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1
Niewiadomska-Cudak, Małgorzata. "Aktywność kobiet w wyborach na urząd prezydenta miasta Rzeszowa w latach 2002–2018." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 2 (2020): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.2.9.
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The article deals with the activity of women in the elections to the enforcement authority in Rzeszów over the period of 16 years, i.e. from the moment the act on the direct election of a commune head, town mayor and president came into force. An attempt was made to analyze the women's electoral participation in the candidacy for the position of mayor or president from the political science perspective. The choice of the place of this city is not without significance, as the feminization rate (the women’s involvement in local government authorities in cities with poviat status), indicates that Rzeszów came 62 out of 66 cities (Swianiewicz, Łukomska, 2020, s. 9). Examining the representation of female voters in five elections not only gauges the phenomenon of female gender participation, but also helps to understand the problem of under-representation of women among presidents at the city level with poviat rights. The article complements the discussions on the participation of women in local government authorities, but also fills a significant cognitive gap in research on the representation of women in local politics.
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Dumenil, Lynn. "Women's Reform Organizations and Wartime Mobilization in World War I-Era Los Angeles." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 2 (March 29, 2011): 213–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781410000162.
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During World War I, the Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense served as an intermediary between the federal government and women's voluntary associations. This study of white middle- and upper-middle-class clubwomen in Los Angeles, California reveals ways in which local women pursued twin goals of aiding the war effort while pursuing their own, pre-existing agendas. Women in a wide variety of groups, including organizations associated with the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Women's Christian Temperance Union, and the Red Cross, had different goals, but most women activists agreed on the need to promote women's suffrage and citizenship rights and to continue the maternalist reform programs begun in the Progressive Era. At the center of their war voluntarism was the conviction that women citizens must play a crucial role in protecting the family amidst the crisis of war.
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Batool, Hafsa, Mumtaz Anwar, Nabila Asghar, Hafeez Ur Rehman, and Asifa Kamal. "A NEXUS BETWEEN HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS AND WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT: A CASE STUDY OF PUNJAB, PAKISTAN." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (March 24, 2021): 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9221.
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Purpose of the study: The empowerment of women is an important aim for them to be fully engaged in economic life and to achieve sustainable growth worldwide. One form of empowerment is to provide women with basic facilities.
Methodology: The study also analyzed the impact on women's empowerment by primary data taken via multi-phase cluster sampling methods of household socio-economic and cultural characteristics in Punjab. Given the diversity of nature and context, the 6-dimensional empirical polychoric principles of empowering women generate a stringent cumulative index of women's autonomy.
Main Findings: The empirical findings show that empowering women and their six-dimensional effects are positive for women's years and jobs, legal advertisements, health care institutions, social participation, safe, smooth surroundings, communication, politics and residential negative participation, unpaid housekeeping, and the fear of violence. The results show that women's empowerment is positive.
Applications of this study: This study can be more effective in the manner that to offer women free advice about their rights through electronic media, the government should establish an integrated legal cell with the local government.
Novelty/Originality of this study: This research contribution in the field of women empowerment that how women can deal with legal advisory, to get jobs, protection in health and institutions.
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Pisapia, Michael Callaghan. "The Authority of Women in the Political Development of American Public Education, 1860–1930." Studies in American Political Development 24, no. 1 (March 5, 2010): 24–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990113.
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Through a comparative historical analysis of the American states, I show how public education was the original policy field through which white American women became empowered as voters and political officials. Women's changing status within the education profession and “school suffrage” rights are an important and overlooked aspect of women's political history, and the rural orientation of state governments and women's increasing administrative authority as county superintendents and rural supervisors of education was pivotal to women's political empowerment. Women's authority, however, varied across regions and across states, with women's authority especially strong in Western states. I find that women in the field of public education were most empowered where there was a history of school suffrage rights, where administrative offices were elective rather than appointed, and where the power of the state superintendent of public instruction was weak. These findings suggest that democratic institutions, more than economic development or state capacity, were fundamental to women's increasing authority in the policy domain that commanded the largest share of state and local resources at the time.
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Goetz, Anne Marie. "No shortcuts to power: constraints on women's political effectiveness in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 4 (November 28, 2002): 549–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004032.
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Numbers of women in public representative office have increased dramatically in Uganda since the introduction of the National Resistance Movement's ‘no party’ system, because affirmative action measures have been taken to reserve seats for them in Parliament and local government. This article offers an assessment of the impact of these measures on women's political effectiveness, examining how far women in Parliament have been able to advance gender equity concerns in key new legislation. The article suggests that the political value of specially created new seats has been eroded by their exploitation as currency for the NRM's patronage system, undermining women's effectiveness as representatives of women's interests once in office. This is because the gate-keepers of access to reserved political space are not the women's movement, or even women voters, but Movement elites. The women's movement in Uganda, though a beneficiary of the NRM's patronage, has become increasingly critical of the deepening authoritarianism of the NRM, pointing out that the lack of internal democracy in the Movement accounts for its failure to follow constitutional commitments to gender equity through to changes in key new pieces of legislation affecting women's rights.
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Xiaoxian, Gao. "From the Heyang Model to the Shaanxi Model: Action Research on Women's Participation in Village Governance." China Quarterly 204 (December 2010): 870–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010001001.
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AbstractIn the fifth village elections in 2003 in Shaanxi province only 184 women were elected as village heads, a mere 0.6 per cent of the total. By the sixth elections in 2006 the number had almost doubled, and by the seventh elections in 2009 it had increased to 544. Together with the women on village Party committees, there were now 1,193 women village officials throughout the province, 4.5 per cent of the total. In contrast to leading women cadres within the formal structures of the political system, these village heads owed their positions not to nomination by upper levels of Party and government leadership but to success in fiercely competitive elections. Their success was the result of a grass-roots movement launched by a civil organization, the Shaanxi Research Association for Women and Family, to mobilize women's political participation. Their activities and trajectories had an impact on the local gender division of labour and entrenched gender attitudes that far surpassed the numbers alone. This article examines the collaboration between the Shaanxi Research Association for Women and Family and the All-China Women's Federation to mobilize women's political participation in Heyang county, Shaanxi province. It particularly focuses on the role of the Research Association in drawing on international feminist practices of women's empowerment to provide participatory based gender training courses as the key to persuading women to confront local and institutional resistance. Collaboration between the Research Association and the Women's Federation opened up access to significant resources both within and outside the system, creating new spaces for the articulation and protection of women's rights. Originating in a grass-roots movement, this collaboration can be seen as an instance of China's contemporary movement for gender equality.
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Bumet, Jennie E. "Situating Sexual Violence in Rwanda (1990–2001): Sexual Agency, Sexual Consent, and the Political Economy of War." African Studies Review 55, no. 2 (September 2012): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0034.
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Abstract:This article situates the sexual violence associated with the Rwandan civil war and 1994 genocide within a local cultural history and political economy in which institutionalized gender violence shaped the choices of Rwandan women and girls. Based on ethnographic research, it argues that Western notions of sexual consent are not applicable to a culture in which colonialism, government policy, war, and scarcity of resources have limited women's access to land ownership, economic security, and other means of survival. It examines emic cultural models of sexual consent and female sexual agency and proposes that sexual slavery, forced marriage, prostitution, transactional sex, nonmarital sex, informal marriage or cohabitation, and customary (bridewealth) marriages exist on a continuum on which female sexual agency becomes more and more constrained by material circumstance. Even when women's choices are limited, women still exercise their agency to survive. Conflating all forms of sex in conflict zones under the rubric of harm undermines women's and children's rights because it reinforces gendered hierarchies and diverts attention from the structural conditions of poverty in postconflict societies.
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Arenawati, Arenawati, Nikki Prafitri, and Yeni Widyastuti. "Affirmative Action Untuk Mengurangi Disparitas Gender Dalam Politik di Kota Serang." Jurnal Administrasi dan Kebijakan Publik 5, no. 1 (November 6, 2020): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jakp.5.1.75-85.2020.
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Affirmative action is a solution to reducing gender disparities in various fields including politics. Efforts to increase women's representation are important in providing justice for women for their political rights, by producing policies that protect women's political rights. The indicator set by the Sustainable Development Goals for gender equality is the number of women's representation in parliament. This research is motivated by the condition where the number of members of the Serang City DPRD for the 2019-2024 period is only 8 women from a total of 45 members or 17%, where this number has not met the 30% quota for women. This study aims to determine the affirmative action taken to reduce gender disparities in politics. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with interactive data analysis techniques. This research finds that from a policy perspective, both the central and local governments have made efforts to carry out affirmative action in the political field even though women's participation in politics is still low. This is inseparable from obstacles in the form of public perceptions of the quality of female cadres, women's self-distrust, factors of family support and family background. The study also found that strengthening the role of political parties through socialization, gender-biased political education and the involvement of female cadres in organizational activities and community empowerment activities can have an effect on reducing the stigma of gender disparity in politics
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Amador, Emma. "Organizing Puerto Rican Domestics: Resistance and Household Labor Reform in the Puerto Rican Diaspora after 1930." International Labor and Working-Class History 88 (2015): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547915000162.
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AbstractOn November 28, 1946, a group of Puerto Rican women picketed the Chicago offices of Castle, Barton, and Associates, a private employment agency that had brought them to the city to become domestic workers. They protested low wages, long hours, and deductions from their pay for transportation and other costs. Their resistance challenged the Puerto Rican and United States governments to both recognize local labor exploitation and grapple with Puerto Rican rights as those of migrant United States citizens. These women made demands on the Puerto Rican state to regulate migrant contract work and sponsor training programs for domestic work. They would succeed as colonial subjects to gain recognition as workers. Nonetheless, they failed to win well-paid, safe, and desirable jobs. This history of Puerto Rican women's domestic work and their struggle for regulation illuminates a formative moment in the history of Puerto Rican women's organizing and activism for labor rights.
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Rasooli, Mohammed Majeed. "Trends of Women's Economic Empowerment in Iraq for the Period 1990-2018." Journal of Economics and Administrative Sciences 27, no. 127 (March 30, 2021): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33095/jeas.v27i127.2143.
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This research aims to study the economic, social, and political reality of Iraqi women by identifying the obstacles and diagnosing their empowerment trends in various fields, assessing the extent of their participation in economic activity, and re-achieving balance between women and men by reducing the gender gap between them and reducing the percentage of female unemployment to the lowest possible level. Is achieved by enhancing confidence in Iraqi women by enacting laws and making decisions that allow them to access resources freely. The researcher used the descriptive and analytical method to deal with information and data related to the research topic over a specific period (1990-2018), using local, Arab, and international reports issued by the United Nations and the World Bank, and the Iraqi Ministry of Planning surveys - the Central Bureau of Statistics and previous studies. Among the researcher's findings in the research conclusion is the necessity of empowering Iraqi women by facilitating their possession of an academic qualification that would increase their skills and confidence in themselves and facilitate their involvement in the labour market. Moreover, amend laws that hurt women working in the government and private sectors and activate the media. In addition to activating positive media for women and society to accept her as a right partner with men in all fields of life and work firmly and complete transparency to enforce criminal laws against perpetrators of violence against women in all its forms.
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Haldane, Hillary. "Varying Perspectives on the Treatment of Domestic Violence in New Zealand." Practicing Anthropology 30, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.30.3.r1p64822x9430589.
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Women's refuges have existed in New Zealand since 1973 and today over two hundred various community and national level organizations work with victims and perpetrators of domestic violence, sexual assault, elder abuse, and child endangerment. New Zealand service providers and government officials view their work in the area of violence against women as part of an international effort with an obligation to uphold the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, or CEDAW as it is widely known, a treaty ratified by the country in 1985. While there is considerable governmental and nongovernmental support for those whose lives are touched by violence, there is also considerable tension over how to best design and deliver the services to those who need them. New Zealand is a diverse nation with a large indigenous population and growing Pasifika and Asian communities. Many of the recent debates center on how to best design programs for a multicultural population while still privileging the rights of the indigenous Maori. New Zealand's experience in addressing violence against women illustrates the disjunction between transnational discourses of violence against women, and the proposed international solutions to the problem, and the local efforts to help survivors from diverse cultural backgrounds. First, I will provide a brief description of how services are designed and delivered in New Zealand. Second, I will outline the main philosophical disagreements found among social service providers. Third, I discuss why research on the front-line has the potential to tell us a great deal about the limits of international treaties and enhance our response to violence against women.
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Bhuiyan, Md Imran Hossain, S. M. Kamrul Hassan, and Kazi Maruful Islam. "Role of Community-based Organisations in Promoting Democratic Local Governance at the Grassroots in Bangladesh." Journal of Development Policy and Practice 3, no. 2 (June 4, 2018): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455133318772410.
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Democratic local governance (DLG) is often regarded as a necessary precondition for transforming lives and livelihoods of people living in the rural areas of developing countries. This article tries to answer how community-based organisations (CBOs) shape the way services are delivered by local government agencies in Bangladesh. Furthermore, the article explores how the community’s, especially women’s, demands and interests are being negotiated at local political institutions. In doing so, the research focuses on Union Parishad (UP) as the core institution of the local power structure and Kachukata Gram Unnayan Parishad (GUP) as the case of a women-led CBO. It has been observed that Kachukata GUP has evolved as a full-fledged CBO over the years and currently mobilises marginalised groups to establish their rights and access to various government and non-government organisations. In addition to ensuring gender-responsive governance, GUP is also creating space for participation and developing interactive relationship between the people and power at the grassroots in Bangladesh.
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Patel, Vibhuti. "Women’s Studies in Praxis: Dr Neera Desai’s Contribution towards Developmental Work for Rural Women in Udwada, South Gujarat." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 25, no. 2 (May 20, 2018): 256–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521518761451.
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Dr Neera Desai personified combination of both theory and praxis in women’s studies that sees itself as an academic discipline to improve women’s status through knowledge construction, teaching and training, documentation, research, and action. She founded Centre for Rural Development (CRD) in SNDT Women’s University, Mumbai to take the learning of women’s studies to transform women’s reality through feminist activism. CRD began its work among rural women in Udwada village of Paradi Taluka in Valsad District of Gujarat by baseline survey to identify the needs of the community. Economic programmes were initiated along with consciousness raising on reasons of subordinate status of women. Involvement of women’s rights activists and women’s studies scholars ensured dialogues on vision, mission, goals, objectives methods of mobilisation and issues to be taken up by the CRD. The interface between macroeconomic changes in the post reform period after 1991. The new industrial belt established in South Gujarat took away young women as industrial workers. In 2013, the SNDTWU authorities decided to give away the CRD to a corporate house to administer as a Corporate Social Responsibility. Nevertheless, women workers and office bearers of the CRD, mentored by Neeraben continue to be active in the development sector as trainers, CBOs, consultants, researchers, writers, elected women representatives in local self-government bodies, social workers in CSR activities and continue to uphold the ethos of CRD. Now they talk in terms of gender sensitisation, practical and strategic gender needs, gender planning and gender budgeting.
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Dulal, Tulasa Devi. "Gender Mainstreaming: Policies at the National and International Level." Journal of Population and Development 1, no. 1 (November 27, 2020): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jpd.v1i1.33117.
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This paper tries to highlight the existing gender mainstreaming policies and practices at national and international level, to establish a clear vision and make commitments to guide the process of gender mainstreaming and women empowerment to achieve the gender equality, justice and fundamental human rights. The advancement of the rule of law at the national and international levels is thus, essential for the protection of fundamental human rights and freedom. Nepal has an obligation to take an effective action against all such malpractices. Nepal has participated and ratified the gender policies in all Conventions and conferences. To fulfill this very obligation, it has introduced some legal provisions and made an attempt to implement them. Due to this region, Nepal has started to address the gender issues from sixth five year plan to till now. Planned efforts to improve the situation of women began during the Sixth Plan (1981- 1985) but its approach was welfare-driven. The Interim plan (2008-2011) focused the gender responsive budget and allocated the 33 percent reservation in every state structure. The constitution of Nepal 2015, article 11 (5) and (7) compromises the ability of women to independently confer citizenship to her child. Likewise, there are many domestic legal regimes existed here. The fifteenth periodic plan approach paper, 2020 emphasizes the gender equivalence in local level. Government policies are stated with high priorities for gender main streaming policies. The experience shows that ensuring the provisions of equal rights in the constitution is important, but at the same time, proper implementation of those provisions is equally important to balance the theoretical and practical gap of gender and development. The review follows the major discourses that influenced the gender mainstreaming agenda in the form of statements in women's movements, policy documents, laws, press materials, and experiential reflection and everyday narratives captured through existing research.
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Usman Syaroni, Sri Sunarti Purwaningsih, Widjajanti M. Santoso,. "The Quest of Society and Marriage as Local and Global Context, the Syariah in Indonesia." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 20, 2021): 5390–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1796.
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The implementation of sharia in business and economy makes great progress, however, in society, there are many doubts, such as in marriages. Globalization and the internet have produced a disruptive context where past habits and knowledge changed dramatically. This article shows the disruptive context, by using critics of society as a concept and use women and marriage as a case. The arguments are marriage is a local context, as well as global, the mobility of people, have made marriage accessible from people of different religions, and nationalities, however, the registering is problematic. The research uses ‘controversial’ marriage in terms of religiosity, on sirri marriage, its bat (registered marriage), contracted marriage, and marriage between people with different religions. All of these cases are ’controversial due to ineligibility to register that should be based on one religion and cases of people who resist the registering. This qualitative research finds out that marriage is a long-lasting debate and discourses that continues until now, the government has made that registering the marriage is an obligation after the marriage process in front of the religion. Marriage has changed from societal norms, a specific ritual with many symbols, to civil rights and duties. Only people with such a legitimate marriage process can claims protection under the law. Those who support polygamy, child marriage and sirri, use religious arguments, neglecting women's and children's interests. The result shows women as unprotected citizens due to polygamy, child marriage, and marriage between people with different religions. This is an agenda for the discourse of Sharia in the state and societal level that should be able to produce justice and belongings, to all citizens.
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Dolidovich, Olesia, and Tatiana Karchaeva. "Political mobilization of women in the 1920s (On materials of the Yenisei province)." Woman in russian society, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21064/winrs.2020.2.11.
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The article is devoted to the study of mass political mobilization of women in the 1920s. The problem is considered on the materials of the Yenisei province. The authors used a wide range of archival materials and local periodicals. They showed that the party and the state did not have the means to carry out full-scale, systematic work among women. The women’s departments experienced a permanent shortage of personnel and lack of funding. But they explained to women their civil and political rights, developed the delegate movement, worked to eliminate illiteracy, increase the electoral activity of women and their representation in government. Female workers and peasant women demonstrated a weak motivation for participation in public and political life, a low ability to make managerial decisions, and the assimilation of a new gender role. Party leaders in the regions of the country for a long time did not understand the purposes and meaning of Soviet policy on women and virtually ignored it. The authors concluded that the situation could not be different in agrarian regions with undeveloped social infrastructure, insignificant industrial production, predominance of rural population with such features as low level of education and social mobility, collectivism, religiosity. For this reason, the next stage of the national gender policy in 1930—1950s was associated with the process of accelerated economic modernization of the country.
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Tugiyarti, Urip Tugiyarti, Santoso Santoso Santoso, Muhammad Akhyar Akhyar, and Sapja Anantanyu Anantanyu. "The Relationship between Pregnant Women’s Perception of the Integrated ANC Program with Pregnant Women’s Behavior in the Integrated ANC Program." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF NURSING AND MIDWIFERY SCIENCE (IJNMS) 4, no. 1 (May 27, 2020): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.29082/ijnms/2020/vol4/iss1/245.
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Relationship between Pregnant Women’s Perception of the Integrated ANC Program with Pregnant Women’s Behavior in the Integrated ANC Program
Urip Tugiyarti(1), Santoso (2), Muhammad Akhyar(3), Sapja Anantanyu(4)
1) Study Program of Community Development/Empowerment Counseling in Health Promotion Interest, Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta
2)Faculty of Medicine, Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta
3) Faculty of Education, Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta
4) Development Counseling Study Program, Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta
ABSTRACT
Background: Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) is very high in the world; recorded 800 women die every day due to complications of pregnancy and childbirth. The causes of maternal mortality in Indonesia are very diverse, both medical and non-medical. For this reason, efforts to accelerate the reduction of MMR and accelerate the SDGs achievement must be carried out comprehensively by involving cross-programs in the Health Office, across sectors, DPRD in local government, professional, religious/community organizations, private sector, NGOs and donor institutions. This is relevant as a reference, because maternal health conditions, especially pregnant women, in Indonesia are still far from expectations. Ensuring maternal health efforts is not limited to curative treatment, but must be balanced with preventive efforts. Preventive efforts are very important, because health status cannot be obtained instantly. The preventive effort aims to prevent the occurrence of maternal deaths and fulfill the rights of every pregnant woman to obtain quality health services so that she is able to undergo a healthy pregnancy, deliver safely and give birth to a healthy and quality baby, and pregnant women must understand and carry out integrated antenatal care (ANC). The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between perceptions of pregnant women about the integrated ANC program with the behavior of pregnant women in the integrated ANC program.
Subject and Method: This study uses a quantitative research method with a cross sectional approach carried out in Bantul Regency. 175 respondents were selected using the cluster proportional random sampling technique. The criteria of respondents are pregnant women with more than 12 weeks gestational age in second and third Trimester. The instruments of data collection used were questionnaires. Data were analyzed with path analysis method and SEM to test the correctness of the structural models available on the lisrel program.
Research Result: The results of the analysis show that there is a relationship between the perception of pregnant women about the integrated ANC program with the mother behavior in the integrated ANC program (0.42, t value = 8.70).
Conclusion: There is a positive and significant relationship between the perceptions of pregnant women about the integrated ANC program with the mother behavior in the integrated ANC program.
Keywords: pregnant women, perception, pregnant women behavior, integrated ANC program.
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Feeley, Claire, Gill Thomson, and Soo Downe. "Understanding how midwives employed by the National Health Service facilitate women’s alternative birthing choices: Findings from a feminist pragmatist study." PLOS ONE 15, no. 11 (November 20, 2020): e0242508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0242508.
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UK legislation and government policy favour women’s rights to bodily autonomy and active involvement in childbirth decision-making including the right to decline recommendations of care/treatment. However, evidence suggests that both women and maternity professionals can face challenges enacting decisions outside of sociocultural norms. This study explored how NHS midwives facilitated women’s alternative physiological birthing choices–defined in this study as ‘birth choices that go outside of local/national maternity guidelines or when women decline recommended treatment of care, in the pursuit of a physiological birth’. The study was underpinned by a feminist pragmatist theoretical framework and narrative methodology was used to collect professional stories of practice via self-written narratives and interviews. Through purposive and snowball sampling, a diverse sample in terms of age, years of experience, workplace settings and model of care they operated within, 45 NHS midwives from across the UK were recruited. Data were analysed using narrative thematic that generated four themes that described midwives’ processes of facilitating women’s alternative physiological births: 1. Relationship building, 2. Processes of support and facilitation, 3. Behind the scenes, 4. Birth facilitation. Collectively, the midwives were involved in a wide range of alternative birth choices across all birth settings. Fundamental to their practice was the development of mutually trusting relationships with the women which were strongly asserted a key component of safe care. The participants highlighted a wide range of personal and advanced clinical skills which was framed within an inherent desire to meet the women’s needs. Capturing what has been successfully achieved within institutionalised settings, specifically how, maternity providers may benefit from the findings of this study.
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Busingye, John. "Tackling Gender poverty relations within Households through micro-credit Programs in Uganda." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 6, no. 12 (December 14, 2019): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.612.7461.
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The study mainly set out to investigate the factors that influence gender relations in Uganda. This paper contributes to the body of knowledge by determining the local gender context influencing gender poverty relations in the face of micro-credit programs and practices in Uganda. The study was grounded on the feminist conflict theory. Women accessing and utilizing microcredit programs from Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations (SACCOs) in Mbarara (MM) and Bushenyi-Ishaka Municipalities (BIM) of South West Uganda provided the contextual setting of the study.
Data was collected from a total of 198 respondents by use of interviews and focused group discussions. The study findings show that age, women’s marital status, the level of formal education, number of children depending on women, assets for collateral and signature requirements were the main factors influencing gender poverty relations within households in Uganda. The study contends that poverty and gender relations influence access to microcredit programs. The study then recommends that SACCOS should formulate gender inclusive strategies like alternative means of collateral and introduce women friendly modes of access to microcredit services as a strategy for tackling poverty among women in Uganda. The government is also advised to sensitize the public about gender poverty relations, human rights and increasing household income using the available media.
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Basarudin, Azza, and Khanum Shaikh. "The Contours of Speaking Out." Meridians 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8117746.
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Abstract This article discusses the vexed relationship between women’s activism, state security, and feminist empowerment by focusing on the Department of Homeland Security’s Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) initiative, a program that seeks to build partnerships between government agencies and Muslim communities to prevent homegrown terrorism. From its inception, CVE has been controversial among Muslim and non-Muslim leaders within Southern California’s civil rights communities. While some suggest that American Muslims must play a leading role in countering domestic terrorism by working with government agencies, others feel that these partnerships are only meant to extend surveillance into Muslim communities. In this article, the authors critically examine how women are incorporated into local counterterrorism measures via CVE to think about the impact of such incorporation on their intimate, familial, and community relationships in the local politics of the War on Terror. The authors are interested in how liberal feminist discourses of motherhood and empowerment are appropriated in the service of national security and how such articulations of feminism domesticate and delink critique from the politics of racial solidarity and empire in the increasingly xenophobic sociopolitical landscape of the United States. Based on ethnographic research in Southern California’s Muslim communities, the authors trace the complex contours of women’s agency and the transnational politics of “Muslim America.” The authors draw on intersectional and anti-imperialist theories, as well as a body of feminist securitization scholarship to think about the ways that women’s activism, communal resistance, and national security are interlinked in the construction of the discourses around counterterrorism and their affiliated policies.
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Karimi, Sedigheh. "The Virtual Sphere and the Women’s Movement in Post-Reform Iran." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 9, no. 05 (May 15, 2018): 20430–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr/2018/9/05/509.
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The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.
Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement.
The present study provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.
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Karimi, Sedigheh. "The State of Female Activities in Iran and the Internet." World Journal of Social Science Research 6, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v6n2p217.
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<p><em>The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.</em></p><p><em>Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement. </em></p><em>The present study, covers the period from 2005 to 2017, provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.</em>
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Gmür, Désirée. "Not Affected the Same Way: Gendered Outcomes for Commons and Resilience Grabbing by Large-Scale Forest Investors in Tanzania." Land 9, no. 4 (April 18, 2020): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land9040122.
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The topic of large-scale land acquisition (LSLA) has attracted wide interest in the literature and the media. However, there is little work on the gendered institutional changes and gendered impacts on common pool resources (CPR) due to LSLA. The aim of this paper is to address these impacts. This is done by discussing data from participatory research (using the methods of participatory observation, semi-structured and narrative interviews, biographies, focus group discussions, value chain analysis, and household questionnaires) on a forestry plantation operated by the British investor, the New Forests Company (NFC) in the Kilolo district, in the Iringa region. The institutional arrangements regarding different land-related common pool resources from pre-colonial times until the arrival of this investment will be shown. Furthermore, how these arrangements have changed over time and since the LSLA is presented. Then, the effects on men’s and women’s access to CPR and, thus, the impacts on their capacities to perform their reproductive work and resilience will be addressed. Furthermore, the paper focuses on how different stakeholders in the land deal (the investor, the government, different local people) make use of these different institutions to push through their own interests regarding the land. Finally, the paper looks at collective compensation payments (such as monetary compensation and jobs) and forms of corporate social responsibility (CSR) schemes, and how they are perceived emically. It is argued that the LSLA in this case clearly grabs land and land-related common pool resources that were previously held in common. Women, such as daughters, sisters, and wives, had specific access and property rights to these. Thus, the paper concludes that this grabbing lowers women’s resilience and deprives them of important resources for their livelihoods, and for food and cash production at critical times. CSR programmes and compensation rarely reach women and are, for them, an anti-politics machine, hiding the grabbing processes, and impacting the poorest of the poor, while the company uses a development discourse to legitimise its activities. In fact, the people perceive the investment as trapping them in underdevelopment.
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Добровольська, В. А. "The role of secondary school in the training of women skilled personnel of Katerynoslav province in the II half of the XIX – early XX centuries." Grani 22, no. 9-10 (December 13, 2019): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171991.
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The point of this study is to cover the issue of history of women’s secondary education in Katerynoslavprovince in the 2nd half of the XIX – early XX centuries. Patriarchal judgments and views on the women’srole have been characteristic of the society of the Russian Empire for centuries. It has been found out thatthe democratic reforms of the 60-70s of the XIX century marked the beginning of the changes towardswomanhood. The historical premises for the formation of the women’s education system are covered. Itis established that the creation of women’s educational institutions of all classes in terms of legislativeframework begins in the 1950’s. Women’s educational institutions were subordinate to different institutionsand had different organizational and educational backgrounds. Thus, the Ministry of Public Education hadthe most rights and opportunities in the sphere of education. In addition to state schools, there were privateand public schools. It is established that the new system of educational sector management is claimed asstate-public. The main types of general secondary schools in Katerynoslav province in the II half of theXIX – early XX centuries were gymnasiums, progymnasiums, parochial secondary school for girls. Thefeatures of the financial situation of the gymnasiums on the example of certain educational institutions arerevealed. Thus, a large number of women’s gymnasiums and progymnasiums and their popularity withthe population were directly related to the rapid economic development of the region and the vigorousactivity of local self-government bodies. The content of education of those secondary schools is defined.The popularity of gymnasiums with the population comes from their class-inclusive nature. The range ofwomen’s gymnasiums in the early XX century is distinguished on grounds of division into classes andreligion. Education for daughters of clergymen was of a limited nature compared to the gymnasiums. As aresult, women’s religious secondary education evolved less dynamically. It is established that the religiousaffairs authority opened professional secondary educational institutions – parochial secondary school forgirls – primarily for the daughters of clergymen. There was only one such school in Katerynoslav province– in the principal town of the province. The content of the education of parochial secondary school forgirls is described. The proportion of disciplines of the humanities and mathematical and natural sciences iscompared. The article states that the end of the XIX - early XX centuries was marked by the decline in thesystem of parochial secondary school for girls, and defines the content of the reforms of the religious affairsauthority. The sources of funding of Katerynoslav parochial secondary school for girls and gymnasiums arecompared. The role of parochial secondary school for girls in the problem of providing public school withteachers is figured out.
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LLOYD, MOYA. "(Women’s) human rights: paradoxes and possibilities." Review of International Studies 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007322.
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Such is its pervasiveness that human rights discourse is used to legitimise humanitarian and military intervention in the affairs of other states, provide a rationale for ‘ethical’ foreign policy, justify the punishment of war crimes, and validate the formation of international coalitions mandated to eradicate terrorism wherever its is found. At grass-roots level, human rights talk is deployed to lobby governments and to press for socioeconomic and legal change, to combat the dehumanising treatment of specific populations, to ground educational initiatives and spawn local, national, international, and sometimes global networks oriented to its advancement, and to induce the patient and meticulous documentation of its violations. In terms of women, human rights activism has been instrumental in problematising violence against women, prompting the recognition by the UN Human Rights Commission in 1992 of rape during war as a form of torture, and as a war crime or crime against humanity in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (which came into force in 2001). It also led to the appointment in 1994 by the UN Human Rights Commission of Radhika Coomaraswamy as the first Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women and its Causes and Consequences. Activities centring on human rights produced the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which was adopted by the UN General Assembly on 18 December 1979 and became operational as an international treaty on 3 September 1981 when it was ratified by its twentieth signatory.
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LAVILLE, HELEN. "“Women of Conscience” or “Women of Conviction”? The National Women's Committee on Civil Rights." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (July 31, 2009): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990077.
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This paper explores the history of the National Women's Committee on Civil Rights (NWCCR). Called into being at the behest of President Kennedy, the NWCCR was an attempt to enlist the support of the organized women of America in the advancement of civil rights. The NWCCR had two main goals: first, to offer support for the passage of Kennedy's civil rights legislation, and second, to encourage their branch membership to work in support of integration. However, whilst the majority of the NWCCR's affiliated organizations had passed resolutions in favour of integration both throughout the United States and within their own organization, in practice they were reluctant to threaten the internal stability of their associations by insisting on either integrated membership or active support of civil rights in the local community. This article will argue that whilst the NWCCR were successful in organizing lobbying for the 1964 Civil Rights Act, they were unwilling to throw their weight behind efforts to encourage activism in local communities. Whilst key members of the NWCCR saw an important role for women in the implementation of civil rights at the community level, they were forced to conclude that the organizational structure and ethical inertia of the NWCCR did not make it a suitable medium for furthering racial justice.
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Davis, Martha F. "Welfare Rights and Women's Rights in the 1960s." Journal of Policy History 8, no. 1 (January 1996): 144–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005066.
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The year 1966 is often cited as the start of the “second wave” of the organized women's movement, marked by the formation of the National Organization for Women (NOW). However, 1966 also marked the formal inception of another, less enduring group of women activists, the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO), linked to a separate but related social movement focused on welfare rights. From 1966 to 1975, NWRO coordinated welfare mothers' activism to shore up public assistance for the poor and to establish a federally guaranteed annual income. At its height in 1968, NWRO claimed twenty thousand members nationwide and dozens of local chapters from California to New York.
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Akhmetova, Elmira. "Women's Rights: The Qur'anic Ideals and Contemporary Realities." ICR Journal 6, no. 1 (January 15, 2015): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v6i1.356.
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This article is a study of the rights of women in Islam in comparison with the status of women in the contemporary Muslim world. Men and women in Islam, regardless of their age, social class and education, are equal as citizens and individuals, but not identical, in their rights and responsibilities. It suggests that, in the early age of Islam, women were given full confidence, trust and high responsibilities in leadership, educational guidance and decision-making. But this Islamic empowerment of women bears little relation to the real condition of women in modern Muslim societies. Women suffer the most in the MENA and other conflict-ridden regions from insecurity, domestic abuse, low access to education and medical care. The absence of good governance also results in gender inequality and violation of the rights of women. Without good governance, the status of women is not likely to improve. Muslim women have a potential to play a fundamental role in curbing corruption, social ills, violence and crime in the Muslim world. Therefore, in order to achieve stability and prosperity, the government must ensure a platform for women to participate in decision-making and benefit from the rights they are accorded in Islam.
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Koolaee, Elaheh. "Iranian Women from Private Sphere to Public Sphere, With Focus on Parliament." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2009): 401–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12625876281587.
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AbstractWomen in Iran have gained unprecedented experiences in the course of their fight for democracy and human rights. In the Pahlavi era, the modernisation model was based on Western patterns. With the Islamic Revolution, a new generation of Iranian women emerged in social arenas. Ayatollah Khomeini always emphasised women's prominent and important role in social life. His views shed light on potentials for women's rights, but the obstacle of old cultural and historical attitudes have made these ideas difficult to actualise. The weakness of civil organisations, including women's political and non-political organisations, has seriously affected the outcomes. Although a reformist government and the reinforcement of governmental institutions concerned with women's affairs can play a part in improving the situation of women, women's civil society organisations can assume responsibilities at social levels in order to complement the role of the representatives. The author discusses the process of women's entrance in the public sphere and efforts by the 6th parliament to protect their rights.
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Gyulnara Ilyasbekovna, Gadzhimuradova. "The Role of Women in the Political Discourse of Muslim Countries." Islamovedenie 11, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-11-3-5-23.
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The article is devoted to the problem of gender equality in Tunisia, Lebanon and Turkey. These countries belong to the Arab-Muslim world, where religious traditions and Sharia law are strong. The authors show what path these countries have taken in addressing gender equality is-sues and outline the role of women themselves in addressing the question of their rights. The article shows the results of women's struggle for their rights and the ways women's right to equality are implemented in each country. The authors emphasize the importance of women's participation in the social and political life of countries. They use the examples of Tunisia, Leb-anon and Turkey that, on the one hand, are part of the Muslim world, and, on the other hand, adhere to secular principles of government at the legislative level. The article shows that tradi-tions are still strong in these countries, and religion is a powerful social and political factor that affects the current state of gender equality and hinders women's participation in politics at dif-ferent levels of government. The study attempts to demonstrate the role governments and vari-ous Islamic movements play in shaping public policy towards women and their rights, and the role of women themselves in the society and in addressing gender equality issues.
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Moenne, María Elena Acuña. "Embodying Memory: Women and the Legacy of the Military Government in Chile." Feminist Review 79, no. 1 (March 2005): 150–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400203.
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The article argues that the prohibition of abortion in Chile, other than when the mother's life is in danger, is a form of human rights violation targeting women specifically. The Pro-Birth Policy was established in Pinochet's Chile as a response to the previous government's attempts, under Allende, to encourage family planning and to educate and inform women about their choices. This had been done to put an end to the increase in back-street abortions with the inevitable toll on women's lives. Pinochet's regime reversed these women-oriented family planning policies, and criminalized abortion, on the basis of costs to the state and, more importantly, the need to increase the birth rate for reasons of national security. Women's bodies were used by the Pinochet regime, both by sexual violence and torture, and by the denial of women's reproductive and sexual rights, as a means to impose discipline and order on society. The fact that this is still not acknowledged in the construction of a collective memory indicates that the issue has not yet been resolved in democratic Chile.
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BOCHEL, CATHERINE, and HUGH BOCHEL. "Exploring the Low Levels of Women's Representation in Japanese Local Government." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (December 2005): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001957.
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Although women have consistently outvoted men in elections in Japan since the 1970s, the country has a relatively poor record in terms of women being elected to representative bodies. In recent years, there have been increases, particularly in the number of women in the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors, but at the local level the rate of change has been slower.As in other states, a number of propositions have been put forward to explain the low numbers of women in local assemblies. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including the developing literature and interviews with women councillors and others, this article seeks to identify the variety of factors that have contributed to holding down levels of female representation in local government in Japan. It examines these in the context of recent changes and considers the extent to which there is the prospect for further change.
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M. Yoserizal Saragih. "Women Journalist in the Middle of Taliban Power." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 8, no. 3 (September 7, 2021): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v8i3.152.
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This article reviews women journalists in the midst of Taliban rule which is being highly discussed in various worlds today. The purpose of this paper is to increase knowledge about what is happening at this time. This paper is a descriptive analysis that aims to describe, inventory, and analyze the conditions being investigated in a systematic, factual and accurate manner, then from the results of the analysis a conclusion can be drawn. The results of the discussion show that after the Taliban succeeded in taking power on August 15, 2021Taliban will respect women's rights, but these rights must be within the limits of Islamic sharia law, women can study and work, women can join the government, Urqa is no longer required as well as women's rights are fulfilled. However, behind the Taliban's power, female journalists in Afghanistan have their own challenges because their rights as women in that country are limited. Since the transfer of power, women journalists in Afghanistan have been threatened, as has been reported in various media.
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Yunarti, Sri, Muhammad Syakir, Desmita Desmita, and Elfi Elfi. "REFLECTION OF LOCAL WISDOM ON WOMEN'S RIGHTS IN MINANGKABAU INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES." AGENDA: Jurnal Analisis Gender dan Agama 3, no. 1 (June 19, 2021): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31958/agenda.v3i1.3705.
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Women in Minangkabau traditional culture are Limpepeh Rumah Nan Gadang which are symbols of the existence of harmonization of households; guarantee of the quality of human resources both in terms of inheritance and descendants, and guarantee of knowledge and availability of family food. This research is conducted in the Minangkabau community within Luhak Nan Tuo area, particularly in the Tanah Datar Regency community. By using the interview method, it reflects three stages of women’s position in Minangkabau descriptively. These stages are (1) in decision making to determine assets in the family economy, (2) in the working distribution, and (3) in managing family finances. From the result of the study, it can be seen that the position of women in making decisions is still in the second position even though in the end the women who act as bundo kanduang are still being asked for opinions in terms of protecting reproductive health which indicated in decreasing point. There has been a change in working distribution in which the women are allowed to work not only in domestic sectors but also in public sectors. However, women’s position in managing family finances are getting decreased. This is as a result of culture and its values in structural, solidarity, existence of the society. Bundo kanduang institution in Nagari is the basis for empirical empowerment and local wisdom on women's rights. It is just a sub-section of the institution that deals with women's, social, children, youth and women's issues. The social reality where the domestication of discrimination has implications for women. There is still a strong gender bias of community leaders. At least, there are female figures who are able to act as agents for women's empowerment in cultural studies.
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Berik, Günseli. "State Policy in the 1980s and the Future of Women's Rights in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 4 (1990): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000224.
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The 1980s witnessed the rise of feminist and Islamic fundamentalist movements in Turkey. In diametrically opposed ways, both movements pushed the debate over women's issues and rights in Turkey into the spotlight of public discussion. The feminist movement made visible, and condemned, acts of physical violence against women, problematized women's lack of substantive rights, and the articles of the Criminal Code that discriminate against women. For the Islamic fundamentalists, on the other hand, women's right to wear headscarves in educational institutions and government offices was a focal and continuous rallying point throughout the 1980s. Less prominent have been campaigns by Islamic groups to segregate men and women in public life, by calling for separate buses, hospitals for men and women. While the feminist movement remained an informally organized, non-parliamentary opposition group, Islamists gained ground within state institutions by virtue of being a vocal constituency of the conservative ruling party in power since 1983. Apparently in response to the heightened debate concerning women's status, in the latter half of the 1980s and especially in the past year the government put legal measures into effect, creating legal obligations at the international level and institutional structures at the governmental level to address issues concerning women.
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Ann Tétreault, Mary. "Women's Rights in Kuwait: Bringing in the Last Bedouins?" Current History 99, no. 633 (January 1, 2000): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.633.27.
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The defeat [of legislation that would grant women political rights] is a stark measure of the distrust that pervades government–parliament relations, and of the inability of Kuwaiti governing institutions to rise above patterns of conflictthat have poisoned national political life for many years.
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Shepherd, Lois, and Hilary D. Turner. "The Over-Medicalization and Corrupted Medicalization of Abortion and its Effect on Women Living in Poverty." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 46, no. 3 (2018): 672–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110518804222.
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Many current abortion regulations represent an over-medicalization of abortion or a corruption of abortion's true medical nature, with disproportionate consequences to women with lower incomes and lesser means. This article explores the effects of unnecessary and harmful abortion restrictions on women living in poverty. A brief summary of the major abortion rights cases explains how the Constitution, as currently interpreted, vests the government and sometimes the medical profession with the power to protect women's health, rather than granting this power to women themselves. The article then argues for a new approach for protecting women's health and respecting their dignity by reframing reproductive rights as health rights that women themselves can assert.
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Almeida, Maria Antónia de Figueiredo Pires de. "Women Mayors in Portugal: A Case Study in Political Representation and Citizenship." Revista de Sociologia e Política 26, no. 68 (December 2018): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678987318266804.
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Abstract Introduction The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women’s access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.
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SHEHABUDDIN, ELORA. "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh: Women, Democracy and the Transformation of Islamist Politics." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (March 2008): 577–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003204.
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AbstractThis article argues that leaders of the Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh regularly invoke women's privileged status as mothers to counter the claims of the largely secularist non-governmental organizations operating in the country today that Islam has been harmful to women and that the only route to progress is to discard the shackles of religion and tradition. The current Jamaat rhetoric marks a significant change from the original Jamaat position—elaborated by the party's founder Abul Ala Maududi—that women's divinely ordained place is in the home. Now, several decades later, Jamaat leaders in Bangladesh still enjoin women to fulfil domestic obligations; however, they also go to great lengths to highlight Islam's recognition of women as ‘individuals’ with ‘individual’ responsibilities to God and Islam as well as Islam's support for women's right to study, work and vote. I contend that the Jamaat in Bangladesh has been prompted to undertake these recent modifications by specific developments in local social and political contexts, specifically the twin pressures on the Jamaat of operating in a functioning, if often imperfect, democratic polity; and of competing with more secular organizations for the hearts, minds and votes of impoverished women.
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Raymond Kwasi Boasinke. "Women’s Participation in Local Government: An Assessment of Enhancers and Inhibitors in the Komenda-Edina-Eguafo-Abirem Municipality." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3234.
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The participation of women in local government is one of the burning governance issues in the world today. Such participation is expected to serve as a springboard to propel women to participate at the national level. However, an analysis of women’s participation in local government reveals that women are grossly underrepresented. This study assessed the factors that enhance and inhibit women’s participation in local government as elected representatives in the Komenda-Edina-Eguafo-Abirem Municipality of the Central Region of Ghana. The qualitative approach was used to conduct in-depth interviews using a census of all the elected past and present assembly members in the Municipality. The study revealed that women's participation at the household level, training and education by Non-Governmental Organizations, and cordial working relationship with male colleagues in local government were the main enhancers of women's participation in local government. The inhibiting factors revealed by the study included financial constraints, unreasonably high expectations, and the non-cooperative attitudes of community members. It is recommended that women and girls be made an integral part of household decision-making. Women who contest local elections should be supported financially. The NGOs that ran programs to empower women to participate in local government should be encouraged and supported.
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Dzwonkowska-Godula, Krystyna. "„A vindication of the rights of woman” – activity of watchdog organisations in the area of reproductive rights in Poland." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica, no. 69 (June 22, 2019): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-600x.69.04.
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The article discusses watchdog activities in the area of reproductive rights undertaken by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Poland. This analysis covered the activity of two organisations: Childbirth with Dignity Foundation and Federation for Women, and Family Planning, which were selected for the study due to both of the history and scope of their activity. The different types of watchdog actions undertaken by both NGOs were identified and examples of observation and monitoring, whistleblowing, interventions, legal and political actions and activity in field of education and social activisation are presented. Both watchdog organisations are active on the macrostructural level influencing the politics, legal regulations and social awareness as well as the mezzo- and microstructural level by controlling public institutions in the local communities and supporting and empowering individuals. They not only vindicate women’s rights, but also encourage and prepare women to react to violations of their reproductive rights.
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Atuhaire, Pearl K., and Sylvia Blanche Kaye. "Through the lens of forced displacement : refugee women's rights as human rights." World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology 6, no. 2 (2016): 454–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51415/10321/2983.
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While the need for equal access to civil, political as well as economic, social and cultural rights is clear under the international law, the adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against women in 1979 made this even clearer. Despite this positive progress, the abuse of refugee women's rights is one of the basic underlying root causes of their marginalisation and violence in their countries of asylum. This paper presents a critical review on the development of refugee women's rights at the international levels and national levels. It provides an array of scholarly literature on this issue and examines the measures taken by the international community to curb the problem of violence against women in their various provisions through the instruments set. It is cognizant of the fact that even if conflict affects both refugee women and men, the effects on women refugees are deep-reaching, due to the cultural strongholds they face. An important aspect of this paper is that it is conceptualised against the fact that refugee women face the problem of sexual and gender based first as refugees and second as women, yet, their rights are stumbled upon. Often times they have been rendered "worthless victims" who are only in need of humanitarian assistance than active participants committed to change their plight through their participation in political, economic and social participation in their societies. Scholars have taken notice of the fact that women's rights in refugee settings have been marginalized and call for a need to incorporate their perspectives in the planning and management of refugee settings in which they live. Underpinning this discussion is feminism theory which gives a clear understanding of the root cause of refugee women's problems. Finally, this paper suggests that these policies should be translated into action at local, national international and regional levels to ensure sustainable peace.
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Miles, Lilian, Suzan Lewis, Lai Wan Teng, and Suziana Mat Yasin. "Advocacy for women migrant workers in Malaysia through an intersectionality lens." Journal of Industrial Relations 61, no. 5 (January 16, 2019): 682–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185618814580.
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Analysing labour migration through the lens of intersectionality provides valuable insights into the complex identities of women migrant workers and the multiple discriminations they struggle with. Intersectionality advocates argue that only through adopting such an approach can women’s multiple discriminations be challenged. Drawing on a case study of seven non-governmental organisations and one focus group of women migrant workers in a non-Western context, Malaysia, we explore how advocacy organisations understand, interpret and adopt an intersectional approach in advancing the rights of its women migrant workers. We show that there are challenges, specific to the local context, which reduce the likelihood of organisations doing so. The Malaysian experience likely has significance for similar advocacy in other Asian countries.
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Wondim, Yetimwork Anteneh. "Recognition and Protection of Women's Rights and Gender in FDRE Constitution and Other Laws of Ethiopia." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 7, no. 2 (April 2020): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2020040103.
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Irrespective of their contribution, women in Ethiopia have been facing issues like violence, gender-based discrimination, access to education and training, lack of basic human rights protection, and others. Girls' enrollment in education at all levels is much lower than boys. Female education is hampered mainly by the sexual division of labor, which confines girls to household activities. In addition, women have been suffering from gender-based violence under the guise of tradition and culture but condoned by society. In response to these problems, the Government of Ethiopia adopted relevant instruments pertaining to gender including the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), The Beijing Platform for Action, The Ethiopian Constitution, and various other policies and establishing the national machinery for addressing gender issues. However, several challenges still exist in the realization of women's rights. Therefore, all the respect and protection given for human rights should also be given to women because women's rights are human rights.
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Islam, A. S. M. Monowarul. "Women Participation and Empowerment System under Government Institutions and Constitution from 1971-2020." Scholedge International Journal of Multidisciplinary & Allied Studies ISSN 2394-336X 7, no. 8 (January 18, 2021): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/sijmas070801.
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This study focuses on the vital points of women participation and empowerment system under government institution and constitution through exploring previous hypothetical strategic women empowerment model. Women's Empowerment is one of the most challenging steps in our society. They are deprived of political leadership opportunities at all levels of the government. Their equal participation in governance and all other sectors is not only a matter of participation or democracy but also it is natural that women’s interest to be taken into account as a strong issue. For the sake of the true development of a society women’s participation in every section of life is a must. And most of the countries of the world have understood the fact that by keeping half of the population idle at home, progress is not possible and at the same time women will be deprived of their human rights. As human beings, they have equal rights like men to lead a life with dignity and they have the same potentiality to do something for the betterment of this world. Environment and facilities must be increased so that women can enhance their confidence, develop their skills and personality to play a vital role in the development of society as well as a country. Their rights must be included and preserved by the constitution of a country. In Bangladesh, the constitutional safeguard can be seen as a milestone for ensuring women's equal access and increased participation in political power structure for ensuring their participation, strengthening the government as well as for the sustainable development of Bangladesh. Undoubtedly, the elected reserve seats for women by the constitutions help to promote participation and women's access to the decision-making process. Through their participation is not practically much ensured, reserve seats promote women empowerment. But it is a matter of sorrow that, due to social, political, and cultural barriers, elected women members in government institutions cannot play their effective role. This study seeks to critically evaluate the extent of women’s political participation and empowerment under government institutions and constitution from 1971-2020.
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McDermott, Joseph P. "WOMEN OF PROPERTY IN CHINA, 960–1368: A SURVEY OF THE SCHOLARSHIP." International Journal of Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (June 2004): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147959140400021x.
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The issue of women's property rights during the Song dynasty has been heatedly debated for over half a century. First in Japan, and then in China, Taiwan and the West, scholars have developed strikingly divergent views of the legal and social dimensions of Song women's claims to property and control over their remarriage as widows. This article discusses and assesses the different views, particularly those of Bettine Birge in her recent book-length analysis of the topic. In siding largely with earlier studies that stressed Song women's legally backed rights to property as daughters, wives and widows, Birge's work provides the most comprehensive and persuasive treatment of this debate in any language. In addition, she discusses the fate of Chinese widows, accustomed to remarrying under favourable terms in the Song, and then suffering during the Yuan serious restrictions on their options for remarriage as well as on their property rights. The turning point, according to this book, was the merger of Mongol government and neo-Confucian court interests in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, thereby depriving women of many powers they had acquired in the Song.
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Grant, Aimee. "“#discrimination”." Journal of Human Lactation 32, no. 1 (June 25, 2015): 141–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0890334415592403.
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Background: Stigma is a significant barrier to breastfeeding. Internationally, mothers have reported stigma surrounding public breastfeeding. In the United Kingdom, the Equality Act 2010 gives women the right to breastfeed in public, including within private businesses. In April 2014, a woman who was breastfeeding in a UK sports shop was asked to leave, resulting in a localized protest by breastfeeding mothers. This resulted in the issue of public breastfeeding being highlighted in local, national, and social media. Objective: To examine online opinion regarding breastfeeding in public and protesting about the right to breastfeed in public within the context of a single case. Methods: Online user-generated content relating to the case of Wioletta Komar was downloaded from Twitter and the comments section of a UK online news source, Mail Online. Data comprised 884 comments and 1210 tweets, collected within 24 hours of the incident. Semiotic and thematic analysis was facilitated by NVivo 10. Results: Comments from Twitter were supportive (76%) or neutral (22%) regarding the protesting women and public breastfeeding. Conversely, Mail Online comments were mostly negative (85%). Mail Online posters questioned the legality of public breastfeeding, while Twitter comments acknowledged and supported women’s legal right to breastfeed publicly. Many Mail Online commenters stated that they found it uncomfortable to watch breastfeeding or thought it was unnecessary to breastfeed in public. Conclusion: If the UK government is serious about increasing breastfeeding, interventions to promote public support for public breastfeeding are urgently required.
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Voller, Yaniv. "COUNTERING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: STATE-BUILDING AND TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 2 (April 10, 2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000142.
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AbstractThe struggle against gender-based violence in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region has witnessed some significant achievements since the late 1990s. A subject long excluded from public discourse in the region, it has now moved increasingly into the mainstream, compelling the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to take legal and practical measures against such practices as honor killings, female genital mutilation, and domestic violence. This article traces the sources of these shifts in the KRG's stance, looking especially at the role of transnational women's rights networks in the region. It highlights these networks’ successful strategy of binding their cause to the KRG's endeavor to legitimize and consolidate its contested sovereignty over the Kurdistan Region. In doing so, the paper addresses an underexplored subject in the literature on women's rights campaigns in the Kurdistan Region and contributes to the study of transnational advocacy as a source of normative change.
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Dawan, Anil. "Peran Perempuan dalam Mengembangkan Usaha Mikro Kecil dan Menengah dalam rangka menuju Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN di Kota Tangerang Selatan." Jurnal Inada: Kajian Perempuan Indonesia di Daerah Tertinggal, Terdepan, dan Terluar 2, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/ji.v2i1.1037.
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This article discusses about women in Alor in the Belis vortex in a dilemma that limits its empowerment efforts. Cultural revitalization is closely related to the issue of child protection and empowerment of women, therefore it is necessary to reconstruct existing and ongoing social constructs, but it has an impact on systematic impoverishment, where women's rights and children's basic rights are not met. The revitalization process starts from the perspective that influences human life in terms of race, religion, ethnicity and community. This research method uses qualitative ethnography to photograph the lives of Alor women in the vortex of Belis culture and how it impacts on women's empowerment. especially education and well-being. The result was the collective awareness of 3 Triple Helix (three stoves, namely traditional leaders, religious leaders and the government). Collective awareness results from a long process of journey and combinatorial collaboration between people who want to change, middle people who become assistants and change facilitators and the government as a key stake holder that provides power, funding and prayer support.
Keywords: cultural revitalization, empowerment of women, belis
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COORAY, ARUSHA, NABAMITA DUTTA, and SUSHANTA MALLICK. "The right to be free: is media freedom good news for women's rights?" Journal of Institutional Economics 13, no. 2 (August 30, 2016): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000151.
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AbstractUsing an extensive dataset covering 187 countries during 1993–2011, this paper explores the impact of media freedom from government control on women's rights. To measure women's rights, we consider economic, political and social rights that capture the extent of government's respect for these rights at country level over time. A free press improves government's accountability to the society and leads to better governance. In the context of women's rights, a free press can enhance positive rights by helping women raise voices and gain recognition, and thereby making the government create a more conducive environment for women's empowerment. Further, higher press freedom can reduce the infringement of negative rights by calling for greater public accountability. Yet, a free media, while necessary, may not be sufficient in enhancing such rights, and other institutional factors related to a country's development might be essential to reap the benefit of a free media. Our estimated marginal impacts show that greater access of media (in the form of internet and mobile users) and countries with greater democratic capital enhance the impact of media freedom on women's economic and social rights, with little effect on political rights.