for the election of Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, beckoned a change from colonial rule towards a more just society. Paradoxically, in pursuing progress through economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Morales has replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Deeply rooted tensions have also emerged between indigenous communities and the Bolivian state due to the latter's zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector. Although these paradoxes have received significant attention, one substantial aspect that remains underexplored and undertheorized is how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race and gender where indigenous women in Bolivia occupy a unique position. To address this research gap, this qualitative study poses the following research questions: 1. How does neo-extractivism affect the lives of indigenous women? 2. How does the state shape relations between neo-extractivism and indigenous women? 3. How do indigenous women organize to challenge the impact of state-led extractivism on their lives and their communities? To answer these questions, I conducted a multi-sited ethnographic study between October 2017 and June 2018 in Oruro, Bolivia, an area that is heavily affected by mining contamination. By analyzing processes of social reproduction, I argue that neo-extractivism leads to water contamination and water scarcity, becoming the epicenter of the deterioration of subsistence agriculture and the dispossession of indigenous ways of life. Because indigenous women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities depend on water, the dispossession of water has a dire effect on them, which demonstrates how capitalism relies on and exacerbates neo-colonial and patriarchal relations. To tame dissent to these contradictions, the Bolivian and self-proclaimed "indigenist state" defines and politicizes ethnicity in order to build a national identity based on indigeneity. This state-led ethnic inclusion, however, simultaneously produces class exclusions of indigenous campesinxs (peasants) who are not fully engaged in market relations. In contrast to the government's inclusive but rigidly-defined indigeneity, indigenous communities embrace a fluid and dual indigeneity: one that is connected to territories, yet also independent from them; a rooted indigeneity based on the praxis of what it means to be indigenous. Indigenous women and their communities embrace this fluid and rooted indigeneity to build alliances across gender, ethnic, and geographic lines to organize against neo-extractivism. Moreover, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, duality, and complementarity, have allowed indigenous women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within, and between, communities alive. These solidarity networks are sites of everyday resistances that represent a threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial and patriarchal mandates.

United States federal law regulating leaves of absence for maternity-related purposes pales in comparison to other nations' policies, an observation only recently receiving attention from political scientists. Providing an understanding of how maternity leave is handled by individual organizations in the United States only, a quantitative study is conducted that examines local variation in policy formulation. Employee leave due to maternity is primarily a women's issue and its treatment will vary depending on the socio-political context that the policy dictating the leave is found in. Three main determinants of a policy's level of comprehensiveness are identified as being the political representation of women on local legislative bodies, the bureaucratic representation of women in their place of employment, and the level of women's movement activity in the community. Moreover, the gendered context of the organization is considered by comparing two historically distinct institutions on the gender continuum, public education and law enforcement. After analysis involving a national comparison of public school district and police department maternity leave policies, it was found that the presence of the women's movement in a community significantly impacts the dependent variable, policy comprehensiveness. The effects of political and bureaucratic representation, however, seem to differ between police departments and school districts. In consideration of the most comprehensive policies found, it seems police departments are highly influenced by larger proportions of women officers whereas women teachers might be at a disadvantage precisely because of their over-representation in school districts. Seemingly counterintuitive, this finding suggests that gendered institutions are predicated on more than just women's presence. Evidence that maternity leave policy in individual U.S. institutions is a product of the gendered culture of the organization was found by observing the differential impact of political and social variables on police departments and school districts.

M.A.
Despite constitutional and legislative measures to promote gender equality, gender inequality pervades the South African political, social and economic sectors. It is imperative that government uses gender sensitive policy instruments to reverse these imbalances. Gender expenditure analyses on national budget votes reveal a perpetuation of gender inequality. This municipal study assesses Johannesburg’s water budget process using an analytical framework of three criteria: representation; participation and benefit accrued to women. It determines that administrative representation of women in Johannesburg Water is nominal, the drafting of the budget remains patriarchal and representation of gender concerns for water provision in the consultation phase is not evident. The participation of women in the consultation and approval phases cannot be quantified. Women benefit minimally as employees and as entrepreneurs. This study determines that there is a potentially significant gendered impact of Johannesburg’s water budget, which motivates for this policy instrument to be gender sensitive.
Mr. H. Robertson Prof. Y. Sadie

Girls in rural areas face a number of challenges in their pursuit of basic education, empowerment and gender equality. This thesis explores the extent to which gender equality and empowerment of women have been achieved in education in ward 33 of Mt Darwin. At the centre is what Zimbabwean government and civil society organisations such as Campaign for female education (Camfed) have done to implement strategies addressing challenges affecting implementation and achievement of MDG 3. A multi-method research strategy, including focus group discussions, questionnaires administration and interviews, was used in the data collection process. The findings of the study show reciprocal linkage between education, empowerment and gender equality. Ward 33 requires integration in approach from assisting agencies and the general populace if Millennium Development Goal 3 is to be achieved. Results showed the multiple barriers girls face in the process of accessing education within the homes, along the way to school and within the school system itself. Camfed and government’s interventions have been pointed out to contributing to the achievement of MDG 3 in the ward. Women’s quest for equality is evident. Specific actions recommended after this research include the need for MOESAC to strategically post qualified teachers in rural areas, sensitization and empowerment programmes targeting men, civil society organisations and government ministries working with women to intensify advocacy, capacity building and leadership trainings for women. Overall recommendation is that there is need to implement MDG 3 beyond 2015 if rural women are to be integrated into the MDG 3 empowerment and gender equality agenda.
Development Studies
M. Admin. (Development Studies)

Reproductive health is very important as it shapes a woman's whole life. Currently there are a lot of obstacles which deny women their rights to reproductive health. The aim of this research was to find out what obstacles deny women the freedom to enjoy their reproductive health in order to establish a contribution which can be used by the Department of Health to improve their services. Descriptive research was conducted, using a survey approach. Convenience sampling was utilized. Participants were selected from a sample of people attending the reproductive health clinic at a hospital and a clinic in the Northern Province. The findings indicate that women are not enjoying reproductive health rights due to low educational level, cultural and societal constraints, low socio economic status and the negative attitude of the providers, of reproductive health services.
Contraceptives
Family planning
Health and gender
Health rights
Reproductive choice
Reproductive health
Reproductive rights
Reproductive health care
Women's rights
Rural women
Health Science
M.A.Cur.(Nursing Science)

Although Swazi women's contribution to national development has been phenomenal, they like any other women in patriarchal societies confront an overbearing situation in which they have been regarded and treated as minors, both in the family and most spheres of public life. This has largely been due to the social construction of gender. Traditional gender-based attitudes, deeply ingrained in the people's mind set, not infrequently, have limited women's access to and control of various aspects of public life, and impinge on their rights, most especially the rights to selfdetermination and equal participation in the decision making process. Coupled with religion which influences "the deepest level of what it means to be human" (King, 1994:4) and zealous cultural conservatism, the Swazi women, with a few notable exceptions, experience an asymmetry of power due to the pervasive nature of gender. Nonetheless, the history of Swaziland bears testimony, however muted, to a legacy ofwomen's struggles to overcome gendered conditions imposed upon them either by taking full advantage of their spiritual endowment and charisma to overcome attitudinal barriers or by organising themselves into groups to work for the social transformation of their conditions and status. This study examines the Swazi women's search for gender equality. It discusses the social and cultural context of gender in Swaziland, the various moments in the Swazi women's quest for equality and its manifestations, and the push and pull effect of religion and culture. Particular attention is given to four organisations, namely Lutsango lwakaNgwane (loosely referred to as women's regiments), the Council of Swaziland Churches, the Women's Resource Centre (Umtapo waBomake) and Swaziland Action Group Against Abuse (SWAGAA). The study shows that Swazi women have, across a passage of time, adopted different strategies, including ritual, economic empowerment and creation of new knowledge through promotion of gender awareness and social advocacy either in a womanist approach that accepts women's embeddedness in Swazi culture or in the liberal feminist tradition that espouses women's individual rights. However, the study shows that the women's movement has yet to reach the critical mass level so as to influence public policy and come to terms with the deconstruction of the dominant gender ideology.
Religious Studies and Arabic
D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

There is a noticeable improvement in the quality of the lives of women engaged in economic activities beyond the home. In a democratic South Africa, women – including those in rural areas – are being freed from their fixed gender roles. Today women are regarded as co-participants in any undertaking, whether as organisers, natural environmentalists or economists, in order to achieve sustainable development. It is for this reason that a number of laws and statutory bodies are in place to speed up the empowerment of women. Consequently, women as individuals or groups are doing their best to respond to the call of democracy in order to balance the equation which has for long remained skewed. In the study area of the Makhuduthamaga Local Municipality, women have initiated projects through mobilisation of their capabilities and available resources to sustain their personal needs, and those of their households. Hence, their well-being with regard to health, nutrition, mobility and social connectivity has improved. There is no doubt that these women are primary breadwinners for their families on a daily basis, as the majority have no other source of income or their husbands’ jobs are taken by migrant labour. The research reveals that, unless women stand up and take action to disprove what is known as ‘feminisation of poverty’, nothing good can happen. Through Participatory Rural Appraisal and Community Asset Mapping techniques, an observation of ethical considerations, participants responded willingly and exposed the realities of their lives. One remaining challenge that needs to be constantly monitored is that there should be a balance between policies and practices with men needing to be empowered to understand, accept and assist in the empowerment of women with a view to achieving sustainability in almost every undertaking.
Geography
D.Litt. et Phil. (Geography)

Various governments in post-independent Ghana have attempted to alleviate poverty among the citizenry. In furtherance of this, several poverty reduction strategies have been employed with different results. Even though the rate of poverty has fallen over the years, it is still high at 21,4% (Molini and Paci, 2015) with women unfortunately bearing most of the brunt of this (National Development Planning Commission, 2012). This dissertation looks at filling the gap in information by exploring the role women can play in poverty reduction, using Ghana as a case study. In doing that, the study analyses poverty and the underlying reasons for endemic poverty among Ghanaians. The objective of this study was to contextualize and make a dimension of poverty broadly in Africa and Ghana in particular. It also sought to critique the current policy alleviation policies and programmes, in relation to various factors contributing to endemic poverty among Ghanaian women, with the aim of identifying the roles that women can play in poverty reduction and making recommendations. In this regard, a descriptive research design coupled with qualitative research methodological technique was employed, where relevant publications in the form of government reports, journals, textbooks and internet were used to collect data. Inferences were extracted based on the requirements of the research topic. The study found that women play an important role in food production, trade, and business. It also emerged from the study that there are numerous factors inimical to the reduction of poverty among women in Ghana. They included their inability to negotiate labour matters; a lack of, or limited education; patriarchal culture or customs; and economic sabotage. In addressing the aforementioned factors, the study recommended that in its pre-assessment of NGOs, government tailor their intervention to synchronize with the development strategies to alleviate poverty among women. It also advised educational awareness and public-public partnerships in the establishment of schools targeted most especially at women for empowerment purposes. Finally, there was an emphasis on advocacy for the reservation of land exclusively for women through land reforms.
Public Administration and Management
M. Admin. (Public Administration)