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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Worker's Movement'
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1
Lebner, Ashley Brooke. "Christian persons, secular politics, impossible dialogues : the problem of friendship and the Landless Worker's Movement on the Southeastern Amazonian frontier, Brazil." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611781.
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Cadji, Anne-Laure. "The landless rural workers' movement in contemporary Brazil : social movement or political organisation?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404073.
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Niazi, Golrokh. "Militant Workers, Coopted Leaders: A Critical Assessment of Workers’ Collective Action Through Organized Labour in Tunisia." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42775.
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This dissertation explores the dynamics of workers’ collective political engagement through organized labour in an authoritarian environment and a regime in transition. While the literature on social movements and organized labour in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has captured the characteristics and impact of repression and corporatist systems on a union structure and elite strategies, this research contributes to a body of work that position the activities, networks and calculations of unionized workers at the centre of analysis. Using the Tunisian General Labour Union as an in-depth case-study, it will show that to fully comprehend the important role of a labour union as a vehicle for political engagement, one must pay close attention to the networks, strategies, and tactics of its militant base.
By adopting a conceptual framework that gives attention to interactions of structures and agents, and therefore not privileging one over the other, it shows how in a region in which unions were conventionally labelled as “inconsequential” and “empty shells,” unionized workers, particularly those belonging to more militant sectors, have repeatedly seized on their personal networks and relationships, while drawing on systems of meaning making and shared collective memory to engage in various forms of activism. By doing so, it underscores the limitations of cooptation as a political strategy for ensuring obedience and compliance. Moreover, to better understand workers’ activism and political engagement in MENA, this dissertation calls for a change in how “successful mobilization” is measured and assessed. In particular, it draws attention to the objectives and goals of workers’ collective action, aims that cannot always be equated with the pursuit of a standardized path to democracy developed largely by institutions located in the West.
4
Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity." University of Western Australia. Faculty of Economics and Commerce, 2004. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.
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This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors
5
Duzenli, Esra. "Free Movement Of Turkish Workers In The Context Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612611/index.pdf.
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Within the broader scope of free movement of persons, free movement of workers
is one of the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the European Union (EU) law.
It is one of most significant rights that are granted to the Union citizens and will
be enjoyed by Turkish nationals after Turkey&rsquo<br>s accession the Union. In this
regard, this study examines the free movement of Turkish workers in the EU
within the framework of Turkey&rsquo<br>s EU accession process and two recent EU
enlargements since 2004. Along with the legal scope of free movement of
workers, transitional arrangements applied in two recent enlargements are
analyzed as it could provide some foresights about such freedom with respect to
Turkey&rsquo<br>s EU membership.
6
Hitchmough, Ruth Wendy. "Studies in the symbolism and spirituality of the arts and crafts movement." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340859.
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Tuchovsky, Charleen M. "Galatea's uprising activism in the United States sex workers' rights movement /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
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Ewen, Geoffrey. "International unions and the workers' revolt in Quebec, 1914-1925." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0021/NQ27291.pdf.
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Paoli, Tessa. "Deconstructing the Sex Workers' Rights Movement in San Francisco: Histories from Below." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/410.
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This is an investigation of the sex workers’ rights movement in San Francisco. My project is aimed at demystifying the movement and taking its aims seriously in order to see how it has succeeded and failed. This investigation analyses the mainstream rhetoric of the sex workers’ rights movement in San Francisco, and also uncovers sex work narratives that push against societal ideas of legitimate work, empowerment, agency and resistance.
This investigation is divided into two chapters. My first chapter titled “COYOTE to the St. James Infirmary: A Historical Analysis of the sex workers’ Rights Movement in San Francisco” is inspired by Kathi Weeks’ analysis of the movement for domestic wages in the 1970’s and argues that the early movement succeeded in challenging normative ideas of work and sexuality, but ultimately failed because of the exclusion of sex workers of color and/or gender nonconforming sex workers from the movement.
Chapter II, titled “The Silenced Scripts of Sex Workers: Histories Written from Below” uses Paul Apostolidis’ Grascian framework to explain why an investigation of sex workers’ zines, podcasts, blogs and magazines are essential in understanding theoretical themes that underlined the rhetoric of the sex workers’ rights movement in San Francisco. I argue that these narratives must be included in mainstream discourses surrounding sex work in order for sex workers to gain rights and remain safe on the streets of San Francisco.
10
Harmer, Harry James Parris. "The National Unemployed Workers' Movement in Britain 1921-1939 : failure and success." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337869.
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Portillo, Claudia Annette. "Silencing memories| The Workers' Movement for Democracy in El Salvador, 1932--1963." Thesis, California State University, Los Angeles, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10141186.
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<p>This thesis seeks to recover historical memory during El Salvador’s devastating anticommunist campaigns from 1932 to 1963. With El Salvador’s long history of repression against social movements, fear and even shame have silenced stories about the movement and its participants. In line with the current projects dedicated to social memory, this projects reconstructs the untold story of Felix Panameño, a local shoemaker and member of the Communist Party in the 1930s through his family’s memories. Shoemakers were key to the growing political consciousness of the time, as documented by Roque Dalton through the testimonial of shoemaker and survivor of the 1932 revolt, <i>Miguel Mármol</i>. Much of Panameño’s life and struggle transpired within key political moments from the persecutions of political activists that followed the 1932 revolt, known as “<i> La Matanza</i>”, through the wave of repressive military dictatorships that conspired against political activist and democracy. These dictators imposed a tyranny that ultimately drove large numbers of Salvadorans to migrate to the U.S. beginning in the 1960s. Many of these immigrants, in turn, silenced their memories and depoliticized in exchange for a new beginning. Today, some of these memories are being rebuilt, giving insight to better understanding El Salvador’s past, as well as the present peoples’ struggle for democracy at home and those participating from abroad. </p>
12
Stansbury, Jeffrey D. "Organized workers and the making of Los Angeles, 1890-1915." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1565796071&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Haseeb, Dina Khair El-din. "Intra-Arab labor movement 1973-1985." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9915.
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Leeworthy, Daryl. "Workers' fields : sport, landscape, and the Labour movement in South Wales, 1858-1958." Thesis, Swansea University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678550.
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Diehl, Dustin LaRue. ""We go back" antimodernism in the early Catholic Worker Movement /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5040.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 25, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
16
Horrocks, Robert James. "The Guangzhou-Hongkong strike, 1925-1926 : Hong Kong workers in an anti-Imperialist movement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1994. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1947/.
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In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggest that the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. Other writers have concentrated on the actions of Chinese revolutionaries, Hongkong's Chinese elite,and the Hongkong Government during the strike; my approach is unique because I focus on Hongkong's smaller unions, who fought revolutionaries' attempts to impose their own conception of a "modern" society. Finally, I show that, although the strike leadership gained control over a strike bureaucracy and built a solid power base through alliances with union leaders, its mass support ebbed away. The strike's main policy, a boycott of Hongkong trade, created opposition to the strike from merchants, peasants, and workers, which opposition GMD politicians exploited to bring the strike to an end.
17
Castano, Tierno Pablo. "The movement of household workers in Evo Morales' Bolivia : demands and policies (2006-2016)." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2017. http://research.gold.ac.uk/22735/.
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Household workers occupy the lowest position in Bolivian gender, ethnic and class hierarchies: the great majority of them are rural, indigenous and working-class women. In 1993, they created the National Federation of Bolivian Household Workers (Fenatrahob) and they began their struggle for the protection of household workers’ rights. The major result of this campaign was the creation 2450/2003 Law that Regulates Paid Household Work, which gave household workers almost equivalent legal rights to the rest of the Bolivian workforce. In 2006, the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS, in Spanish) left-indigenist party, with Evo Morales as president, won state power, pledging to improve the situation of household workers across Bolivia. In this MPhil thesis, I analyse the main demands of the social movement of household workers during the first ten years of Evo Morales in government (2006-2016) and the policies that the government implemented to fulfil the demands of the movement. I explain the partial satisfaction of the demands of the movement through the analysis of the relations between the movement and the government (institutionalization, as it is denominated by social movement scholars). The research contributes to the literature on household workers’ mobilisations, social movements outcomes and social movement institutionalization. The research is based on thematic content analysis of documents produced by Fenatrahob and the Bolivian government, semi-structured interviews with Bolivian officials and activists, and secondary sources.
18
Flynn, Alex James. "Pluralist identities and empowering 'the people' : Brazil's Landless Workers' Movement (MST) at the crossroads." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/pluralist-identities-and-empowering-the-people-brazils-landless-workers-movement-mst-at-the-crossroads(76b5c747-14d2-495a-850a-3cc664dcaf89).html.
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This thesis centres its analysis upon the fascination for the collective at the potential cost of a delimitation of individual expression, within the confines of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST). From the perspective of an applied anthropology, and to the end of contributing a constructive critique of the MST, the thesis seeks to ascertain how the movement has structured itself through the micro-actions of its membership around the domain of collective tropes of identity and where this complex set of understandings is leading the movement, both in the immediate, and more long-term, futures. To these ends, the principal focus of analysis is how actors within the movement construct and understand experiences of movement logic and emotion, as they perceive it, in and around their ambit. The thesis is thus orientated from an ethnographic perspective; throughout, actors’ accounts and experiences are privileged to attempt to throw light upon the manifold processes that being a member of the MST renders part of daily life. The thesis argues that in this extraordinarily dynamic time in Brazil, with socio-economic conditions so different to when the movement was founded, flexibility is going to be key as to whether the MST can endure, remaining relevant to its members and in a position where it can attempt to address its strategic aims. The thesis suggests that the movement faces a signal dilemma regarding the very device on which it has built its success, the unified collective front into which MST members’ identities can be subsumed. This fascination for the collective and its correlates, a hostile attitude to the media and the polarisation that can separate MST members from wider society, is explored through a series of differing contexts and the thesis closes with conclusions embedded within the framework of an applied anthropology; in pragmatic terms, how can the MST best achieve its stated goals at this historically significant point of its trajectory.
19
Nam, Hwasook Bergquist. "Labor's place in South Korean development : shipbuilding workers, capital, and the state, 1960-79 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10363.
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El-Shazli, Heba Fawzi. "An Elusive Victory - Egyptian Workers Challenge the Regime (2006-2012)." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71883.
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"We started the 2011 revolution and the rest of Egypt followed," say Egyptian workers with strong conviction. Egyptian independent workers' continuous claims of contention and repertoires of protest were one of several main factors leading to the January 25, 2011 uprising. After thirty-two years of a Mubarak-led authoritarian regime, massive protests began in January 2011 and forced President Mubarak to step down from his position. The first question of this research endeavor is: how did Egyptian workers challenge the regime and how they became one of the factors leading to the January 2011 uprising? These workers were organized into loose networks of different independent groups that had been protesting for a decade and longer prior to January 2011. However, their regular protests for over a decade before 2011 challenged the authoritarian regime.
This dissertation examines the combative role of Egyptian independent workers' formal and informal organizations as a contentious social movement to challenge the regime. It will examine the evolving role of workers as socio-economic actors and then as political actors in political transitions. Social Movement Theory (SMT) and its mechanisms and Social Movement Unionism (SMU) will be the lenses through which this research will be presented. The methodology will be the comparative case studies of two different movements where workers who advocated for their rights for a decade prior to January 2011 experienced significantly differing outcomes. One case study showcases the municipal real estate tax collection workers who were able to establish a successful social movement and then create an independent trade union. The second case study examines an influential group of garment and textile workers, who also developed an effective social movement, yet were not able to take it to the next step to establish an independent union. I will explore within this research a second question: why one group of workers was able to establish an independent union while the other arguably more influential group of workers, the garment and textile workers, was not able to do so. This had an impact on the influence they were able to exercise over the regime in addition to their effectiveness as a social movement for change.<br>Ph. D.
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Nascimento, Antonio Dias. "Peasant social movements and rural workers' trade unions in Bahia (1972-1990)." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.331957.
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Egas, Heloiza de Almeida Prado Botelho. "Movimentos sociais e Estado resistência e contra-hegemonia na ação do MST." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2008. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/19997.
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Dissertação de Heloiza de Almeida Prado Botelho Egas.pdf: 1716526 bytes, checksum: 0f9df11de64bbb846972d7e8da1b152b (MD5)<br>CAPES/CNPq<br>As transformações do estado capitalista contemporâneo, hegemonizado pela ideologia neoliberal, produziram profundas alterações nas economias e sociedades mundiais, determinando também alterações geopolíticas e na divisão internacional do trabalho. Como resultado dessas alterações, grande parte da produção mundial é hoje controlada por alguns grupos econômicos que atuam em diversas nações monopolizando processos de trabalho e os lucros, estabelecendo uma relação de interdependência e subordinação entre nações hegemônicas e periféricas.
Esse modelo produziu, para os países periféricos, conflitos de classe ainda mais agudos, nos quais - caso do Brasil - a ação das classes dominadas foi historicamente refreada e reprimida através da utilização do aparato estatal, instrumento prioritário das classes dominantes para a promoção de seus interesses. Além disso, o desenvolvimento periférico e dependente do Brasil se deu a partir da atividade primário-exportadora, em que pese o longo período de industrialização pelo qual passou o País, sobretudo entre as décadas de 1930 e 1970, no qual também aprofundaram-se as relações capitalistas no meio rural sem alterar, porém, o padrão de concentração fundiária. O País, assim, chegou a século 21 sem ter realizado uma reforma agrária, e tem hoje no agronegócio o modelo hegemônico de desenvolvimento rural, que ocupa ainda um papel importante na atual estratégia macroeconômica do estado brasileiro. Esse modelo produziu, ao longo da história, conflitos no meio rural que se tornaram crônicos, e vem fomentando revoltas e movimentos de resistência desde a sociedade colonial, tendo como um dos seus exemplos contemporâneos o Movimento Sem Terra.
Este trabalho analisa as ações do MST à luz dessas transformações e do desenvolvimento dependente do capitalismo no Brasil na sua luta pela reforma agrária e a desconcentração fundiária e na relação com o estado, avaliando até que ponto aquelas constituem uma inovação em relação à ação de resistência do campesinato brasileiro no meio rural. Considerando, ainda, o recente momento político brasileiro, procuramos indicar algumas alterações táticas e estratégicas que possam orientar a uma disputa mais ampla do Movimento por um projeto de resistência e contra-hegemonia.
Transformations of the contemporary capitalist State, dominated by neoliberal ideology, have produced profound changes in global economies and societies, as well as bringing about alterations in geopolitics and in the international division of labour. As a result of these changes, a large part of global production is today controlled by only a few economic groups present in diverse nations, in this way monopolizing both profit and labour processes and establishing a relationship of interdependence and subordination between hegemonic and peripheral nations.
In peripheral countries this model had provoked more severe class conflicts in which – in the case of Brazil – the actions of dominated classes have been historically controlled and repressed through the use of the State, the main instrument used by the dominant classes for the advancement of their interests. Furthermore, Brazil’s peripheral and dependent development has been based on primary-exporter activities, even when taking into account the long industrialization period through which the country passed (especially between the 1930s and the 1970s), in which capitalist rural relationships were also intensified, without therefore changing the concentration of landholding. As a result, the country entered the 21st century without ever having carried out agrarian reform, and today agro-business is the hegemonic model of rural development that occupies an important role in the current macroeconomic strategy of the Brazilian State. Throughout history this model has produced persistent rural conflicts, and has fostered rebellions and resistance movements since colonial times, the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST in Portuguese) being one of the best contemporary examples.
This work analyzes MST actions in the light of these transformations and of Brazilian capitalism-dependent development, in the Movement’s struggle for agrarian reform and the de-concentration of landholding and its relationship with the State. It also evaluates to what point these actions constitute innovation with regards to Brazilian peasant, rural resistance. Considering the recent Brazilian political context, this work looks to indicate a few tactical and strategic changes that could potentially guide a struggle broader than the movement itself, towards a counter hegemonic project of resistance.
Key words: State, countryside, social movements, hegemony, Rural Landless Workers Movement (MST)
23
Zhu, Lin. "Political opportunity and resistance : a study of migrant workers' protests in China /." View abstract or full-text, 2009. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202009%20ZHU.
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Černá, Martina. "Překážky volného pohybu pracovníků v judikatuře ESD." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18117.
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The aim of my thesis is to acquaint the reader with the problematic of free movement of workers, both from the theoretical point of view and from practical point of view based on the European Court of Justice cases. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I focus on the characteristics of internal market and definition of free movement of persons and workers. I mention individual law regulations that significantly influence the problematic of free movement of persons. Further, I describe different exceptions from free movement of workers, mutual recognition of academic qualifications and social security regarding the movement of workers. And at last in my practical part, I analyze individual cases of ECJ which have had the most significant impact on the development of free movement of workers.
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Thomas, Deborah Gisele. "Workers and organizers : African-American women in the work force and club movement, 1890-1930 /." View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/9830548.
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Harrison, Jill Ann. "Obstacles to Social Movement Unionism: A Case Study of the United Steel Workers of America." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1396276428.
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Lima, Jacqueline Aline Botelho. "Trabalho, educação e emancipação humana: o movimento sem-terra e os horizontes para o ensino médio do campo." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2008. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=795.
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A presente dissertação de mestrado pretende analisar como o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST) organiza o debate de construção do Ensino Médio do Campo, numa análise de suas propostas de educação para este nível da formação. O Ensino Médio, e, em especial, o Ensino Médio do Campo, possui centralidade neste trabalho justamente por ser neste período que se enfatiza o dilema capitalista da relação dicotômica entre trabalho e educação, quando os jovens são levados a escolher se seguirão os estudos, se ingressarão no mercado de trabalho ou se buscarão a conciliação das duas "opções" com prejuízo da formação. O caráter desta escolha é determinado pela condição material experimentada por estes jovens, e, neste aspecto, fazemos uma análise da produção da "mercadoria" como base da exploração do homem pelo homem no capitalismo. É intenção do nosso trabalho analisar como o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra realiza o resgate na luta concreta-ideológica da relação dialética teoria-prática; como o movimento enfrenta as demandas concretas por trabalho e por educação; neste sentido, analisamos as propostas de educação de Nível Médio do MST, identificando se estas operam o rompimento da relação dicotômica entre esses processos. Ao analisarmos como o MST se aproxima da leitura da educação como princípio educativo, pretendemos identificar as tendências do Movimento em construir um projeto popular alternativo à sociedade capitalista. Neste trabalho, também buscamos fazer uma análise da relação histórica entre o homem e o trabalho, destacando como se dá a produção material da vida dentro da sociedade capitalista e suas determinações sobre o indivíduo social. Fazemos uma aproximação com a história conjuntural latino-americana, numa análise geral da conflitividade latina na busca pela terra, pela educação como expressão das ausências do Estado na relação de dependência do capitalismo brasileiro em relação aos países centrais. Destacamos também como as organizações sociais e os movimentos de esquerda no Brasil se reorganizam nesta conjuntura, buscando identificar como o MST contribui para a ressignificação do campo educacional brasileiro.
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Maffitt, Kenneth F. "Alternating currents in Mexican labor : electrical manufacturing workers in Mexico City, 1968-1986 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9975040.
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Mmadi, Mpho Manoagae. ""Mzabalazo on the Move" : organising Workers on a Commuter Train in Tshwane -An Ethnographic Study of Mamelodi Train Sector." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/67406.
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In this thesis, I examine the centrality of travel geographies – with a specific focus on
urban commuter railway lines between Mamelodi and central Tshwane – and their
influence upon political identities of South African workers. By adopting a historical
approach to our understanding of the South African working class, the thesis brings
into sharper focus the relationship between the social dynamics of apartheid and how
workers perceived the concept of a train. These have permeated into the new era with
the formation of the Mamelodi Train Sector (MTS), as an organisation dedicated to
organising workers on the trains since 2001. The emergence of MTS in the era of the
neoliberal labour regime and its associated assault upon labour movements present
opportunities for labour revival strategies. Drawing on the data collected, I show that
the train can be used as a strategic site of mobilising, particularly for those workers
without workplace representation. By portraying the train as a site of worker power
and political consciousness, I accord primacy to the train as a space of potential union
revival. This is informed by educational sessions on labour rights and labour law that
take place on the train en-route to and from work. Because during these educational
sessions; workers ask workplace or problem specific questions, I suggest, such
questions are informed by the need to seek out useful information that can be utilised
to address specific workplace problems.
The theme ‘labour movement revival’ has gained global traction as labour scholars
from both the north and south grapple with the aftermath of globalisation on organised
labour. This has seen an increase in poverty, unemployment and inequalities in
countries such as South Africa. Labour revitalisation theme came about because, as
Beverly Silver correctly observes:
During the last two decades of the twentieth century, there was an
almost complete consensus in the social sciences literature that
labo[u]r movements were in a general and severe crisis. Declining
strike activity and other overt expressions of labo[u]r militancy, failing
union density and shrinking real wages and job insecurity were among
the trends documented (Silver, 2003: 1).
Reacting to the reality as described by Silver (2003), labour scholars, activists and
likeminded individuals set about to rescue the once militant labour movement from its
ii
perpetual decline. Drawing on case studies from various countries, author after author
sought to offer new ways in which the erstwhile flourishing trade unionism can be
restored to its former glory. This ethnographic study hopes to make a contribution to
this growing body of knowledge. By exploring the activities of the Mamelodi Train
Sector (MTS), the study attempts to show that the train can become a strategic locus
of worker social power.
By historicising the role of the train, it is possible to trace various phases of the ‘making
of the South Africa working class’ starting in 1652 (colonialism era). This was followed
by the period of mineral discovery, segregation and lastly, apartheid. These historical
epochs were characterised by an oppressive and racist capitalist industrialisation
process, which sough, as a point of departure to turn into cheap migrants the
indigenous populations of South Africa. This saw the advent of an elaborate
proletarianisation process backed up a battery of oppressive legislative measures.
Due to these conditions, a particular kind of trade unionism – social movement
unionism (SMU) – emerged in this context as response to the abuse, exploitation and
lack of industrial citizenship of the African majority both as workers and citizens of this
country. As an expression of black anger, SMU was primarily concerned with
liberating South African from the abuses of both the apartheid state and the racist
capitalist system operational in South Africa at the time. This saw black Africans being
accorded labour rights for the first time in 1979 and finally achieving democratic
majority rule in 1994. A social partnership was put in place with the militant labour
movement under COSATU entering into an alliance with the ruling ANC and SACP.
Post-1994, the SMU of the 80s faced new challenges with the advent of the neoliberal
labour regime as the ANC government adopted market friendly macro-economic
policies. The corollary presented the weakening of the labour movements as capital
put in place measure to counter labours organisational power.
This led to a crisis of representation as South Africa’s largely industrial unionism
struggled under the new work paradigm. Under the new work conditions,
casualisation, externalisation and outsourcing were adopted by capital with a view to
weaken labour’s traditional forms of power – associational and structural power. It is
this shifting terrain that required innovative ways to theorise and understand labour’s
attempts to ameliorate the juggernaut that became neoliberalism. Fracturing the
workplace as traditionally understood severely raptured worker solidarities. It is within
iii
this context that this thesis seeks to understand MTS and its locus of operation – the
train. The data collected shows that MTS plays a critical role in filling some of the gaps
left by the weakened SMU. By organising on the train, MTS provides a space of
articulation for the vulnerable sections of the workforce – those without workplace
representation. Drawing from the power resource approach (PRA), the thesis makes
a case for a need to expand our understading of workers’ assciational power. The
case of MTS demonstrate that workers’ associational power need not be limited to the
workplace.
Based on this, the thesis suggests that at the conceptual level, the train, due to its
strategic importance to workers’ daily travel, can substitute the meaning laden
workplace. Drawing on Havery’s concept of spatial fix, the findings demonstrate that
just like capital, labour is also capable of fixes. These are demonstrated by MTS’s
ablity to: (a) provide workers with a space for friendships and political influence, (b)
provide workers with a space of solidarity and belonging and, (c) act as a knowledge
hub. Herod argues that, much like capital, workers also have vested interests in how
the geographies of production are produced and configured. Therefore, workers can
arguably draw strength from this coach and radiate such strength outwards in order to
challenge capital’s spatial fixes. This, Anderson (2015) refers to as a resonant place.
Observations clearly show that workers actively seek out information that can be
useful in their lives. This is a form of agency that can be located at the level of the
individual – scaled at the body. This form of agency, however, needs to be understood
in its context – what Soja refers to as socio-spatial dialctic.<br>Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2019.<br>National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences<br>Sociology<br>DPhil<br>Unrestricted
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Barros, Monyse Ravenna de Sousa. "Os sem terrinha: Uma histÃria da luta social no Brasil (1981-2012)." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2013. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=11037.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior<br>Esta pesquisa adota como ponto de partida a histÃria recente da luta por Reforma AgrÃria no Brasil; uma histÃria social da teimosia, como expressa nas formas organizativas do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), desde o inÃcio da dÃcada de 1980. Compreendendo o MST como fruto das lutas sociais contra a ditadura, do legado da histÃria dos movimentos camponeses e da pedagogia em ato da teologia da libertaÃÃo, este trabalho examina as singularidades histÃricas no quadro de intensos conflitos sociais, marcados pela violÃncia do latifÃndio e do Estado. Neste caso, o estudo examina, a partir das fontes, uma particular violÃncia contra as crianÃas, quando os acampamentos da reforma agrÃria afirmam um novo territÃrio da luta social. Este estudo concentra seu foco de anÃlise na histÃria das crianÃas Sem Terrinha, em face da construÃÃo de uma identidade coletiva. Para tal, as fontes impressas sÃo estudadas em sua dimensÃo formadora, com Ãnfase nos argumentos da luta por impresso, com referÃncia à dimensÃo singular da infÃncia Sem Terra no Jornal e Revista Sem Terrinha. Aqui, ressaltamos as prÃticas de difusÃo do livro e da leitura nos espaÃos educativos de luta social dos Sem Terrinha, a saber, as Escolas de EducaÃÃo do Campo, os Encontros, os Congressos, as Jornadas de luta e as Cirandas Infantis.<br>This research takes as its starting point the recent history of the struggle for Agrarian Reform in Brazil: a social history of stubbornness, as expressed in the organizational forms of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST), since the early 1980s. Understanding the MST as a result of social struggles against dictatorship, the legacy of the history of peasant movements and pedagogy in an act of liberation theology, this work examines the historical oddities in the context of intense social conflict, marked by the violence of landlordism and State. In this case, the study examines, from the sources, one particular violence against children, when the camp of the agrarian reform claims for a new territory of social struggle. This study concentrates its focus of analysis in the history of children from SEM TERRINHA movement (landless children), due to the construction of a collective identity. To this end, the printed sources are studied in their formative dimension, with emphasis on the arguments of the struggle for printing with a reference to the singular dimension of these childrenâs childhood in SEM TERRINHA Journal and Magazine. Here, we highlight the practices of distributing books and reading in the educational spaces of social struggle of SEM TERRINHA children, namely, the Schools of Rural Education, the Meetings, the Congresses, the Journeys of struggle and the Kidsâ Riddles.
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Machado, Rita de Cássia Fraga. "Educação necessária para ir além movimento dos trabalhadores desempregados do Rio Grande do Sul." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/94709.
Full textAbstract:
Educar neste trabalho assume uma característica revolucionária. Educar está ligado à emancipação humana e à superação do capital. O educar necessário é para o não trabalho explorado, uma inserção subordinada ao capital na forma de emprego alienado. O educar nesta tese é para o trabalho que liberta e se apresenta como valor de uso capaz de criativamente libertar-se do valor de troca, do mercantil simples, ou seja, do trabalho como valor de troca. O trabalho e a educação para a reprodução da vida das desempregadas a que se refere este trabalho se apresentam como enfrentamentos às formas alienantes e subordinadas do capital e, ao mesmo tempo, como projetos de superação do mesmo. Fundamentamo-nos, principalmente, nos estudos de Marx, Oliveira, Gramsci, Engels, Iasi, Manacorda, Freire e Saviani. O trabalho é fundante do ser social e no conjunto de atividades intelectuais e manuais organizadas pela espécie. Para Marx (2010), os homens, para existirem, devem ser capazes de se reproduzir enquanto seres humanos. Uma forma específica desta reprodução é dada por uma peculiar relação dos seres humanos com a natureza através do trabalho. A categoria do trabalho emerge, desta forma, como categoria central do ser social. O conceito de educação esta baseado na definição da formação humana. A questão, portanto, que necessita ser examinada neste trabalho é em que consiste a formação humana de mulheres historicamente desempregadas e socialmente sobrantes nos meios de produção. Estamos aí diante de uma questão filosófica e de educação por excelência, ligada ao problema da possibilidade, do sentido, do valor e dos limites do trabalho. A metodologia da pesquisa-ação, cuja referência principal foi Fals Borda (2007, p. 103), permitiu que refletíssemos sobre “la justicia de las mayorías hoy ausentes, explotadas, ignoradas y sin voz lo cual llevaría a trabajos bastantes originales y, ante todo, útiles para la sociedad”. O método dialético permitiu reconstituir o movimento dos múltiplos determinantes que sintetizaram a possibilidade de alterações qualitativas em parte do contingente em questão. Concluímos basicamente que: a) a metodologia adotada nos possibilitou reflexões em torno da problemática mais próximas da realidade; b) as mulheres do MTD são sujeitos sociais mesmo que na condição de sobrantes, porque lutam e se organizam num Movimento Social por trabalho, educação e moradia; c) a educação necessária a estas mulheres precisa ir além, sendo necessário articular este processo à luta maior dos trabalhadores pela superação do capital. Defendemos, portanto, a tese de que a educação necessária é fundamentada no trabalho necessário socialmente útil, e não trabalho alienado, como valor de troca numa inserção subordinada ao capital. O educar, nesta tese, é para e no trabalho que liberta e se apresenta como valor de uso, capaz de criativamente construir processos de trabalho. Por fim, e não menos importante, esta tese pretende criar alternativas populares de transformação das estruturas sociais que tornam tal ‘vida’ exigente de ser sempre ‘melhorada’. Este fundamento teórico e político nem sempre se realizava na prática e transformava em ação social.<br>In this dissertation labor/work takes on a revolutionary characteristic, as it is connected to human emancipation and the overcoming of capital. The education that is necessary is education for non-exploited labor, labor that is not subordinated to capital in the form of alienated employment. In this dissertation education is for a labor that liberates and presents itself as use value capable of creatively freeing itself from labor as exchange value. The work and the education for the reproduction of life of the unemployed women to whom this dissertation refers are opposed to the alienating and subordinated forms of capital and are projects designed to overcome it. The dissertation is based mainly on studies by Marc, Oliveira, Gramsci, Engels, Iasi, Manacorda, Freire and Saviani. Labor is foundational for social beings in the ensemble of intellectual and manual activities organized by the human species. For Marx (2010), human beings, in order to exist, must be able to reproduce. A specific form of reproduction takes place through their peculiar relationship with nature through labor/work. Thus, labor emerges as a central category of social beings. The concept of education is based on the definition of the process of becoming fully human. Thus, the issue discussed by this dissertation is what this process means for women who are historically unemployed and socially excluded from the means of production. Thus, it faces a philosophical and educational question par excellence that is connected to the problem of possibility, meaning, value and the limits of work. The methodology of action research, whose main reference is Fals Borda (2007, p. 103), enables the author to reflect on “justice for the majorities who today are absent, exploited, ignored and voiceless, which would lead to works that are very original and mainly useful to society”. The dialectical method helped reconstruct the movement of the multiple determinants related to the possibility of qualitative changes in part of the women concerned. She basically concludes that (a) the methodology adopted facilitated reflections on the topic that were closer to reality; (b) the women of the Movement of Unemployed Workers are social subjects even if they are “left out”, since they struggle and organize in a social movement that pursues work, education and housing; (c) the education that is necessary for these women must “go beyond” in the sense of being articulated with wider struggle of workers for the overcoming of capital. Thus, she advances the thesis that the necessary education is based on the socially useful necessary work, rather than on alienated work, i.e. work as exchange value in subordination to capital. This means education for and in work that liberates and presents itself as use value capable of creatively constructing work processes. Last but not least, this dissertation intends to contribute to the creation of popular alternatives for the transformation of social structures that make such ‘life’ demand constant ‘improvement’. This theoretical and political foundation was not always realized in practice did not always become social action.
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Bezerra, Antonio Alves. "O Jornal dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra e seus temas: 1981-2001." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12678.
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Previous issue date: 2011-06-09<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>The present work analyses the material produced and published by the Jornal dos Trabalhadores
Rurais Sem Terra (Landless Rural Workers Newspaper) during the period from 1981 to 2001, and
unveils the historical and political trajectory of the MST (Movimento Sem Terra Landless Workers'
Movement), as well as of its leaders hereby personified by the figure of the rural landless worker, in
that their experiences are narrated not as victims, but as historic figures devoted to the fight against
the social exclusion process to which they were historically submitted to, with the land reform
constituting their main claim.
The survey carried out reveals that the JST (Landless Workers Newspaper) has during its trajectory
registered intervention initiatives by the movement, as well as the participation of other entities and
solidarity institutions offering support in order to collaborate with the multiple needs of the rural
landless workers: the land reform and social justice in rural areas.
In this regard, the survey took on the challenge of giving visibility to the articles published by the JST,
not just because it would publish movement records, but to fulfill the desire to recover and historicize
its actions, practices, discourses and its representations faced with landless workers aspirations.
The following narrative is based on the interpretation and analysis of an extensive bibliography
contemplating themes related to the land issue, political disputes involving the rural workers articulated
by the Landless Workers Movement and by non-governmental organizations that took part in the
project defended by this movement.
Faced with this challenge, the research took a timeframe of approximately twenty years of JST
publications and gave preference to the interpretation and analysis of editorials, interviews with
movement leaders and articles of opinion written by politicians, catholic intellectuals and leftist
academics, as well as the analysis of news and images published by the newspaper.
For such, material that was selected and published by the CPT (Comissão Pastoral da Terra
Pastoral Land Commission) was used in order to understand the relationship between newspaper s
discourse and the information provided by the Cadernos Conflitos no Campo (Field Conflict Notebooks)
published by this entity, particularly those regarding rural violence data.
The research entitled O Jornal dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra e Seus Temas (The Landless
Rural Workers Newspaper and its Themes 1981-2001) contributes towards understanding the stages
of operation of the landless workers newspaper, uncovering its interfaces, objectives, language, its
political opposition and its reading public. It also reveals the location and circulation numbers. This is
information that provides the construction of a narrative in order to assure that it is understood not only
as an object of communication for rural workers, but above all, as a subject of struggle and a briefer
for the land reform project and social justice in rural areas and cities defended by the MST<br>O presente trabalho estuda os materiais produzidos e veiculados pelo Jornal dos Trabalhadores
Rurais Sem Terra no período de 1981 a 2001, desvelando a trajetória histórica e política do MST
assim como de suas lideranças, aqui personificadas na figura dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra,
sendo suas experiências narradas não como vítimas, mas como sujeitos históricos imbricados na luta
contra o processo de exclusão social ao qual foram submetidos historicamente, constituindo-se a
reforma agrária na principal bandeira de reivindicação.
A pesquisa desenvolvida revela que o JST registrou ao longo de sua trajetória as ações de
intervenção do Movimento assim como a participação de outras entidades e instituições solidárias a
ele, prestando-lhe apoio no sentido de colaborar com as múltiplas necessidades dos trabalhadores
rurais sem terra: a reforma agrária e a justiça social no campo.
Nesse aspecto, a pesquisa enfrentou o desafio de dar visibilidade aos materiais publicados pelo JST
não somente em razão deste veicular os registros do Movimento, mas pelo desejo de recuperar e
historicizar suas ações, suas práticas, seus discursos e suas representações frente aos anseios dos
trabalhadores sem terra.
A narrativa que se segue pauta-se pela interpretação e análise de uma extensa bibliografia
contemplando temas correlatos à questão da terra, aos embates políticos envolvendo os
trabalhadores rurais articulados pelo MST e por organizações não governamentais que
compartilhavam do projeto defendido por este Movimento.
Em face dessa problemática, a pesquisa tomou como recorte temporal o estudo de aproximadamente
vinte anos de publicação do JST, priorizando a interpretação e análise de seus editoriais, entrevistas
com lideranças do Movimento e artigos de opinião escritos por políticos, intelectuais católicos e
acadêmicos de tendência de esquerda, assim como a análise de notícias e imagens veiculadas pelo
mesmo jornal.
Para tanto, utilizou-se os materiais apurados e divulgados pela Comissão Pastoral da Terra CPT, no
sentido de compreender a relação do discurso do Jornal com as informações trazidas pelos Cadernos
Conflitos no Campo, publicados por essa entidade, particularmente aquelas condizentes aos dados
de violência no campo.
A pesquisa intitulada O Jornal dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra e Seus Temas: 1981-2001
contribui para a compreensão das etapas de atuação do periódico dos trabalhadores sem terra,
descortinando suas interfaces, seus objetivos, sua linguagem, suas posições políticas, seu público
leitor. Traz a tona ainda o seu local de circulação e sua tiragem, informações estas que
proporcionaram a construção de uma narrativa em que se assegura a possibilidade do Jornal dos
Trabalhadores Sem Terra ser compreendido não somente como objeto de comunicação dos
trabalhadores rurais mas, sobretudo, como sujeito de luta e porta-voz do projeto de reforma agrária e
justiça social para o campo e cidade defendido pelo MST
33
Rider, R. "Liberal paternalism and the Labour movement : Railway workers and the Midland Company in Derby, 1850-1914." Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.374725.
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Fannin, Coleman Harvey Barry. "Solidarity, compassion, truth : the pacifist witness of Dorothy Day /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4818.
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Abellás, Jose Benito Yárritu. "Baderna estrangeira ou urgência nacional? Embates parlamentares sobre o sobre o movimento operário nos Anais da Câmara dos Deputados (1917-1919)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7002.
Full textAbstract:
O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes.<br>The period from 1917 to 1919 was marked by intense labor rights activities in both Brazil and the rest of the world, prompted by global instability and the Bolshevik Revolution. In Brazil, these events repeated themselves, becoming an intensified movement of workers' mobilization, marked by high numbers of strikes, that happened in different urban centers throughout the country. Paying close attention to this new picture, the Brazilian political elites did not take long to position themselves. The parliamentary discourses produced by the Deputies' Chamber about the conflicts, were the objects of analysis of the present research, with the purpose of finding out what positions were taken by the legislative house. Two opposing postures were identified: one taken by the majority, that legitimized the repressive politics towards the movement implemented by both the state and federal governments, based on the view that the latter presented itself as some sort of turmoil lead by evil foreigners; the other, taken by the minority, demanded an attentive look by the political instances over the social demands, which were central objectives of the workers' mobilization. This clash of ideas, which expanded the matters of workers into other spheres within Brazilian society, were not resolved by convictions or common sense. The repressive outlook produced a discourse commonly used in argumentative logic present in the political myth of 'conspiracy', and ended up legitimizing the use of force imposed on the movement by the government.
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Tatton, Derek. "The tension between political commitment and academic neutrality in the W.E.A." n.p, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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Corrêa, Bernardo Alves. "Revitalização sindical : resgate da experiência do Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre 1988-2013." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/116503.
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Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos.<br>This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.
38
Lagier, Claire [Verfasser], and Christof [Akademischer Betreuer] Mauch. "Constructing legitimacy? : agroecology within and beyond the Brazilian Landless Workers' Movement (MST) / Claire Lagier ; Betreuer: Christof Mauch." München : Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 2019. http://d-nb.info/122336979X/34.
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Spinney, Ashley Amara. "Exploring How EMDR Social Workers in Eastern Canada Experience Vicarious Trauma." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7195.
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Social workers are increasingly using eye movement, desensitization, and reprocessing (EMDR) to help clients recover from trauma. Little is known about how social workers who work with traumatic client material while using EMDR as their main psychotherapeutic modality experience vicarious trauma. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore the experience of vicarious trauma among social workers in Eastern Canada who used EMDR in their practice with clients. Constructivist self-development theory was the framework that informed this study. Data were collected using semistructured interviews with 7 EMDR social work participants who were selected using purposive sampling. Participants were required to have a masters level social work designation, EMDR training, and practice with trauma material at least 40% of the time they see clients. Findings from the narrative analysis showed that participants' concepts of 'self' changed over time, with the changes becoming less acute. Understanding how EMDR social workers experience vicarious trauma has implications for policy, practice, future research, and for social change related to trauma. Social workers who are less likely to become traumatized may fit a prototype that may be more appealing to organizational stability. Clinicians may be able to see the signs and symptoms of vicarious trauma and take more time for education and self-care. Finally, study findings may further research on vicarious trauma and EMDR.
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KINCL, LAUREL DENISE. "THE EFFECT OF CHALLENGING SOMATOSENSORY INPUTS ON THE RELATIONSHIP OF EYE MOVEMENT AND POSTURAL SWAY PATTERNS OF EXPERIENCE AND INEXPERIENCED WORKERS." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1022597952.
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Johnson, Markus. "Vår fana är röd : Bärs av händer med brinnande glöd." Thesis, Konstfack, Grafisk design & illustration, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:konstfack:diva-5880.
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Barbosa, Alexandre. "A comunicação do MST: uma ação política contra-hegemônica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27154/tde-26022014-120204/.
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Esta tese sustenta que a comunicação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) é uma ação política, fruto tanto da organização do movimento como da formação crítica de seus militantes ao longo da trajetória histórica do movimento. Essa ação concretiza-se nos meios utilizados para esses propósitos como respostas do MST ao poder hegemônico em cada contexto político. A problematização da pesquisa originou-se da interface entre comunicação e política, no sentido de demonstrar como a prática jornalística contribuiu para a organização do movimento e também entender a comunicação e educação como fatores que levam à consciência crítica dos seus militantes. Por isso, a principal contribuição desta tese está na forma de entender a comunicação social como representação do movimento e de elemento catalisador de sua ação formativa contra-hegemônica. Por essa razão, o principal objetivo da tese consiste em demonstrar a importância da comunicação na convergência dos interesses políticos e de formação dos militantes do MST. Os procedimentos metodológicos utilizados partem de levantamento bibliográfico orientado para entender como os meios de comunicação podem organizar as classes dentro da sociedade. Também foram utilizadas entrevistas com líderes e militantes, para reforçar a análise dos jornais do MST feita sob os aspectos formal, estético, político e social. Os referenciais teóricos vão de Lenin, que discute o uso do jornal como organizador coletivo, a Gramsci, que defende a educação como forma de emancipação, e aos autores que tratam da interface entre comunicação, educação e ação, entre eles, Mario Kaplún. A tese estrutura-se em três capítulos, com uma introdução que contextualiza como o MST organiza os meios de comunicação e de formação nesse campo de conhecimento. O primeiro capítulo trata do uso do jornal como organizador coletivo e do jornalismo como instrumento de formação, organização e projeção da classe trabalhadora. O segundo capítulo toca no cerne da tese ao formular as políticas de comunicação do MST em quatro estágios: o jornal como organizador do movimento, como consolidador da identidade nacional, como meio de comunicação tanto interno como externo e como processo de formação dos militantes. O terceiro capítulo retoma o tema da formação para explorar a interface comunicação e educação: a escola como instrumento contrahegemônico do MST e a incorporação da cultura popular do camponês nas ações da mística. Por fim, este trabalho aponta como a formação dos militantes em comunicação pode contribuir para o MST enfrentar os novos desafios colocados pelas mudanças da política agrária no Brasil.<br>This thesis sustains that the communication of the Landless Rural Workers\' Movement (MST) is a political action, a result of the organization of the movement as much as of its militants\' critical formation along the historical trajectory of the movement. This action is accomplished through the means used for these purposes as responses from MST toward the hegemonic power in each political context. The problematization of this research originated from the interface between communication and politics, in the sense that it demonstrates how a journalistic practice has contributed to the organization of the movement, and it points to communication and education as factors that lead to critical consciousness of its militants. Therefore, the main contribution of this thesis lies in understanding how social communication is a way of representing the movement and it is a catalyzing element for its counterhegemonic formative action. For that reason, the main goal of this thesis consists of demonstrating the importance of communication on the convergence of the movement\'s political interests and its militants formation. The chosen methodological procedures are based on a supervised literature review as to understand how the means of communication can organize classes within the society. Interviews with leaders and militants have also been employed in order to reinforce the formal, aesthetic, political and social analysis of MST newspapers. The theoretical framework includes Lenin, who discusses the use of the newspaper as a collective organizer; Gramsci, who defends education as a form of emancipation; and other authors that approach the interface between communication, education and action, such as Mario Kaplún. This thesis is structured in three chapters. The introduction contextualizes how MST organizes the means of communication and formation in this field of knowledge. The first chapter deals with the use of the newspaper as a collective organizer, and with journalism as a tool for formation, organization and projection of the working class. The second chapter points to the core of the thesis as it formulates MST\'s politics of communication in four stages: the newspaper as organizer of the movement, as consolidator of the national identity, as means of both internal and external communication and as process for militants\' formation. The third chapter resumes the theme of formation in order to explore the communication-education interface: the school as MST\'s counterhegemonic tool, and the embodiment of the peasants\' popular culture into the actions of the mystique. Finally, this research establishes how the militants\' formation in communication can contribute to MST as it deals with new challenges put forward by changes in the agrarian politics of Brazil.
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ALBUQUERQUE, Jefferson Gustavo Lopes de. "O impacto da Revolução Russa no Brasil : a classe operária na imprensa e no parlamento brasileiro (1917-1920)." Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2018. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/1372.
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Previous issue date: 2018-06-21<br>Esta dissertação tem como objetivo demonstrar de que maneira a Revolução Russa impactou a sociedade brasileira em dois eixos principais. O primeiro, demonstrar as ressonâncias na classe trabalhadora brasileira, analisando como fora recepcionado a Revolução na mentalidade dos elementos mais conscientes da classe trabalhadora e, também através das entidades de classe: partido, associações, clubes e sindicatos. Nesse contexto, a Revolução Russa convergiu com o momento de intensa luta de classes no Brasil, marcado pelo um movimento de greve geral, contra a carestia de vida, em 1917. Desse modo, verificamos que a Revolução Outubrina influenciou uma parte do movimento operário anarquista e socialista a adotar a estratégia das greves revolucionárias, objetivando a derrubada do capitalismo. Já o segundo aspecto coaduna com o primeiro, uma vez que a intensificação das mobilizações operárias internas e as dezenas de tentativas de revoltas, motins e revoluções que estavam ocorrendo em várias partes do mundo, serviram de alerta para parte das elites brasileiras que começou a defender uma Legislação Trabalhista, visando amparar a classe trabalhadora, mas também objetivando debelar as ideias de revolução social advinda da Rússia. A partir de então, surgir um grande debate na câmara dos deputados sobre adoção ou não de um projeto chamado Código do Trabalho. Aos que defendiam o projeto, usaram da retórica do perigo revolucionário, que era um problema as democracias liberais Europa estavam enfrentando. Em suma, queremos demonstrar ao longo desta dissertação que o aspecto externo que pressionou para aprovação de uma parte do Código do Trabalho foi a revolução que abalou o mundo, emanada na terra dos sovietes.<br>This dissertation has the objective of demonstrating the ways in which the Russian Revolution had an impact on the brazilian society, with reference to two main aspects. The first, demonstrating its resonance on the brazilian working class, analyzing how the Revolution was received in the mentality of the most conscious elements of the working class, and also through its class entities: parties, associations, clubs and trade unions. In this context, the Russian Revolution converged with a moment of intense class struggle in Brazil, marked by a general strike movement, against high costs, in 1917. We have, thus, established that the October Revolution influenced a part of the anarchist and socialist workers movement on the adoption of the strategy of revolutionary strikes, aimed at overthrowing capitalism. The second aspect relates to the first, since the intensification of the native worker’s mobilizations and the dozens of attempts of rebellion, riots and revolutions which were occurring in various parts of the world, served as an alert for part of the brazilian elite which started to defend a Worker’s Legislation, directed at supporting the workforce, but also aimed at defusing the ideas of social revolution coming from Russia. Since then, a great discussion emerged in the Chamber of Deputies about the adoption or rejection of a project called the Labor Code. On the part of its supporters, the rhetoric of the revolutionary danger was used, and also that this was a problem that the liberal democracies of Europe were faced with too. In short, we wish to argue that the external aspect which pressured the approval of part of the Labor Code was the revolution that shook the world, originated on the land of the soviets.
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Wong, Siu-yi Elsa. "A study of the self-help movement in Hong Kong : implications for the role and involvement of social workers /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13744677.
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Bell, Jamie. "Low back pain and sickness absence among sedentary workers : the influence of lumbar sagittal movement characteristics and psychosocial factors." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2008. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/6957/.
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Introduction: Low back pain remains a burden for society, since it can lead to sickness absence and work disability. Physical occupational risk factors can contribute to the development of back pain, yet little is known about any risks in sedentary jobs posed by sitting. The influence of psychosocial factors on back pain and sickness absence amongst sedentary workers is also unclear. The aim of this study was to measure work activities, lumbar movement characteristics, symptoms and psychosocial factors in order to determine associations with low back pain and sickness absence. Methods: Phase 1: involved validation of a fibre-optic goniometer system that attaches to the lumbar spine and hip to continuously measure: (1) activities (sitting, standing, walking); and (2) lumbar movement characteristics (notably sitting postures and kinematics). New questionnaires were also validated to measure aspects of low back discomfort. Phase 2: consisted of a cross-sectional survey of call centre workers (n=600) to collect data on: demographics, clinical and occupational psychosocial factors, and symptoms. An experimental sample (n=140) wore the goniometer system during work. Phase 3: involved a 6-month follow-up survey to collect back pain and sickness absence data (n=367). Logistic regression was used to determine associations (P<0.05) between data. Results: Workers spent 83% of work-time sitting, 26% of which was spent adopting a lordotic lumbar posture. Current back pain (>24hrs: yes/no) was associated with a kyphotic sitting posture (time spent with a lumbar curve ≥180°) (R2 0.05), although future back pain was not. Using multivariable models: limited variety of lumbar movement whilst sitting was associated with future (persistent) LBP, dominating other variables (R2 0.11); yet high levels of reported back discomfort, physical aggravating factors and psychological demand at work were stronger predictors of sickness absence, and dominated other variables (R2 0.24). Interpretation: Workers do not follow the advice from employers to maintain a lumbar lordosis whilst sitting, as recommended by statutory bodies. Furthermore, sitting with a kyphotic posture did not increase the risk of back pain, although a relative lack of lumbar movement did. Thus, ergonomic advice encouraging lumbar movement-in-sitting appears to be justified. Predictors of sickness absence were multi-factorial, and consideration of work-relevant biomedical and psychosocial factors would be more useful than adopting more narrow screening approaches.
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Regout, Sybille. "European Union, States and Markets. The transitional periods to the free movement of workers for the 2004 EU enlargement." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/227955.
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A l'approche de l'élargissement de l'UE de 2004, les Etats membres de l'Union européenne ont adopté des dispositions transitoires à la libre circulation des travailleurs, à savoir une période dérogatoire de sept ans durant laquelle ils pouvaient continuer à appliquer leur législation relative aux permis de travail. Initialement isolée, l'Allemagne est parvenue en quelques années à imposer sa préférence à ce sujet à l'ensemble de l'Union européenne. Cette thèse fait trois constats. Le premier est que si la libre circulation des travailleurs se situe à l'intersection des politiques d'élargissement, de marché du travail et de politique migratoire, c'est la composante migratoire qui a dominé la prise de décision. Plus précisément, les dispositions transitoires étaient perçues comme un outil de migration sélective afin de choisir les profils jugés comme étant les plus désirables - et ce même si les désirs politiques ne correspondaient pas à la réalité du marché. La seconde est qu'il n'y a eu que très peu d'Européanisation et d'harmonisation dans ce processus de décision, les Etats membres dominant les négociations. Enfin, le troisième constat est que les acteurs politiques ont principalement pris en compte des considérations électorales, et non des considérations économiques, dans l'adoption de ces dispositions transitoires.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Arnold, Dennis Lae Dilokvidhyrat. "Capital expansion and migrant workers : flexible labor in the Thai-Burma border economy /." Abstract, 2006. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2549/cd390/4637830.pdf.
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Grace, Ellen. "La Causa Para La Raza: The Educative Processes and Development of Knowledge in the United Farm Workers from 1962 to 1970." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30408.
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This historical study examined the educative processes and development of knowledge in the social movement of the United Farm Workers from 1962 to 1970. Materials for this study were found in the archives of Labor History and Urban Affairs at the Walter Reuther Library at Wayne State University and from secondary sources. A conceptual framework for this study was built upon the theories and positions of those from adult education, educational history, and sociology.
This study found that adult learning outside of formal, institutional education can be empowering and life changing as well as providing valuable skills. The learning that occurred in Cesar Chavez's adult life strongly influenced him to leave the migrant stream and establish a community union and social movement. Likewise, the educative processes within the United Farm Workers (UFW) were empowering and prompted farm workers collectively to takes risks to challenge the status quo in their quest for social change. In addition to empowerment, this study determined that the UFW provided numerous educational opportunities for its members to enhance their work, writing, speaking, leadership, and organizational skills.
This study determined that Chavez's role in the UFW was inherently educative and that the UFW generated knowledge to society that affected social change. As the movement intellectual, Chavez defined the identity and interests of the social movement to society. Chavez's message was clear. La Causa Para La Raza sought dignity and economic and social justice for the farm workers. The purpose of la causa was for farm workers to gain greater control over their lives and to become more active participants in a democratic society. In 1970, for the first time in the history of farm labor, the UFW succeeded in gaining union contracts from twenty-six major growers in California. Social and economic justice had been won.
Conclusions drawn from the study indicate that as a social movement during the period between 1962 and 1970 the UFW offered unique and diverse educational opportunities and experiences for Mexican American farm workers that would not have been possible in institutional education. The UFW demonstrated the diversity and power of educative processes in a social movement for those alienated from formal education. In the tradition of Dewey, Lindeman, and Freire, the UFW represented education for social change.<br>Ed. D.
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Souza, Amanda Paulista de. "O direito nas lutas urbanas: uma análise do uso do direito pelos movimentos sociais desde 1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16137/tde-11012018-115418/.
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Neste trabalho, desenvolveremos uma análise dos principais usos do direito prioritariamente levados a cabo nas lutas urbanas, notadamente pela bandeira de luta da Reforma Urbana - um período que, conforme veremos, se estende desde os anos finais da década de 1980 até os dias atuais. Para tanto, concentraremos nossa pesquisa em dois momentos: no primeiro, daremos destaque ao principal uso do direito e seu peso estratégico veiculado pelo Movimento Nacional de Reforma Urbana (MNRU) no período que abrange desde o final da década de 80 até 2013, quando há uma ruptura com as formas de lutas institucionalizadas e abre-se um novo período de lutas urbanas; a partir daí, focaremos nossa análise nos principais usos do direito evocados pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST) e apontaremos como que o peso e a centralidade do direito enquanto estratégia nas lutas urbanas coincide com ciclos de lutas, cuja conjuntura política é específica e única e nos quais diferentes movimentos, leituras de realidade e projetos políticos são protagonistas.<br>This master\'s thesis will develop an analysis of the main uses of the Law in urban struggles, notably the struggle banner of Urban Reform - a period that, as we shall see, extends from the late 1980s to the present day. To do so, we will focus our research in two moments: first, we will highlight the main usage of the Law and its strategic weight by the National Movement for Urban Reform (MNRU) in the period from the end of the 1980s until 2013, when there is a rupture with the institutionalized forms of struggles and emerge a new period of urban struggles; then we will focus our analysis on the main uses of the Law evoked by the Movement of Homeless Workers (MTST) and we will point out how the weight and centrality of the Law, as a strategy in urban struggles, coincides with the cycles of the urban struggles, whose political conjuncture is specific and unique, in which different movements, readings of reality and political projects are protagonists.
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Waldman, Brian Scott. "The utilization of eye movement desensitization reprocessing as a therapeutic tool." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1993.
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Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing, EMDR, is a new clinical treatment shown to be effective for victims of trauma. EMDR is a time efficient, comprehensive methodology backed by positive, controlled research, for the treatment of disturbing experiences that underlie many pathologies. An eight phase treatment approach that includes using eye movements or other left-right stimulation, EMDR helps victims of trauma reprocess disturbing thoughts and memories. The purpose of this research project was to describe and explore the utilization of EMDR by licensed clinical social workers who were registered as members of the National Association of Social Workers.