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Colantoni, Laura, Ruth Martínez, Natalia Mazzaro, Ana T. Pérez-Leroux, and Natalia Rinaldi. "A Phonetic Account of Spanish-English Bilinguals’ Divergence with Agreement." Languages 5, no. 4 (November 11, 2020): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages5040058.
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Does bilingual language influence in the domain of phonetics impact the morphosyntactic domain? Spanish gender is encoded by word-final, unstressed vowels (/a e o/), which may diphthongize in word-boundary vowel sequences. English neutralizes unstressed final vowels and separates across-word vocalic sequences. The realization of gender vowels as schwa, due to cross-linguistic influence, may remain undetected if not directly analyzed. To explore the potential over-reporting of gender accuracy, we conducted parallel phonetic and morphosyntactic analyses of read and semi-spontaneous speech produced by 11 Monolingual speakers and 13 Early and 13 Late Spanish-English bilinguals. F1 and F2 values were extracted at five points for all word-final unstressed vowels and vowel sequences. All determiner phrases (DPs) from narratives were coded for morphological and contextual parameters. Early bilinguals exhibited clear patterns of vowel centralization and higher rates of hiatuses than the other groups. However, the morphological analysis yielded very few errors. A follow-up integrated analysis revealed that /a and o/ were realized as centralized vowels, particularly with [+Animate] nouns. We propose that bilinguals’ schwa-like realizations can be over-interpreted as target Spanish vowels. Such variable vowel realization may be a factor in the vulnerability to attrition in gender marking in Spanish as a heritage language.
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Silva, David James. "The variable deletion of unstressed vowels in Faialense Portuguese." Language Variation and Change 9, no. 3 (October 1997): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001939.
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ABSTRACTTo verify anecdotal claims regarding the nature of unstressed vowel deletion in Azorean (European) Portuguese, conversational data from a native speaker of the island of Faial have been analyzed to determine the segmental and prosodic contexts favoring elision. Results of a quantitative analysis indicate that unstressed [u] and schwa are the most likely vowels to be deleted; moreover, deletion is highly favored when the unstressed vowel occurs in word-final position at the end of an utterance. Factors such as rhythmic preservation, syllable structure, and functional load are discounted in the analysis, suggesting that vowel deletion is essentially a word-based variable process in the language.
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Guierre, Lionel. "Unstressed word-final vowels." Cahiers Charles V 19, no. 1 (1995): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchav.1995.1125.
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Kariņš, A. Krišjānis. "Vowel deletion in Latvian." Language Variation and Change 7, no. 1 (March 1995): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500000880.
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ABSTRACTThis article investigates the constraints on variable deletion of short vowels in word-final unstressed syllables found in the variety of Latvian spoken in Riga. The affected vowels are almost always inflectional endings. Results from a variable rule analysis of 8 native speakers from Riga indicate that internal phonological and prosodic factors (especially distance from the main word stress) act as the strongest constraints on vowel deletion, along with the educational level of the speaker. The functional constraint of the recoverability of the deleted vowel is not significant.
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Ciszewski, Tomasz. "Stressed Vowel Duration and Phonemic Length Contrast." Research in Language 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2012): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-011-0049-2.
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It has been generally accepted that greater vowel/syllable duration is a reliable correlate of stress and that absolute durational differences between vowels underlie phonemic length contrasts. In this paper we shall demonstrate that duration is not an independent stress correlate, but rather it is derivative of another stress correlate, namely pitch. Phonemic contrast, on the other hand, is qualitative rather than quantitative.
These findings are based on the results of an experiment in which four speakers of SBrE read 162 mono-, di- and trisyllabic target items (made of CV sequences) both in isolation and in carrier phrases. In the stressed syllables all Southern British English vowels and diphthongs were represented and each vowel was placed in 3 consonantal contexts: (a) followed by a voiced obstruent, (b) voiceless obstruent and (c) a sonorant. Then, all vowels (both stressed and unstressed) were extracted from target items and measured with PRAAT.
The results indicate that stressed vowels may be longer than unstressed ones. Their durational superiority, however, is not stress-related, but follows mainly from vowelintrinsic durational characteristics and, to some extent, from the prosodic context (i.e. the number of following unstressed vowels) in which it is placed. In CV1CV2 disyllables, when V1 is phonemically short, the following word-final unstressed vowel is almost always longer. It is only when V1 is a phonemically long vowel that V2 may be shorter. As far as diphthongal V1 is concerned, the durational V1~V2 relation is variable. Interestingly, the V1~V3 relation in trisyllables follows the same durational pattern. In both types of items the rare cases when a phonemically short V1 is indeed longer than the word-final vowel involve a stressed vowel which is open, e.g. [æ,o], and whose minimal execution time is longer due to a more extensive jaw movement. These observations imply that both in acoustic and perceptual terms the realisation of word stress is not based on the durational superiority of stressed vowels over unstressed ones. When it is, it is only an epiphenomenon of intrinsic duration of the stressed vowel and extra shortness of nonfinal unstressed vowel.
As far as phonemic length contrast is concerned, we observe a high degree of durational overlap between phonemically long and short vowels in monosyllabic CVC words (which is enforced by a greater pitch excursion), whereas in polysyllables the differences seem to be perceptually non-salient (>40 ms, cf. Lehiste 1970). This suggests that the differences in vowel duration are not significant enough to underlie phonological length contrasts.
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Cychnerska, Anna. "Realizacja samoglasnika /e/ pod naglaskom i u ostalim pozicijama prozodijske reči u makedonskom jeziku. Sondažna istraživanja." Slavia Meridionalis 15 (September 25, 2015): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2015.015.
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Realization of the vowel /e/ in stressed and unstressed positions in the prosodic word in Macedonian. Preliminary studyAccording to the information in "Phonology of the contemporary standard Macedonian language" by I. Sawicka and L. Spasov (1991) realization of the Macedonian middle vowels /e/ and /o/ is higher, for example, than middle Polish or Serbian vowels. It is also believed that the Macedonian stressed vowels are higher than vowels in unstressed position.This article presents the preliminary results of the controls F1 and F2 of the vowel /e/ in various positions within the prosodic word. 120 words were analyzed in which /e/ occurred in the stressed position (40 words), or unstressed (in the first or second syllable before the stress - 40 words, and in the first or second syllable after the stress - 40 words).The results show that the value of F1 and F2 may depend on several factors. The most important among them is the position of the stressed or unstressed syllable. Realization of the stressed vowel /e/ is the highest. Articulation of the vowel /e/ in unstressed syllables is higher before the stress than after the stress. The realization of the vowel /e/ is also influenced by word-initial or final location. The beginning of the word is pronounced faster and stronger, whereas the end of the word - slower and weaker. The realization may depend on whether the syllable is open or closed. In the open syllable at the end of the word, the vowel /e/ is higher than in the closed syllable. Realizacja samogłoski /e/ w pozycji akcentowanej i nieakcentowanej w języku macedońskim. Badania preliminarneZgodnie z informacją zawartą w Fonologii współczesnego standardowego języka macedońskiego autorstwa I. Sawickiej i L. Spasova (1991) realizacja samogłosek średnich /e/ i /o/ jest wyższa od średnich samogłosek polskich czy serbskich. Uważa się również, że macedońskie samogłoski pod akcentem są wyższe od samogłosek w pozycji nieakcentowanej.Artykuł prezentuje sondażowe wyniki pomiarów F1 i F2 samogłoski /e/ w różnych pozycjach. Zanalizowano 120 wyrazów, w których /e/ wystąpiło pod akcentem (40 przykładów) oraz poza akcentem (40 przykładów z /e/ w I lub II sylabie przed akcentem oraz 40 przykładów z /e/ w I lub II sylabie po akcencie).Wyniki badania pokazują, że wysokość F1 i F2 samogłoski /e/ zależy od różnych czynników. Najważniejszy z nich to występowanie samogłoski w sylabie akcentowanej lub nieakcentowanej. Samogłoska /e/ jest wyższa pod akcentem niż poza akcentem. Badania wykazały, że realizacja samogłoski /e/ jest wyższa w sylabach przed akcentem niż po akcencie. Na wysokość samogłoski /e/ może również wpłynąć jej wystąpienie na początku lub na końcu wyrazu. Uważa się, że inicjalna część wyrazu jest wymawiana szybciej i silniej, natomiast część finalna wolniej i słabiej. Realizacja samogłoski może także zależeć od tego, czy występuje ona w sylabie zamkniętej czy otwartej. W wygłosowej sylabie otwartej samogłoska zwykle jest wyższa.
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Caro Reina, Javier. "Wortsprachliche Merkmale im Alemannischen." Linguistik Online 98, no. 5 (November 7, 2019): 235–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.98.5939.
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This paper examines the strategies for profiling the phonological word in Alemannic, applying the typology of syllable and word languages. The diagnostic criteria selected for assessing the relevance of the phonological word include syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and word-profiling processes. Following on from previous synchronic and diachronic analyses (Nübling/Schrambke 2004; Szczepaniak 2007), I will provide a detailed account of the phonological word in Old Alemannic and in modern Alemannic dialects, which include Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. It will be shown that the relevance of the phonological word gradually increased in Alemannic, as can be gleaned from processes such as unstressed vowel reduction, unstressed vowel deletion, and consonant epenthesis. While vowel reduction created strong asymmetries between stressed and unstressed syllables, unstressed vowel deletion and consonant epenthesis increased syllable complexity at word and morpheme boundaries. In addition, Swabian was found to contain more word-related features than Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. Thus, the typology of syllable and word languages contributes to a better understanding of language variation and change in Alemannic.
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Bucci, Jonathan. "Voyelles longues virtuelles et réduction vocalique en coratin." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 58, no. 3 (November 2013): 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100002632.
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to describe and analyze the reduction of unstressed vowels in Coratino, a language spoken in the Apulia region of Italy. Its vowel inventory includes seven vowels: /i, e, ε, a, ɔ, o, u/. All but /a/ are reduced to a schwa when they surface in unstressed positions. Furthermore, back and front vowels are not reduced in unstressed positions when they are adjacent to a labial consonant, or adjacent to a velar followed by a palatal. These vowels also remain non-reduced in word-initial position. Therefore, there are three contexts in which these vowels are not reduced (in stressed positions, adjacent to a consonant, and in word-initial positions). This article aims to reduce this disjunction.
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Zuraw, Kie, Kathleen Chase O'Flynn, and Kaeli Ward. "Non-native contrasts in Tongan loans." Phonology 36, no. 1 (February 2019): 127–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095267571900006x.
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We present three case studies of marginal contrasts in Tongan loans from English, working with data from three speakers. Although Tongan lacks contrasts in stress or in CC vs. CVC sequences, secondary stress in loans is contrastive, and is sensitive to whether a vowel has a correspondent in the English source word; vowel deletion is also sensitive to whether a vowel is epenthetic as compared to the English source; and final vowel length is sensitive to whether the penultimate vowel is epenthetic, and if not, whether it corresponds to a stressed or unstressed vowel in the English source. We provide an analysis in the multilevel model of Boersma (1998) and Boersma & Hamann (2009), and show that the loan patterns can be captured using only constraints that plausibly are needed for native-word phonology, including constraints that reflect perceptual strategies.
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Ciszewski, Tomasz. "Is Metrical Foot a Phonetic Object?" Research in Language 8 (October 19, 2010): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-010-0001-x.
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The assumption behind this pilot study is that metrical feet are not ‘groups of syllables’ or ‘interstress intervals’ but rather ‘groups of vowels’ extracted from the phonetic material contained between two stresses. We analysed the duration, pitch, intensity and acoustic energy of all vowels in isolated pronunciations of 72 initially stressed items (mono-, di- and trisyllables). The results reveal that pre-fortis clipping of the stressed vowel and final lengthening are interrelated, which suggests that stressed and unstressed final vowels are able to ‘negotiate’ their durations. Such ‘communication’ between the stressed vowels and the final unstressed ones is possible only if a mediating constituent (the foot) is postulated. Most importantly, we found no significant differences (p < .05) between the total acoustic energy and the total vowel duration in words having a different number of syllables, which supports the assumption of foot-level isochrony in English. It was also observed that the significant increase in vowel duration in stressed CVC monosyllables co-occurs with a significantly greater pitch slope, which we interpret to be a tonally driven implementation of minimal foot binarity requirement.
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Jurgec, Peter. "Opacity in Šmartno Slovenian." Phonology 36, no. 2 (May 2019): 265–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675719000137.
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Šmartno is a critically endangered dialect of Slovenian that exhibits three interacting processes: final devoicing, unstressed high vowel deletion and vowel–glide coalescence. Their interaction is opaque: final obstruents devoice, unless they become final due to vowel deletion; high vowels delete, but not when created by coalescence. These patterns constitute a synchronic chain shift that leads to two emergent contrasts: final obstruent voicing and vowel length (due to compensatory lengthening). The paper examines all nominal paradigms, and complements them with an acoustic analysis of vowel duration and obstruent voicing. This work presents one of the most thoroughly documented instances of counterfeeding opacity on environment.
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Zirnask, Tatiana. "Rõhk ja kestus mokša keele Kesk-Vadi murdes." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 1, no. 1 (July 1, 2010): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2010.1.1.06.
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In Moksha, methods of experimental phonetics have not been systematically used to study prosody. Fragmentary data available on stress, which were based on durational measurements in Mid-Vad, show that duration might be an important stress correlate. This article treats the relationship between stress and duration in Mid-Vad by using sets of measurement data. It focuses on vowel durations measured in mono-, di-, and trisyllabic words of different structure, which were read in a frame sentence by two speakers. Vowel durations were found to depend on stress – vowels in stressed syllables were longer than in unstressed syllables. Variation was related to word structure – e.g. high vowels (having lower intrinsic duration than low and mid vowels) under stress were as long as unstressed low and mid vowels. The results are useful for the development of prosody research in Moksha
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Bucci, Jonathan, Pascal Perrier, Silvain Gerber, and Jean-Luc Schwartz. "Vowel Reduction in Coratino (South Italy): Phonological and Phonetic Perspectives." Phonetica 76, no. 4 (August 7, 2018): 287–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000490947.
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Vowel reduction may involve phonetic reduction processes, with nonreached targets, and/or phonological processes in which a vowel target is changed for another target, possibly schwa. Coratino, a dialect of southern Italy, displays complex vowel reduction processes assumed to be phonological. We analyzed a corpus representative of vowel reduction in Coratino, based on a set of a hundred pairs of words contrasting a stressed and an unstressed version of a given vowel in a given consonant environment, produced by 10 speakers. We report vowelformants together with consonant-to-vowel formant trajectories and durations, and show that these data are rather in agreement with a change in vowel target from /i e ɛ·ɔ u/ to schwa when the vowel is a non-word-initial unstressed utterance, unless the vowel shares a place-of-articulation feature with the preceding or following consonant. Interestingly, it also appears that there are 2 targets for phonological reduction, differing in F1 values. A “higher schwa” - which could be considered as /ɨ/ - corresponds to reduction for high vowels /i u/ while a “lower schwa” - which could be considered as /ə/ - corresponds to reduction for midhigh
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Bybee, Joan L., Paromita Chakraborti, Dagmar Jung, and Joanne Scheibman. "Prosody and Segmental Effect Some Paths of Evolution for Word Stress." Studies in Language 22, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 267–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.22.2.02byb.
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This study reports on a significant negative association found in a cross-linguistic sample between the degree of predictability of word stress from a word boundary and the extent to which stress has segmental effects. In other words, in a given language the less predictable stress is from the word boundary, the more likely that the language will have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables, vowel lengthening in stressed syllables, and consonantal changes restricted to stressed or unstressed syllables. These findings are interpreted as part of a major diachronic tendency for stressed and unstressed syllables to become more differentiated in terms of duration as a cumulative effect of phonetic change, which in turn leads to the deletion of unstressed syllables, which renders stress unpredictable in some cases. A model of phonological representation that best accounts for the unidirectionality of this strong tendency is one in which stress, even while it is still predictable, is considered an inherent part of the word, and phonetic changes have a permanent and cumulative effect on lexical representation.
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Davis, Barbara L., and Peter F. MacNeilage. "Acquisition of Correct Vowel Production." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 33, no. 1 (March 1990): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.3301.16.
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There have been relatively few studies of the course of acquisition of correct vowel production. The present study suggests this gives an illusory impression that vowels are acquired easily and are of little theoretical interest. Despite a relatively precocious rate of vocabulary acquisition over the period from 14 to 20 months, the subject studied produced less than 60% of her vowels correctly according to evidence from phonetic transcriptions. A complex pattern of vowel preferences and errors was only partially related to typical prespeech babbling preferences, but was strongly related to word structure variables (monosyllabic vs. disyllabic) including stress patterns of disyllabic words, as reflected in patterns of relative frequencies of vowels in stressed and unstressed syllables. Consonant-vowel interdependence was observed, in both the favoring of high front vowels in the environment of alveolar consonants, and a reciprocal relation between vowel reduplication and consonant reduplication in disyllabic words.
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Herrick, Dylan. "AN ACOUSTIC DESCRIPTION OF CENTRAL CATALAN VOWELS BASED ON REAL AND NONSENSE WORD DATA." Catalan Review: Volume 21, Issue 1 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 231–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.21.10.
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This paper examines the extent to which vowel height data taken from real words differs from data taken from nonsense words, and it finds no significant differences. As a result, it provides quantitative acoustic data for the seven stressed and three unstressed vowels of Standard Catalan (as uttered by female speakers). The data are drawn from three distinct phonetic contexts, i.e., /bVp/, /bVt/, and /bVk/, and the /bVp/ context consists entirely of nonsense words (the other contexts were all real words). A comparison and statistical analysis of the data for each vowel phoneme show that there are neither considerable nor statistically significant differences in the vowel height (F1 values) among the data from the three different phonetic contexts. In terms of vowel height, nonsense words provide as accurate a picrure of the Catalan data as real words do.
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Balšaitytė, Danutė. "Quantitative Reduction of Vowels Following Soft Consonants in the Russian Speech of Lithuanians." Respectus Philologicus 21, no. 26 (April 25, 2012): 160–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2012.26.15484.
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This investigation of the acoustic characteristics of phonetic units in the Russian speech of Lithuanians is important for a description of the mechanisms of speech production in a situation of the interference of two languages (native and studied), and for the solution of applied problems of teaching (or correcting) Russian phonetics to Lithuanians.The article analyses the average duration (in milliseconds) of the Russian stressed vowels [i], [e], [a], [u], and their unstressed allophones, when they follow soft consonants in the speech of Lithuanians. The results of the spectral analysis show peculiarities of quantitative reduction of Russian vowels in the speech of Lithuanians, due to the interference of the phonetic systems of the two languages.Four major types of distinctions – in the phonological and phonetic systems of the genetically related Russian and Lithuanian languages, in the degree of quantitative reduction of vowels, in the relation between the duration of different types of unstressed vowels in different positions, and in the relation between the duration of unstressed vowels depending on the placement of the stress – allow deviations from Russian norms of pronunciation to be predicted in the Russian speech of Lithuanians.In unstressed syllables, Lithuanians pronounce vowels of varying duration in place of the graphemes и, е and я, which testifies to the unequal degree of quantitative reduction of these vowels. In Russian, these vowels in unstressed positions are expressed by the same sound and cease to differ. In the pronunciation of Lithuanians, the weak quantitative reduction of the Russian vowel [a] (grapheme я) and the insignificant shortening of the duration of [u] can be observed in all unstressed syllables.According to the received data, in the Russian speech of Lithuanians, a poststressed, non-final vowel can be longer than a vowel in the second prestressed syllable; this breaks the opposition of duration of poststressed vowels to that of all pre-stressed vowels which is characteristic of Russian.
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Kehoe, Margaret M. "Prosodic Patterns in Children’s Multisyllabic Word Productions." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 32, no. 4 (October 2001): 284–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461(2001/025).
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This paper reviews results from a series of studies that examined the influence of metrical and segmental effects on English-speaking children’s multisyllabic word productions. Three different approaches (prosodic structure, trochaic template, and perceptual salience) that have been proposed in the literature to account for children’s prosodic patterns are presented and evaluated. An analysis of children’s truncation or syllable deletion patterns revealed the following robust findings: (a) Stressed and word-final unstressed syllables are preserved more frequently than nonfinal unstressed syllables, (b) word-internal unstressed syllables with obstruent onsets are preserved more frequently than word-internal syllables with sonorant onsets, (c) unstressed syllables with non-reduced vowels are preserved more frequently than unstressed syllables with reduced vowels, and (d) right-sided stressed syllables are preserved more frequently than left-sided stressed syllables. An analysis of children’s stress patterns revealed that children made greater numbers of stress errors in target words with irregular stress. Clinical implications of these findings are presented and additional studies that have applied a metrical approach to clinical populations are described.
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WANG, YUANYUAN, AMANDA SEIDL, and ALEJANDRINA CRISTIA. "Acoustic-phonetic differences between infant- and adult-directed speech: the role of stress and utterance position." Journal of Child Language 42, no. 4 (August 27, 2014): 821–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000914000439.
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AbstractPrevious studies have shown that infant-directed speech (IDS) differs from adult-directed speech (ADS) on a variety of dimensions. The aim of the current study was to investigate whether acoustic differences between IDS and ADS in English are modulated by prosodic structure. We compared vowels across the two registers (IDS, ADS) in both stressed and unstressed syllables, and in both utterance-medial and -final positions. Vowels in target bisyllabic trochees in the speech of twenty mothers of 4- and 11-month-olds were analyzed. While stressed and unstressed vowels differed between IDS and ADS for a measure of F0, and trended in similar directions for vowel peripherality, neither set differed in duration. These profiles held for both utterance-medial and -final words.
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Verhoeven, Ludo, R. H. Baayen, and Robert Schreuder. "Orthographic constraints and frequency effects in complex word identification." Written Language and Literacy 7, no. 1 (July 30, 2004): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.7.1.06ver.
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In an experimental study we explored the role of word frequency and orthographic constraints in the reading of Dutch bisyllabic words. Although Dutch orthography is highly regular, several deviations from a one-to-one correspondence occur. In polysyllabic words, the grapheme E may represent three different vowels: /ε /, /e/, or /œ /. In the experiment, skilled adult readers were presented lists of bisyllabic words containing the vowel E in the initial syllable and the same grapheme or another vowel in the second syllable. We expected word frequency to be related to word latency scores. On the basis of general word frequency data, we also expected the interpretation of the initial syllable as a stressed /e/ to be facilitated as compared to the interpretation of an unstressed /œ /. We found a strong negative correlation between word frequency and latency scores. Moreover, for words with E in either syllable we found a preference for a stressed /e/ interpretation, indicating a lexical frequency effect. The results are discussed with reference to a parallel dual-route model of word decoding.
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van de Ven, Marco, and Mirjam Ernestus. "The role of segmental and durational cues in the processing of reduced words." Language and Speech 61, no. 3 (September 4, 2017): 358–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830917727774.
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In natural conversations, words are generally shorter and they often lack segments. It is unclear to what extent such durational and segmental reductions affect word recognition. The present study investigates to what extent reduction in the initial syllable hinders word comprehension, which types of segments listeners mostly rely on, and whether listeners use word duration as a cue in word recognition. We conducted three experiments in Dutch, in which we adapted the gating paradigm to study the comprehension of spontaneously uttered conversational speech by aligning the gates with the edges of consonant clusters or vowels. Participants heard the context and some segmental and/or durational information from reduced target words with unstressed initial syllables. The initial syllable varied in its degree of reduction, and in half of the stimuli the vowel was not clearly present. Participants gave too short answers if they were only provided with durational information from the target words, which shows that listeners are unaware of the reductions that can occur in spontaneous speech. More importantly, listeners required fewer segments to recognize target words if the vowel in the initial syllable was absent. This result strongly suggests that this vowel hardly plays a role in word comprehension, and that its presence may even delay this process. More important are the consonants and the stressed vowel.
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Llompart, Miquel, and Miquel Simonet. "Unstressed Vowel Reduction Across Majorcan Catalan Dialects: Production and Spoken Word Recognition." Language and Speech 61, no. 3 (October 23, 2017): 430–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830917736019.
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This study investigates the production and auditory lexical processing of words involved in a patterned phonological alternation in two dialects of Catalan spoken on the island of Majorca, Spain. One of these dialects, that of Palma, merges /ɔ/ and /o/ as [o] in unstressed position, and it maintains /u/ as an independent category, [u]. In the dialect of Sóller, a small village, speakers merge unstressed /ɔ/, /o/, and /u/ to [u]. First, a production study asks whether the discrete, rule-based descriptions of the vowel alternations provided in the dialectological literature are able to account adequately for these processes: are mergers complete? Results show that mergers are complete with regards to the main acoustic cue to these vowel contrasts, that is, F1. However, minor differences are maintained for F2 and vowel duration. Second, a lexical decision task using cross-modal priming investigates the strength with which words produced in the phonetic form of the neighboring (versus one’s own) dialect activate the listeners’ lexical representations during spoken word recognition: are words within and across dialects accessed efficiently? The study finds that listeners from one of these dialects, Sóller, process their own and the neighboring forms equally efficiently, while listeners from the other one, Palma, process their own forms more efficiently than those of the neighboring dialect. This study has implications for our understanding of the role of lifelong linguistic experience on speech performance.
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Gósy, Mária, and Viktória Horváth. "Changes in articulation accompanying functional changes in word usage." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 40, no. 2 (July 8, 2010): 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100310000058.
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Two words in present-day Hungarian, the conjunction tehát ‘that is’ and ‘consequently’ and the pronoun ilyen ‘like this’ seem to be undergoing a functional change, acquiring the function of fillers, while retaining their former lexical function, too. Twenty narratives were drawn from the Hungarian Spontaneous Speech Corpus (BEA), to analyze the acoustic-phonetic patterns of these words. Both words showed significant differences in duration depending on function. The first and second formant values of the conjunction tehát showed significant differences depending on whether it was used as a filler or in its original function as a conjunction. The formants of the stressed vowel in the pronoun ilyen did not show any differences with either males or females, but the second formant of the unstressed vowel, depending on function, showed significant variations with male subjects. Apparently, females make an unconscious distinction between the two functions only by varying the time structure of the word. Our data confirmed that these words are indeed undergoing a functional change, which is manifested in changes of their temporal patterns and, to some extent, in the articulation of their vowels.
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Fortuna, Marcin. "A typological shift in the phonological history of German from the perspective of licensing scales." Beyond Philology An International Journal of Linguistics, Literary Studies and English Language Teaching, no. 15/1 (December 18, 2018): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/bp.2018.1.01.
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The paper argues that the typological shift of German from a syllable language to a word language (Szczepaniak 2007) can be accounted for through reference to a change at the level of the nuclei and their licensing abilities (Cyran 2003, 2010). Old High German used full nuclei in all positions of the word. In the late Old High German period, unstressed vowel reduction took place and entailed a domino effect of further changes. Reduced vowels were granted more licensing potential, and empty nuclei were strengthened too. This parametric shift is assumed to lie at the heart of the whole typological shift. There is no need to state that Old High German “profiled” the syllable, while Modern High German “profiles” the word, since most of the associated phenomena can be explained with more basic mechanisms.
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LOURIDO, GISELA TOMÉ, and BRONWEN G. EVANS. "The effects of language dominance switch in bilinguals: Galician new speakers' speech production and perception." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 22, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 637–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728918000603.
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It has long been debated whether speech production and perception remain flexible in adulthood. The current study investigates the effects of language dominance switch in Galician new speakers (neofalantes) who are raised with Spanish as a primary language and learn Galician at an early age in a bilingual environment, but in adolescence, decide to switch to using Galician almost exclusively, for ideological reasons. Results showed that neofalantes pattern with Spanish-dominants in their perception and production of mid-vowel and fricative contrasts, but with Galician-dominants in their realisation of unstressed word-final vowels, a highly salient feature of Galician. These results are taken to suggest that despite early exposure to Galician, high motivation and almost exclusive Galician language use post-switch, there are limitations to what neofalantes can learn in both production and perception, but that the hybrid categories they appear to develop may function as opportunities to mark identity within a particular community.
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Shea, Christine E., and Suzanne Curtin. "DISCOVERING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CONTEXT AND ALLOPHONES IN A SECOND LANGUAGE." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 32, no. 4 (December 2010): 581–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263110000276.
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The identification of stressed syllables by adult second-language (L2) Spanish learners was examined for evidence of influence of an allophonic alternation driven by word position and stress. The Spanish voiced stop-approximant alternation, whereby stops occur in stressed-syllable and word onsets, was utilized. If L2 learners track the distribution of this alternation, they should tend to link stops to stressed syllables in word-onset position and approximants to unstressed, word-medial position. Low- and high-intermediate-level first-language English learners of Spanish as well as native Spanish and monolingual English speakers listened to a series of nonce words and determined which of the two consonant-vowel (CV) syllables they perceived as stressed. In Experiment 1, onset allophone and vowel stress were crossed. In Experiment 2, the onset allophone alternated and a vowel unmarked for prominence was used. The results show that the monolingual English and low-intermediate groups were more likely to perceive syllables with stressed vowels as stressed, regardless of the allophone onset. In contrast, listeners with greater Spanish proficiency performed similarly to native Spanish speakers and were more likely to perceive stress on syllables with stop onsets, a pattern that follows the distributional information of Spanish. This finding suggests that learning the interplay between allophonic distributions and their conditioning factors is possible with experience and that knowledge of this relationship plays a role in the acquisition of L2 allophones.
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Bucci, Jonathan, Paolo Lorusso, Silvain Gerber, Mirko Grimaldi, and Jean-Luc Schwartz. "Assessing the Representation of Phonological Rules by a Production Study of Non-Words in Coratino." Phonetica 77, no. 6 (December 11, 2019): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000504452.
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Phonological regularities in a given language can be described as a set of formal rules applied to logical expressions (e.g., the value of a distinctive feature) or alternatively as distributional properties emerging from the phonetic substance. An indirect way to assess how phonology is represented in a speaker’s mind consists in testing how phonological regularities are transferred to non-words. This is the objective of this study, focusing on Coratino, a dialect from southern Italy spoken in the Apulia region. In Coratino, a complex process of vowel reduction operates, transforming the /i e ɛ u o ɔ a/ system for stressed vowels into a system with a smaller number of vowels for unstressed configurations, characterized by four major properties: (1) all word-initial vowels are maintained, even unstressed; (2) /a/ is never reduced, even unstressed; (3) unstressed vowels /i e ɛ u o ɔ/ are protected against reduction when they are adjacent to a consonant that shares articulation (labiality and velarity for /u o ɔ/ and palatality for /i e ɛ/); (4) when they are reduced, high vowels are reduced to /ɨ/ and mid vowels to /ə/. A production experiment was carried out on 19 speakers of Coratino to test whether these properties were displayed with non-words. The production data display a complex pattern which seems to imply both explicit/formal rules and distributional properties transferred statistically to non-words. Furthermore, the speakers appear to vary considerably in how they perform this task. Altogether, this suggests that both formal rules and distributional principles contribute to the encoding of Coratino phonology in the speaker’s mind.
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Blevins, Juliette, and Andrew Pawley. "Typological implications of Kalam predictable vowels." Phonology 27, no. 1 (April 16, 2010): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675710000023.
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AbstractKalam is a Trans New Guinea language of Papua New Guinea. Kalam has two distinct vowel types: full vowels /a e o/, which are of relatively long duration and stressed, and reduced central vowels, which are shorter and often unstressed, and occur predictably within word-internal consonant clusters and in monoconsonantal utterances. The predictable nature of the reduced vowels has led earlier researchers, e.g. Biggs (1963) and Pawley (1966), to suggest that they are a non-phonemic ‘consonant release’ feature, leading to lexical representations with long consonant strings and vowelless words. Here we compare Kalam to other languages with similar sound patterns and assess the implications for phonological theory in the context of Hall's (2006) typology of inserted vowels. We suggest that future work on predictable vowels should explore the extent to which clusters of properties are explained by evolutionary pathways.
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Sadeghi, Vahid. "Word-level prominence in Persian: An Experimental Study." Language and Speech 60, no. 4 (January 23, 2017): 571–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830916684862.
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Previous literature on the phonetics of stress in Persian has reported that fundamental frequency is the only reliable acoustic correlate of stress, and that stressed and unstressed syllables are not differentiated from each other in the absence of accentuation. In this study, the effects of lexical stress on duration, overall intensity and spectral tilt were examined in Persian both in the accented and unaccented conditions. Results showed that syllable duration is consistently affected by stress in Persian in both the accented and unaccented conditions across all vowel types. Unlike duration, the results for overall intensity and spectral tilt were significant only in the accented condition, suggesting that measures of intensity are not a correlate of stress in Persian but they are mainly caused by the presence of a pitch movement. The findings are phonologically interpreted as suggesting that word-level prominence in Persian is typologically similar to ‘stress accent’ languages, in which multiple phonetic cues are used to signal the prominence contrast in the accented condition, and stressed and unstressed syllables are different from each other even when the word is not pitch-accented.
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Dmitrieva, Olga. "The Role of Perception in the Typology of Geminate Consonants: Effects of Manner of Articulation, Segmental Environment, Position, and Stress." Language and Speech 61, no. 1 (March 22, 2017): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830917696113.
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The present study seeks to answer the question of whether consonant duration is perceived differently across consonants of different manners of articulation and in different contextual environments and whether such differences may be related to the typology of geminates. The results of the cross-linguistic identification experiment suggest higher perceptual acuity in labeling short and long consonants in sonorants than in obstruents. Duration categories were also more consistently and clearly labeled in the intervocalic than in the preconsonantal environment, in the word-initial than in the word-final position, and after stressed vowels than between unstressed vowels. These perceptual asymmetries are in line with some typological tendencies, such as the cross-linguistic preference for intervocalic and post-stress geminates, but contradict other proposed cross-linguistic patterns, such as the preference for obstruent geminates and the abundance of word-final geminates.
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Almbark, Rana, Nadia Bouchhioua, and Sam Hellmuth. "Is there an interlanguage intelligibility benefit in perception of English word stress?" Loquens 6, no. 1 (July 22, 2019): 061. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2019.061.
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This paper asks whether there is an ‘interlanguage intelligibility benefit’ in perception of word-stress, as has been reported for global sentence recognition. L1 English listeners, and L2 English listeners who are L1 speakers of Arabic dialects from Jordan and Egypt, performed a binary forced-choice identification task on English near-minimal pairs (such as[ˈɒbdʒɛkt] ~ [əbˈdʒɛkt]) produced by an L1 English speaker, and two L2 English speakers from Jordan and Egypt respectively. The results show an overall advantage for L1 English listeners, which replicates the findings of an earlier study for general sentence recognition, and which is also consistent with earlier findings that L1 listeners rely more on structural knowledge than on acoustic cues in stress perception. Non-target-like L2 productions of words with final stress (which are primarily cued in L1 production by vowel reduction in the initial unstressed syllable) were less accurately recognized by L1 English listeners than by L2 listeners, but there was no evidence of a generalized advantage for L2 listeners in response to other L2 stimuli.
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BRITTON, DEREK. "A history of hyper-rhoticity in English." English Language and Linguistics 11, no. 3 (November 2007): 525–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674307002377.
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This article investigates the history of what Wells (1982), in his account of present-day accents of English, calls ‘hyper-rhoticity’. That is, the appearance, in rhotic accents, of epenthetic, unetymological rhyme-/r/, usually taking the form of /r/-colouring in modern accents. It is attested most commonly in final unstressed syllables, but may also occur in syllable rhymes after a long, stressed vowel. The article traces the history of this phenomenon and attempts to show that Early Modern English data which have hitherto been interpreted as evidence for loss of /r/ in such contexts are better attributed to hyper-rhoticity. It is also argued here, in an addendum, that not to accept claims for early /r/-loss in unstressed syllables has wider implications for the history of English phonology. That is, to reject theories of loss of /r/ in final unstressed syllables demands rejection of the notion of early articulatory weakening of /r/ in this context, which has been seen as a prelude to the spread of weakening to other contexts, leading ultimately to loss of rhoticity.
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Llisterri, Joaquim, María J. Machuca, Antonio Ríos, and Sandra Schwab. "The perception of lexical stress in words within a sentence." Loquens 3, no. 2 (May 12, 2017): 033. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2016.033.
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The acoustic and perceptual correlates of stress in Spanish have been usually studied at the word level, but few investigations have considered them in a wider context. The aim of the present work is to assess the role of fundamental frequency, duration and amplitude in the perception of lexical stress in Spanish when the word is part of a sentence. An experiment has been carried out in which the participants (39 listeners, 20 from Costa Rica and 19 from Spain) had to identify the position of the lexical stress in words presented in isolation and in the same words embedded in sentences. The stimuli in which the position of the stress was not correctly identified have been acoustically analysed to determine the cause of identification errors. Results suggest that the perception of lexical stress in words within a sentence depends on the stress pattern and on the relationship between the values of the acoustic parameters responsible for the prominence of the stressed vowel and those corresponding to the adjacent unstressed vowels.
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Faust, Noam, and Nicola Lampitelli. "Virtual Length and the Two I's of Qaraqosh Neo-Aramaic." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 1 (2020): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgz036.
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Abstract This paper examines the differences in form between weak-final (III-j) verbs and strong verbs in the Neo-Aramaic dialect of Qaraqosh (Khan 2002). The analysis, conducted in the autosegmental theory of Strict CV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004), derives these differences from the interaction of the common template with the weak radical of weak verbs. In addition, it accounts for two surprising facts about this lan-guage: (i) the distribution of the vowel [I], which only contrasts with other relevant vowels in the final unstressed position; and (ii) the marking, unique among Semitic languages, of a gender distinction in the imperative only on weak verbs. The analysis suggests that both these facts follow from the assumption that [I] is a phonologically short /i/, while a phonologically long /i/ is realized with the quality [i]. It thus argues for non-surface-true ‘virtual’ length.
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Baumann, Andreas, Christina Prömer, and Nikolaus Ritt. "Word form shapes are selected to be morphotactically indicative." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0007.
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Abstract This paper explores the hypothesis that morphotactically ambiguous segment sequences should be dispreferred and selected against in the evolution of languages. We define morphotactically ambiguous sequences as sequences that can occur both within morphemes and across boundaries, such as final /nd/ or /mz/ in ModE, which occur in simple forms like wind or alms and in complex ones like sinned or seems. We test the hypothesis in two diachronic corpus studies of Middle and Early Modern English word forms ending in clusters of sonorants followed by /d/ or /t/ and /s/ or /z/. These clusters became highly frequent after the loss of unstressed vowels in final syllables and were highly ambiguous when they emerged. Our data show that the ambiguity of these final clusters was indeed reduced so that the distribution of the final clusters became increasingly skewed: clusters ending in voiceless coronals became significantly clearly indicative of simple forms, while clusters ending in voiced ones came to signal inflectional complexity more reliably.
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Łukaszewicz, Beata, and Janina Mołczanow. "The role of vowel parameters in defining lexical and subsidiary stress in Ukrainian." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 54, no. 3 (September 25, 2018): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2018-0014.
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Abstract Recent work suggests that Ukrainian represents a typologically rare bidirectional stress system with internal lapses, i.e. sequences of unstressed syllables in the vicinity of primary stress (Łukaszewicz and Mołczanow 2018a, b). The system is more intricate than the hitherto known bidirectional systems (e.g. Polish), and thus interesting from the theoretical perspective, as it involves interaction between free lexical stress and secondary stresses. Lexical and subsidiary prominence in Ukrainian have been shown to be expressed acoustically in terms of increased duration of the whole syllable. This leaves open the question of the role of classic vowel parameters in shaping prominence effects in this language. The present study fills this gap by investigating vowel duration, intensity, and F0 as potential acoustic correlates of primary and secondary stress in Ukrainian. It focuses on words with primary stress on the fifth syllable. Such words are predicted to have secondary stress on the first and third syllables. The results point to statistically significant lengthening of vowels carrying lexical stress as well as of those in the initial syllable, but not in the third syllable. A possible explanation is that other parameters, e.g. consonant duration, may be crucial in the case of word-internal subsidiary stress in Ukrainian.
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Natke, Ulrich, and Karl Theodor Kalveram. "Effects of Frequency-Shifted Auditory Feedback on Fundamental Frequency of Long Stressed and Unstressed Syllables." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 44, no. 3 (June 2001): 577–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2001/045).
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Twenty-four normally speaking subjects had to utter the test word /tatatas/with different stress patterns repeatedly. Auditory feedback was provided by headphones and was shifted downwards in frequency during randomly selected trials while the subjects were speaking the complete test word. If the first syllable was long stressed, fundamental frequency of the vowel significantly increased by 2 Hz (corresponding to 25.5 cents) under frequency-shifted auditory feedback of .5 octave downwards, whereas under a shift of one semitone downwards a trend of an increase could be observed. If the first syllable was unstressed, fundamental frequency remained unaffected. Regarding the second syllable, significant increases or a trend for an increase of fundamental frequency was found in both shifting conditions. Results indicate a negative feedback mechanism that controls the fundamental frequency via auditory feedback in speech production. However, within a syllable a response could be found only if the syllable duration was long enough. Compensation for frequency-shifted auditory feedback still is quite imperfect. It is concluded that control of fundamental frequency is rather important on a suprasegmental level.
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Carter, Paul, and John Local. "F2 variation in Newcastle and Leeds English liquid systems." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 37, no. 2 (July 25, 2007): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100307002939.
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In this paper we present a production study designed to explore the relationship between three observations which have previously been made about liquids in British English: first, that laterals have prosodically-determined ‘clear’ (syllable-initial) and ‘dark’ (syllable-final) variants; second, that some varieties of English have either clear [1] in all positions or dark [l] in all positions; third, that some varieties with clear [1] have dark [r] while some varieties with dark [1] have clear [r] (in broad phonetic transcription). We take F2 as an acoustic correlate of clearness/darkness and report on F2 variation in two representative varieties of British English, one which has clear initial [1] (Newcastle-upon-Tyne) and one with dark initial [1] (Leeds). We show that Newcastle English has higher F2 frequencies in [1] than in [r] and that the reverse pattern is found in Leeds English. These patterns can also be found in adjacent unstressed vowels but not in adjacent stressed vowels. Final [1] in both varieties has a lower F2 than initial [1]. In intervocalic contexts, these F2 distinctions in the liquids are observed in iambic words for both varieties. In trochaic words they are observed for Leeds only, though the vowel effects can be observed in both varieties. We discuss some phonological consequences of these findings.
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Melnikova, E. M. "The Orthogram “Unstressed Vowel in the Root of the Word” in the RF Unified State Exam in the Russian Language." Russian language at school 80, no. 3 (May 21, 2019): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30515/0131-6141-2019-80-3-33-37.
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Bian, Yuan, and Gary S. Dell. "Novel stress phonotactics are learnable by English speakers: Novel tone phonotactics are not." Memory & Cognition 48, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 176–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3758/s13421-019-01000-9.
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AbstractSpeech errors are sensitive to newly learned phonotactic constraints. For example, if speakers produce strings of syllables in which /f/ is an onset if the vowel is /æ/, but a coda if the vowel is /I/, their slips will respect that constraint after a period of sleep. Constraints in which the contextual factor is nonlinguistic, however, do not appear to be learnable by this method—for example, /f/ is an onset if the speech rate is fast, but /f/ is a coda if the speech rate is slow. The present study demonstrated that adult English speakers can learn (after a sleep period) constraints based on stress (e.g., /f/ is an onset if the syllable is stressed, but /f/ is a coda if the syllable is unstressed), but cannot learn analogous constraints based on tone (e.g., /f/ is an onset if the tone is rising, but /f/ is a coda if the tone is falling). The results are consistent with the fact that, in English, stress is a relevant lexical phonological property (e.g., “INsight” and “inCITE” are different words), but tone is not (e.g., “yes!” and “yes?” are the same word, despite their different pragmatic functions). The results provide useful constraints on how consolidation effects in learning may interact with early learning experiences.
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P. Shah, Amee. "What Makes Spanish-Accented English Sound Spanish-Accented? Acoustic Measures and Listener Cues." International Journal of Linguistics 11, no. 6 (December 22, 2019): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v11i6.15815.
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This study aimed to understand which acoustic parameters of Spanish-accented English are correlated with listeners’ perception of Spanish-accentedness. Temporal differences were analyzed in multisyllabic target words spoken in sentences by 22 Spanish speakers of English and five native speakers of American English (AE). Recordings were presented to AE listeners who judged the degree of accentedness on a 9-point scale. Spearman rank order correlation showed that the listeners’ ratings of degree of accentedness in sentences correlated strongly (r= +0.82) with those in words. Listeners’ ratings of accentedness correlated in varying degrees with various temporal measures, namely Overall word durations (+0.04 to +0.56), Stressed/unstressed vowel duration ratios (–0.01 to +0.35), Voice Onset Time of stops (+0.26 to +0.36), and, closure duration (+0.29 to +0.59). Results suggest that Spanish-accented English is characterized by systematic temporal differences from native AE, and that these temporal differences contribute to the perception of accentedness. Implications of findings in improving theoretical understanding and applied practices are discussed.
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Flege, James Emil, and Ocke-Schwen Bohn. "An Instrumental Study of Vowel Reduction and Stress Placement in Spanish-Accented English." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 11, no. 1 (March 1989): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263100007828.
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Morphophonological alternations in English words such asableversusabilityinvolve changes in both stress and vowel quality. This study examined how native speakers of Spanish and English produced four such morphologically related English word pairs. Degree of stress and vowel quality was assessed auditorily and instrumentally. Stress placement generally seemed to constitute less of a learning problem for the native Spanish speakers than vowel reduction. The results suggest that Englishlike stress placement is acquired earlier than vowel reduction and that the ability to unstress vowels is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for vowel reduction. The magnitude of stress and vowel quality differences for the four word pairs suggests that L2 learners acquire stress placement and vowel reduction in English on a word-by-word basis.
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Nowacka, Marta. "English spelling among the top priorities in pronunciation teaching: Polglish local versus global(ised) errors in the production and perception of words commonly mispronounced." Research in Language 14, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rela-2016-0002.
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This paper presents the results of a questionnaire and recording-based study on production and recognition of a sample of 60 items from Sobkowiak’s (1996:294) ‘words commonly mispronounced’ by 143 first-year BA students majoring in English. 30 lexical items in each task represent 27 categories defined by Porzuczek (2015), each referring to one aspect of English phonotactics and/or spelling-phonology relations. Our aim is to provide evidence for the occurrence of local and globalised errors in Polglish speech. This experiment is intended to examine what types of errors, that is, seriously deformed words, whether avoidable, ‘either-or’ or unavoidable ones, as classified in Porzuczek (2015), are the most frequent in production and recognition of words. Our goal is to check what patterns concerning letter-to-sound relations, are not respected in the subjects’ production and recognition of an individual word and what rules should be explicitly discussed and practised in a phonetics course. The results of the study confirm the necessity for explicit instruction on the regularity rather than irregularity of English spelling in order to eradicate globalised and ‘either-or’ pronunciation errors in the speech of students. The avoidable globalised errors which have turned out to be the most numerous in a production task include such areas of English phonotactics as: the letters <-old> and <oll>, ‘mute consonant letters’, ‘isolated errors’ and two categories related to the reduction of unstressed syllables: ‘reduce the vowel in stress-adjacent syllables and in syllables following the stressed one to /ə/ or /ɪ/’ and ‘reduce <-ous>, <-age>, and <-ate> in nouns and adjectives.’ The hope is also expressed that once introducing spelling-to-sound relations becomes a routine procedure in pronunciation training, the strain on part of the students of memorizing a list of true local errors, phonetically challenging pronunciation exceptions, will be reduced to the absolute minimum.
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Hyman, Larry M., and Francis X. Katamba. "Final vowel shortening in Luganda." Studies in African Linguistics 21, no. 1 (April 15, 1990): 1–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v21i1.107438.
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A process by which long vowels are shortened in "final position" has been noted by a number of linguists, e.g. Ashton et al [1954], Tucker [1962], Cole [1967], Stevick [1969], Katamba [1974], Clements [1986]. It is generally assumed that this shortening is characteristic of word-ends such that the process can even serve as a criterion for phonological word division. Despite the attention given to final vowel shortening (FVS), the relevant facts have not been exhaustively described. In this descriptive account, we show that FVS is a much more complex phenomenon than the Luganda literature suggests. We observe, for instance, that FVS does not work the same on nouns as it does on verbs and that an empirically adequate analysis must take into account the source of such word-final length, e.g. underlying vs. derived. In our solution, FVS first applies at the end of a phonological word (PW) and then again at the end of a clitic group (CG). In order for the facts to fall out from this analysis, we argue that at the PW level (1) the final vowel of verb forms is not affected because it is extrametrical, i.e. "invisible" and (2) the second mora of a monosyllabic stem is not affected because it is accented.
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Voyles, Joseph B. "Early Germanic changes in unstressed word-final syllables:." Lingua 76, no. 1 (September 1988): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(88)90018-6.
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Ciszewski, Tomasz. "Metrical conditioning of word-final devoicing in Polish." Forum Filologiczne Ateneum, no. 1(7)2019 (December 31, 2019): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36575/2353-2912/1(7)2019.043.
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The present paper investigates a segmental phenomenon traditionally referred to as word-final obstruent devoicing in Polish. It is generally assumed that the context in which it applies is solely related to the absolute word-final position before silence. By inference, full voicing of a wordfinal obstruent is retained only when (i) it is followed by a voiced segment (a vowel or a consonant) in an utterance or when (ii) it is appended with a suffix which begins with a vowel. In this research a different group of factors which trigger the process is explored, namely the position of the obstruent within the metrical foot. If, as argued by Harris (2009), noninitial position within the foot is a typical lenition site (contrary to Iverson and Salmons 2007) and if devoicing is regarded as a special manifestation of lenition (through information loss, similarly to vowel reduction), a purely segmental (contextual) conditioning for voicing retention in obstruents word-finally cannot be maintained.
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Piispanen, Peter Sauli. "A prosody-controlled semi-vowel alternation in Yukaghir." Journal of Historical Linguistics 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 247–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.6.2.04pii.
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This article shows that Yukaghir underwent a regular sound change whereby all word-internal and word-final w phonemes became j, probably in Early Proto-Yukaghir. After degemination had occurred, possibly in Middle Proto-Yukaghir, any j in an intervocalic position of disyllabic roots was followed by an epenthetic l, as it still is in the modern Yukaghir languages. Palatalization, labialization, uvularization, and assimilative effects finally formed the Late Proto-Yukaghir forms from which the modern languages have arisen. Word-class prosody controls epenthesis, vowel lengthening, and any further word-final vowel changes. Identifying these historical processes also strengthens the evidence that Yukaghir is genealogically related to Uralic. The Uralic and Yukaghiric correspondences are carefully analyzed as to phonology and semantics, resulting in over fifty new or revised cognate suggestions. Further, Yukaghiric shows a trend towards a reduction of the number of root syllables in the comparison. The semi-vowel w remained unchanged word-initially in Tundra Yukaghir and has thus been a continuous part of the Yukaghir phonemic register. Lexemes containing the semi-vowel w found in modern Yukaghir in word-internal and final positions arose from other sources only after the semi-vowel alternation sound change rule.
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Gendrot, Cédric. "Acoustic, kinematic and aerodynamic aspects of wordinitial and word-final vowels in pre-boundary context in French." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 40 (January 1, 2005): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.40.2005.257.
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Four speakers repeated 8 times 15 sentences containing 'pVp' syllables (V being /a/, /i/ and /u/). The 'pVp' syllables were located in final, penultimate and antepenultimate position relatively to the Intonational Phrase (IP) boundary. They were embedded in lexical words of 1-3 syllables and were either word-initial or word-final. Results show that the closer the vowel in word-final position is to the IP boundary, the longer the duration and the higher the fundamental frequency of the vowel; it is also characterised by larger lip opening gestures. The potential reduction or coarticulation of vowels in wordinitial position compared to their counterparts in word-final position is discussed.
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Farrington, Charlie. "Incomplete neutralization in African American English: The case of final consonant voicing." Language Variation and Change 30, no. 3 (October 2018): 361–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394518000145.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn many varieties of African American English (AAE), glottal stop replacement and deletion of word-final /t/ and /d/ results in consonant neutralization, while the underlying voicing distinction may be maintained by other cues, such as vowel duration. Here, I examine the relationship between vowel duration, final glottal stop replacement, and deletion of word-final /t, d/ to determine whether the phonological contrast of consonant voicing is maintained through duration of the preceding vowel. Data come from conversational interviews of AAE speakers in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Washington, DC. Results indicate that glottalization and deletion of word-final /t/ and /d/ are widespread across the speakers in the analysis. Additionally, the duration of vowels is significantly longer before underlying /d/ than /t/ for consonant neutralized contexts, thus showing that duration, normally a secondary cue to final voicing, may be becoming a primary cue in AAE.
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이고운. "Effect of word frequency in producing English unstressed vowels by Korean learners of English." Studies in Phonetics, Phonology, and Morphology 24, no. 2 (August 2018): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17959/sppm.2018.24.2.193.
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