Journal articles on the topic 'Worker's Party Youth'

AbstractHal Draper was born in Brooklyn in 1914, to East European Jewish immigrant parents. In 1932 he became active in the Student League for Industrial Democracy and the Socialist Party youth section, the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL). A leader of the Student Strikes Against War, he became an associate editor of Socialist Appeal in 1934. In 1937, the socialist youth, led by Draper and Ernest Erber, voted to support the Fourth International after Trotsky's followers entered the Socialist Party (SP). Draper opposed the subsequent split in the SP, which Trotsky and James P. Cannon deliberately provoked, but left with the Trotskyists and became the national secretary of the Socialist Workers’ Party's youth group, a member of its first National Executive, and the secretary of the party's National Education Department. Irving Howe, a YPSL comrade, later recalled his admiration. Draper was, ‘genuinely learned in Marxism, with a mind that marched from one theorem to another as if God were clearing his way’, a youth leader who ‘would speak for us with a razored lucidity’ in debate with the Stalinists. Draper was part of the minority when the SWP split in 1940 over two issues, the ‘Russian question’ and the ‘bureaucratic conservatism’ of James P. Cannon's internal party regime. Draper became a founder member of the Workers’ Party (WP) , led by Max Shachtman, which developed an analysis of the Soviet Union as neither a ‘workers’ state’ nor state capitalist but a new form of exploiting class society, bureaucratic collectivism. The WP refused to ‘defend the Soviet Union’ and developed a distinctive democratic revolutionary Marxism, summed up by the slogan, ‘Neither Washington nor Moscow but the Third Camp of Independent Socialism!’. And, in reaction to Cannon's monolithic conception of the party, the WP developed a highly democratic internal political culture marked by ‘an atmosphere of genuine tolerance’ unceasing internal debate carried in the public press, and untrammelled rights for minorities.

The following article targets two goals in two parts. The first part of the article describes the relationship between the Christian Education Journal’s first twenty years and youth ministry research and publishing as well as the development of youth ministry degrees. The second part of the article looks both at more recent developments in youth ministry and forward into the immediate future of education of youth workers and practice of youth ministry.

In the aftermath of the street demonstrations in Kaunas in May 1972, Communist Party leaders developed a narrative of the events that downplayed nationalism or political dissent as motivating factors for the unrest. Initially, Soviet authorities blamed marginal elements in society, specifically hooligans and hippies, for instigating what they called a ‘disturbance of public order’. However, the demographics of participants forced Party leaders to explain why young people who were students, workers and even Komsomol members would take to the streets shouting slogans such as ‘freedom for Lithuania’ and ‘freedom for hippies’. As a result, the Communist Party focused on the failure to inculcate Soviet youth with proper ideological values, making them susceptible to manipulation by ‘hostile elements’. In doing so, Party leaders were able to use the political practice of self-criticism to keep the events of May 1972 within acceptable ideological bounds. However, the recognition of its own weaknesses did not stop the Lithuanian Communist Party from blaming other groups, such as parents, schools and cultural organizations, for failing to provide a proper upbringing for Soviet Lithuanian youth. Although cultural and intellectual organizations were only one of the factors blamed for the political immaturity of youth and their susceptibility to corrupting influences, they were the ones to suffer the consequences of the Soviet authorities’ crackdown after the street demonstrations. Through a process of applying and discarding various discursive options, Lithuanian communist officials were able to use Soviet ideological narratives to protect themselves from criticism and to eliminate disruptive cultural and intellectual leaders in Kaunas.

The article offers an analysis of political parties: their essence, functions, image formation, the role of the party as a mediator between the government and society, the activities of parties in elections. The features of the social work of political parties are shown, on the example of the political party «Team of Sergei Rudyk. A time of change!». Mechanisms, basic approaches, the most common methods and techniques of social work with people are analyzed. The main theoretical strategies and ideas of social work are presented. Position of the political party «Team of Sergei Rudyk. A time of change!» is that first, the solution of social problems is discussed before it will be accepted and even after it has been adopted. On the party’s website https://www.rudyk.org/news/page/4/, the main projects of social work are illustrated. The publication gives the main recommendations for improving the efficiency of social work: the creation of a mechanism to help youth in self-determination in choosing the profession of social worker, to extend forms and directions of professional training of social workers, to increase expansion in the number of periodicals covering the work of social services, centres, social workers. The formation of social policy occurs based on information received from the collection of statistical data and the conduct of sociological studies. Understanding this information allows you to identify the social tasks. The realization of socially significant goals and social problems solution have been organized through social projects and social programs, which form a significant part of social policy.

The article discusses the developing of correct methodological approaches to compare the content of the USSR food industry branch and general circulation newspapers related to the formation of the “new worker” in 1925-1937.  Analyzing branch newspaper “Pishchevik” (“Za pishchevuyu industriyu”, “Pishchevaya industriya”) and general circulation newspapers “Babaevets” (Babaev confectionery factory), “Nasha Pravda” (Krasnyi Oktyabr' confectionery factory) and “Za Boievye Tempy” (Rot Front confectionery factory) by means of MAXQDA program, the author concludes about the equal focus of these newspapers on the formation of the “new worker” who was expected to fulfill the tasks to develop food industry and industrialize the USSR. The "new worker" of general circulation papers is a young lady striving to become a competent and full-fledged participant in production processes, social and party life. The branch newspaper of food industry portrayed the youth, production leaders, shock workers, Stakhanovites and Komsomol members as the "new worker". Differences in the main features of the "new worker’s" image between the branch and general circulation periodicals tell us about the specific feature of the target audience of these periodicals. The confectionary factories were dominated by females whereas males were prevalent in food industry as a whole.

AbstractThis paper investigates the political subjectivities of Kurdish youth in Diyarbakır through the interplay of kinship and politics. We argue that it is through a framework of kinship that young people make sense of the Kurdish issue. We show that the war between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) and the Turkish military has reshaped the Kurdish family, leading to a crisis in the life cycle. We suggest that the young feel indebted to the Kurdish movement, which they express using the term bedel (“debt”). Debt is related to the family, as the individual becomes indebted as part of a kinship group. We argue that the expansion of public space in Diyarbakır has created alternative ways of paying debt and doing politics.

Within the development programme of the Ministry of Education, Youth and Physical Training of the Czech Republic the Lifelong Learning Institute at the Mendel University of Agriculture and Forestry in Brno introduced and carried out the educational programme for enhancement of pedagogical competences of young academic workers at MUAF in Brno in 2005. It consisted of two parts – pedagogical-didactical and psychosocial. Its objective was the development of pedagogical competences of the young academic staff. Our contribution explains the definition of the objectives of both parts of this programme as well as its contents. We also present the evaluation of both parts of the programme.

This research illustrated the historical event in Indonesia, especially in 1990s period. The study examined the development of People Democratic Party as one of the political parties in the New Order regime. This research-based on the author’s interest in the pro-democracy movement’s widespread in Indonesia, evidenced by the resistance movement of peoples, in this case, is the People Democratic Party. The study aimed to identify programs and strategies of the People Democratic Party to build a pro-democracy movement in the 1996-1999 period. The author used the historical method. People Democratic Party was one of the political party which develop at that time and had a political movement to subvert a New Order regime. People Democratic Party often referred to as a radical political party, because of the political program that confronted the New Order regime namely to eliminate the Indonesian National Armed ForcesDual function, to eliminate a five-pack of Political Act and Timor-Timur referendum. The impact, People Democratic Party regarded as a forbidden party and accused as the actor behind July 27th 1996 tragedy. After the tragedy, the People Democratic Party arose with people’s committees. The four elements of People Democratic Party namely (1) the urban poor, (2) workers, (3) youth people, (4) PDI-Megawati supporters. After 1998 Reformation, People Democratic Party declared as a legal party and has participated as a contestant of 1999 electoral. People Democratic Party argued that the Electoral system is a moment for campaigning political programs. Several thingsin the campaign was about amnesty for political prisoners, completion of Civil Rights violation cases, and people’s political rights.

Communication in cafe between workers serving customers shaped according to a system set preliminary to launching the space. Communication in order to deliver orders to service table is challenged when certain scenarios introduce to the dynamics between workers. This article discusses the view of communication for managing cafe in Pekalongan. The skills involved in managing cafe include cashier application system, simple accounting and tax. Communication as an integral part which intertwined all the cashier, waiter, cook and customer in routine process of a cafe. Today, cafe flourishing all over Indonesia including some rural part of the country encourage skills to be adapted by managing party to run day to day activities. Pekalongan with its natural assets opens opportunities to bring up human assets especially youth and productive age level in rural Indonesia. Descriptive case study is applied in this article where a small group of trainees of youth and PKK members observed as sample. In order to understand how management cafe can be instilled as an applicable skill, community development project in Pekalongan is studied. This article revealed supporting findings to contribute to practical and academic conversation which shows that certain scenarios exercises beneficial in comprehension of communication between cafe personnel and customers. This insight gave us a clearer portrait of how communication is an essential part of workplace positive dynamics especially when external stakeholders are involved in the communication process.

Changes always happen in this earth. Hence, this article wants to show how the nation needs a change. SBY-Boediono government is very weak and merely does not have firm sociological roots. Today government is like “Sand House” which is bound by image glue. Now, that image glue gradually melts after having given “deceit stamp” by some prominent religious figures, intelectuals, movement figures, workers, youths and students, and scandals involving the ruling party. Therefore, the fate of the Image Order will soon come to an end. The sand house will collapse, and it will not leave crucial problems, let alone ideological matters.

The Communist Youth League (Komsomol) was founded in 1917-1918 in urban centers. Its leadership's perception of the peasantry and its quest to maintain a respectable proportion of workers in the membership impeded expansion in rural areas: in the name of “proletarian purity,” many leaders and activists opposed the blanket admission of all but the poorest peasants into their midst. But demographic realities made the Komsomol's outreach to young peasants imperative: peasants made up eighty percent of the Russian population; their children nineteen years of age or younger accounted for half of the rural population in the mid-1920s. More important, the state and the Party had reduced their rural personnel at the end of the civil war and the Komsomol found itself pressured to fill the gap.

This article presents the results of a qualitative study that explored Māori social workers’ perspectives of working to establish rapport with rangatahi Māori in community mental health services. The research was conducted using a social constructionist perspective, informed and guided by Māori-centred research principles. Six Māori social workers from different parts of the country volunteered to participate in semi-structured interviews. These face-to-face interviews were designed after reviewing current literature and were guided by a practice framework that enabled the voices of the Māori social workers to be heard, eliciting in detail where their views have come from. The findings from the research showed that Māori social workers view rapport as essential in their practice and therefore they practise in a way that facilitates this. They utilise values and beliefs in their practice, integrated with a Māori worldview, that contribute towards rapport building with youth and also with their whänau. Reflective practice is used constantly in order to maintain ethical practice. The practice implications are also discussed; that an understanding of how Māori social workers view and practise rapport can be beneficial, that there is a need for whānau involvement and that this can enhance rapport with rangatahi, that an inherent valuing of rangatahi is key and finally that reflective practice is essential for Māori social work professional and personal development.

Objective: This study identified barriers to and facilitators of mental health (MH) and alcohol and drug (AOD) comorbidity services, in order to drive service improvement. Method: Participatory action research enabled strong engagement with community services, including Aboriginal and refugee groups. Surveys, interviews and consultations were undertaken with clinicians and managers of MH, AOD and support services, consumers, families, community advocates and key service providers. Community participation occurred through consultation, advisory and working party meetings, focus groups and workshops. Results: Barriers included inadequate staff training and poor community and workforce knowledge about where to find help. Services for Aboriginal people, refugees, the elderly and youth were inadequate. Service fragmentation (‘siloes’) occurred through competitive short-term funding and frequent re-structuring. Reliance on the local hospital emergency department was concerning. Consumer trust, an important element in engagement, was often lacking. Conclusions: Comorbidity should be core business of both MH and AOD services by providing consistent ‘no wrong door’ care. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) need longer funding cycles to promote stability and retain skilled workers. Comorbidity workforce training for government and NGO staff is required. Culturally appropriate comorbidity services are urgently needed. Despite the barriers, collaboration between clinicians/workers was valued.

David Montgomery was both an extraordinary man and an extraordinary historian. All one needs to do is look at his autobiographical interview, which appeared in Visions of History in 1983, to know this. I had the good fortune of studying and then collaborating with David from 1979 at the University of Pittsburgh until the late 1990s at Yale University. While he had been recruited to Yale in the wake of the academic and political success of his Workers' Control in America, in my view his most beautiful book remains his first, Beyond Equality. Told with passion, intelligence, and an impressive richness of detail, it is the remarkable story of American labor and the Left immediately after the Civil War. At that time, the Republican Party, led by a friend of Marx, pursued arguably the most progressive policies of any Western government in history, embodying that world of free labor and social and racial equality, which had emerged victorious from the war against slavery. David discovered and reconstructed this world, with its special blend of liberty and justice, after having spent ten years as a skilled worker and communist trade unionist in the factories of the 1950s. During that period, he shared his political commitment with his radiant wife, Marty, who was from a large African American communist family in Chicago. In fact, the two met on a ship that was carrying both of them to the World Youth Congress in Prague.

The UK Government has recently announced a new Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 to facilitate tackling the threat of violent extremism. In light of this and previous initiatives, this paper provides a critical assessment of UK counterterrorism policy. This policy has created a notion of ‘suspect communities’ such that it has alienated young Muslims at the community engagement level, conceivably and empirically, potentially further exacerbating concerns government and communities have over questions of radicalisation, extremism, and the associated political and criminal violence. This paper argues that such policies can lead to the institutionalisation of Islamophobia, acting as an echo chamber for far right extremism to flourish. Significant gaps in government policy in this area can only be addressed by fostering effective relations between communities and policy makers, with enablers such as police officers, youth workers, activists and faith leaders empowered to formulate nuanced approaches in various local area settings. Given the social, cultural and political situation regarding British Muslim youth, including those presently thought to be fighting in parts of Iraq and Syria, as well as ongoing threats on UK soil presented as imminent and dangerous by UK government, there remain acute challenges with limited opportunities.

A twenty-one years retrospective study (1980–2000) of acute poisoning deaths carried out at the Department of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology at Government Medical College Hospital, Jammu and Govt. Medical College Hospital, Chandigarh — the two demographically different zones of Northern India. Union Territory of Chandigarh, which is the capital of Punjab and Haryana states, is one of the most developed parts of India, whereas Jammu primarily represents the rural India. The study is an attempt to analyze the various changing trends in acute poisoning in these zones with the aim that it will help immensely the health policy-makers to equip health care institutions accordingly. The present study reveals a steep increase in the number of acute poisoning cases and a change in the trends of the most commonly used poisons with the passage of time. Males outnumbered females and youth formed the majority of fatalities. The main victims were unemployed youth and students, followed by agricultural and domestic workers. Despite India's predominantly rural character, the urban preponderance of deaths by poisoning may reflect the role of leading a more stressful life in urban areas.

This research explores the possibility of providing a general guideline for the use of LEGO® Serious Play® (LSP) in youth work and examining the experiences of the frontline youth workers in Hong Kong who have adopted LSP to engage youngsters, who have been experiencing enormous socioeconomic challenges in different aspects. A 12-session workshop applied into social training for special educational needs (SEN) secondary students was held with the major objective of enhancing their communication skills. All sessions were divided into three parts: introduction, utilization, and expression. Most participants' abilities in oral description and word usage improved upon completion of the workshop, and they have more motivation and initiation in communicating with others in the group. LSP could thus be proven as a useful method in the SEN workshop in terms of establishing rapport and relationships, expressing the participants' thoughts, as it has provided an alternative for trainers to support the kids concern. Apart from LSP, this research has also found that other approaches such as snorkeling, adventured-based counseling, and cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) could also be effective approaches adopted by practitioners to support young people.

AbstractHow has social work, which has emerged as a distinct profession in the PRC with the full support of the party-state, come to produce neoliberal outcomes similar to those found in other, capitalist countries? In this article, I draw attention to the government purchase (goumai) of social work services, which is commonly considered as confirmation of state capacity and leadership rather than the passing on of state responsibilities to civil sectors with tight budgets. Ethnographic research on the actual social work practices in Shenzhen's Foxconn town reveals how neoliberal-style outsourcing has converged with diverse historical legacies, thus creating precarious labour conditions for frontline social workers. Neoliberal dynamics end up filling most of these social work positions with migrant youth from the countryside, reproducing and perpetuating China's rural–urban divide. Institutional efforts at social care may not only reduce the existing inequalities but may also rely upon and even reinforce them.

In the 20–30s of the 20th century special attention was paid to the formation of the ideological worldview of students of education institutions, future teachers who were to shape the political consciousness of the younger generation with communist ideals. The ideological principles of the party were subordinated to the social activities of youth, in particular, in Kyiv pedagogical educational institutions. The article deals with the work of student clubs and student government bodies, various organizations. Since the mid-20s of the 20th century trade union organizations took over the functions of youth advocates, which were largely influenced by university administrations and controlled the social composition of students, who presented themselves as an exclusively peasant workers. Some of the students were embraced by work in the cells of voluntary societies, the government used to propagate their ideas of socialist construction and the ideological education of the masses. The most active were the cells of Tsoaviakhim, which oversaw the work of the rifle circles. Close to them were sports clubs. Universities also operated cells of MOPR, the Friends of the Children societies, the All-Ukrainian Society for Land Organization of Working Jews OZET, and the Friends of Radio. The ideological work among students was intensified by the student press, the production of “live and light newspapers” that covered the processes of building a higher school, the participation of youth organizations in the proletariat of institutes and technical schools, the life and attitude of students, their participation in cultural work etc. Most of the time, students took part in enriching work. In particular, they worked on various campaigns related to raising funds for the state’s economic needs, participating in fundraising to strengthen defense, days of industrialization, etc.

The 1970s and 1980s are often characterised as sober and gloomy, a prolonged anti-climax to the swinging 1960s. The oil crisis of 1973 led to widespread unemployment in most industrialised countries, which was only exacerbated in the early 1980s by a worldwide economic crisis. In the Netherlands, people – especially youth – struggled to find employment, and class antagonisms, which had been largely absent in the 1960s, resurfaced. Despite these growing social tensions, the Dutch communist movement began to embrace single issues that were not necessarily rooted in class struggle. This new course, while condemned by some hardliners, opened up space for closer links between the Communistische Partij van Nederland ('Communist Party of the Netherlands'; CPN) and anti-racist, feminist and gay politics. In a parallel development, membership demographics changed significantly. Among new CPN members in the early 1970s there were just as many workers as there were artists, students and unemployed. In this interview, Eshuis looks back on her life and, in particular, her experiences in the CPN in the 1970s and 1980s.

Racial Revolutions comes at a crucial time for indigenist policy in Brazil. Newly elected president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva takes over with several orders for the permanent protection of Indian reserves on his desk, completed but left unsigned by outgoing president Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Lula's party, the Workers Party, has a strongly progressive social platform on issues of racial discrimination but no track record or firm positions on Indian issues. Fundamental changes in Brazilian Indian law have been proposed and may come before Congress early this year. Three fatal attacks on Indians occurred in January 2003, the first month of Lula's presidency. One of these cases, the murder by youths of a seventy-seven year-old Indian man in Porto Alegre, recalls the fatal 1997 immolation of a visiting Pataxó leader while sleeping at a bus stop in Brasília, a well-publicized case with which Jonathan Warren opens his book. Finally, anthropologists who work with Indians in Brazil are still dealing with the repercussions of serious ethical charges involving research among the Yanomami Indians raised against senior Amazonianists by journalist Patrick Tierney in his book Darkness in El Dorado (2000).

The article discusses ageing and old age in three of George Sand’s texts: Indiana (1832), La Mare au diable (1846) and the first part of the novel Consuelo (1842). I use the first two parts of Pat Thane’s subdivision of age into a corporal, a cultural and a chronological component. In Sand’s fiction, the ageing female body withers, while the male body is worn. There are various reasons behind the decline. If the characters age of worries and trouble, the process can be reversed, and the persons can regain youth – at least partly – when the troubles go away. In a cultural perspective, the living conditions vary substantially between classes, specifically if the characters need to work for their living or not. Among peasants and workers, the tolerance for the age gap between spouses is narrower than in the bourgeoisie. The former risk to encounter poverty and need if the husband grows old sooner than the wife, while an elderly man of the bourgeoisie can marry a young woman in order to preserve her social status. In both classes, characters considered as old, while wise and experienced, do not longer interest anyone. Death is their future, and they ridicule themselves if they initiate long-term projects. Another stereotype, the old fool, appears as well, but in the case of Madame Carjaval, it is a role she plays to protect her niece. Many of the attitudes towards old people still exist today. The main difference vis-à-vis George Sand’s time is that, due to the development of longevity, old age arrives to people later now than in the 19th century.

Abstract This article reports the results from a randomized experiment designed to evaluate the direct and indirect (displacement) impacts of job placement assistance on the labor market outcomes of young, educated job seekers in France. We use a two-step design. In the first step, the proportions of job seekers to be assigned to treatment (0%, 25%, 50%, 75%, or 100%) were randomly drawn for each of the 235 labor markets (e.g., cities) participating in the experiment. Then, in each labor market, eligible job seekers were randomly assigned to the treatment, following this proportion. After eight months, eligible, unemployed youths who were assigned to the program were significantly more likely to have found a stable job than those who were not. But these gains are transitory, and they appear to have come partly at the expense of eligible workers who did not benefit from the program, particularly in labor markets where they compete mainly with other educated workers, and in weak labor markets. Overall, the program seems to have had very little net benefits.

AIDS in Brazil, as in many parts of the world, has been an epidemic characterized by multiple parallel-localized epidemics. Youth, particularly young men who have sex with men (YMSM), are amongst the most vulnerable populations for HIV infection in Brazil. Furthermore, our research findings from the early 1990s suggested that significantly higher levels of continued unprotected anal sex among occurred among young men under the age of 24 as opposed to older men in the sample. While 22.0% of the entire sample reported receptive anal sex without a condom, 41.5% those under the age of 24 reported receptive anal sex without a condom. Conversely, while 73.0% of the sample as a whole reported using a condom for insertive anal sex, only 53.4% of those under the age of 24 reported condom use for insertive anal sex (Parker, R. and Terto, V. 2001). Sub-sequent analyses from survey and ethnographic data suggested that a range of different cultural and sociological factors, including socio-economic status, race, and gender performance were all relevant factors affecting levels of risk-related behavior, with higher levels of risk consistently being reported by young men from poorer, more marginalized backgrounds from the favelas (shantytowns) and subúrbios (outlying or peri-urban poor neighborhoods) in which the correlations between poverty and communities of color typical in Brazilian society are especially strong.

The formation of the system of periodicals in two similar and dissimilar polyethnic regions in the south of Russia – Kalmykia and Stavropol – developed according to the same scheme, but had significant nuances. The Stavropol press, aimed at the Russian majority in the region, appeared earlier (in 1850) and was typologically more diverse and numerous until the 1920s, while the publications created for the Kalmyks were for a long time isolated projects: The Russian-Kalmyk Calendar (1911-1918), a newspaper in the Kalmyk language «Oordin ziang» (1917-1918), leaflets and the first bilingual newspaper «Red Kalmyk» (1919-1920). A new stage in the development of journalism in the regions begins with the establishment of Soviet power after the end of the civil war. The work of the press is under the control of the ruling party, and the unification of the system of regional and local periodicals begins. Gradually, both in Kalmykia and in Stavropol, a harmonious system of periodicals was formed, lined up vertically and horizontally: regional / regional mass sociopolitical newspapers – regional / regional youth newspapers – regional / regional children’s newspapers – district / ulus socio-political newspapers – large circulation newspapers – wall newspapers. In addition to newspapers, instructor magazines for party and Soviet workers, literary and artistic publications of regional writers’ unions were published. The polyethnicity of the regions influenced the information policy of local periodicals and the structure of the press: in Kalmykia there were publications in the Kalmyk language, in Russian and bilingual, in Stavropol, along with publications in Russian, there were bilingual publications in two districts.

A majority of the black community of Dullstroom-Emnotweni in the Mpumalanga highveld in the east of South Africa trace their descent back to the southern Ndebele of the so-called ‘Mapoch Gronden’, who lost their land in the 1880s to become farm workers on their own land. A hundred years later, in 1980, descendants of the ‘Mapoggers’ settled in the newly built ‘township’ of Dullstroom, called Sakhelwe, finding jobs on the railways or as domestic workers. Oral interviews with the inhabitants of Sakhelwe – a name eventually abandoned in favour of Dullstroom- Emnotweni – testify to histories of transition from landowner to farmworker to unskilled labourer. The stories also highlight cultural conflicts between people of Ndebele, Pedi and Swazi descent and the influence of decades of subordination on local identities. Research projects conducted in this and the wider area of the eMakhazeni Local Municipality reveal the struggle to maintain religious, gender and youth identities in the face of competing political interests. Service delivery, higher education, space for women and the role of faith-based organisations in particular seem to be sites of contestation. Churches and their role in development and transformation, where they compete with political parties and state institutions, are the special focus of this study. They attempt to remain free from party politics, but are nevertheless co-opted into contra-culturing the lack of service delivery, poor standards of higher education and inadequate space for women, which are outside their traditional role of sustaining an oppressed community.

The ideological struggle against the "counter-revolutionary manifestations" accompanied the entire history of Soviet society. However, there have been times when the war on the "ideological front" has intensified. For the most part, this was under the influence of major external shocks or during major ideological campaigns in the middle of the country. One of the episodes when foreign perturbations influenced the ideological confrontation within the USSR was the events of 1968 in Czechoslovakia. The special impact of the Prague Spring was felt in Ukraine, which was directly bordered by the Czechoslovak Republic, and had its powerful traditions of anti-Soviet ideological struggle. It is not surprising, therefore, that the State Security Committee of the USSR Council of Ministers has been particularly vigilant about the "ideological front" in Ukraine. Based on their understanding of the "ideological war" as an external sabotage, KGB analysts prepared relevant documents for top party leadership. The readers are invited to submit an archaeographic publication of the KGB document: "Memorandum. On some trends in the ideological diversion that is being carried out by the enemy in Ukraine". Separate 17-page typewritten document prepared specifically for the needs of the Communist Party Central Committee on September 11, 1968. The document contains six major challenges to the "ideological war" in Ukraine - confrontation with foreign "nationalist centers", confrontation with "internal ideological enemy", confrontation with "opposition" »Increase in the number of educated youth among anti-Soviet groups, opposition to the emergence of such phenomenon as anti-Soviet postcards, opposition to a part of the“ pro-stalinist ”society, confrontation organized strike of workers and farmers.

Introduction. Peculiarities of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in China’s national regions remain a poorly studied issue in modern Oriental studies. In this regard, Hulunbuir league of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region had been a strategically important and geopolitically significant region of the country. This territory bordered on the Mongolian People’s Republic and the USSR, therefore the central government of China considered its population potentially dangerous and marginal. The People’s Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia had two party factions in Hulunbuir league: the ‘unification’ faction, and the ‘justice’ one. The Maoists viewed the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction of the People’s Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia as a particularly dangerous, separatist trend. Goals. The paper aims to examine the political events and facts that took place in Hulunbuir league in 1965–1968. Objectives. Chronologically, the first objective is to examine the ideological and political campaigns —struggle against the ‘Four Olds’, and the ‘Four Purges’ — as a prehistory to the ‘Cultural Revolution’. The second objective is to analyze the cardinal changes that took place in the leadership of the party committee and local authorities in 1966–1968. The third problem studied deals with repressive activities of the Red Guards and Zaofan in Hulunbuir league, their division into two fighting camps. The fourth objective is to examine the creation of the aimag revolutionary committee and its activities in 1968. Materials. The work analyzes three collections of official documents published in the PRC. The information thereof is supplemented with materials from works by Russian and foreign authors. The article provides a comparative analysis of events and facts, translates some terms from Mongolian and Chinese. Results. The introducing part the paper examines a prehistory of the ‘Cultural Revolution’, the ideological and political campaigns. Its main part studies the events of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in the region. In July of 1966, a special working group arrived in Hailar on behalf of the CPC Northern Bureau. Members of this group were cadre Party workers from Hubei and Shanxi provinces. In September of 1966, Party Committee Secretary of Hulunbuir league Qi Junshan and Deputy Secretary Zhargal were dismissed from their posts. Red Guards appeared in Hulunbuir in August of 1966 and began organizing ‘struggle meetings’. They actively recruited local Mongolian youth. In 1967, the Red Guards in Hulunbuir split into two opposing factions. They were confronting each other and for a while forgot about ‘class enemies’. Activities of the Red Guards were out of control of the regional authorities, and the situation needed stabilization. In March of 1967, the State Council and the Central Military Commission of the People’s Republic of China decided to create a military council in Hulunbuir league, also referred to as ‘the first line to contain the Revolution and stimulate production’. On December 20, 1967, a revolutionary committee was formed in Hailar. In March of 1968, Shangmin, a loyal follower of Mao Zedong, became the leader of the revolutionary committee. Making false accusations, he intensified repressions against members of the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction. Conclusions. Political events in Hulunbuir league in 1965–1968 were directly related to the situation in the whole autonomous region and country. Repressions against members of the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction were a distinctive feature of the repressive policy in the region. Still, the appointments of cadre Party workers from central provinces are a poorly understood issue. So, the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in this territory of Inner Mongolia obviously has local features that require further scientific research.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate occupational safety and health practices among students and lecturers of the Technical Education and Vocational Training Institute (TVET) in Malaysia from the point of view of safety practice, implementation level, compliance and cultural level of occupational safety and health practices. The methodology used in this study uses a quantitative approach. The study was carried out in two parts, Part A was about the personal information of the respondents and Part B was the survey using a questionnaire with respondents from several Technical Education and Vocational Training institutes (TVET) such as Vocational College (KV), Industrial Training Institute (ILP) , National Youth Skills Institute (IKBN) and Mara Skills Institute (IKM). Descriptive statistics tests used to describe occupational safety and health practices, levels of occupational safety and health, occupational safety and health compliance and occupational safety and health culture, found that they applied high level of practice, safety implementation. This means that almost all students and faculty agree that compliance with occupational safety and health practices is of utmost importance and practiced. From this culture of safety practices will create a safe work culture, which will indirectly create a safety culture. An organization that provides a safe environment will benefit workers in their work activities

By means of the case study method the problem of revealing the results of the 1930’s Cultural Revolution in the leisure-time behavior of the rural youth has been posed in the article. The Cultural Revolution is understood by the author as a large Soviet project which was started in the 1920s and finished in the post-war decade with the formation of the Soviet man, who mastered the Bolshevik journalese and the necessary public ritual practices along with the symbols of the Soviet system. Antireligious agitation was an integral component of the Cultural Revolution; in fact it was its core. As the subject of the historical reconstruction it was chosen an incident in the Cathedral of the Transfiguration of the Savior in Gamovo village during the Easter holiday 1953. A document with the description of the incident compiled by P.S. Gorbunov, plenipotentiary for the Russian Orthodox Church in Molotov Region has been analyzed in detail. For the solution of this problem the author applied the resources which hadn’t been introduced for the scientific use earlier: materials from Party conferences and meetings; information from the Administration of the MGB in the Molotov region, letters and written requests to the Regional Committee of the CPSU. The original thesis of the article is stated as follows. As a result of the Cultural Revolution it was formed a new type of the Soviet person who according to the basic characteristics was divided into two types: the urban inhabitant living by his on private interests, and the hooligan from the workers' suburb, a violent and disruptive troublemaker. In the article it is reconstructed the events which took place in the village church on the night from the third to the fourth of April, 1953: intrusion of the drunken young men, their outrage on the porch and in the church fence, a knife-fight and, finally, a murder. The author has offered a hypothesis making possible to explain their licentious behavior by the fact that in the culture of working (rural) youth the boundaries between different kinds of space were erased. The Orthodox Church and the village club were identical for them in their leisure value. The norms of street and courtyard culture were applied to them equally. The status of the temple was lower than that of the club. Young people equated the church with something backward, boring, and old. The party and punitive agencies did all they could to alienate the new generation from any form of religious life. As a result, young people either stood aside the Orthodox Church or treated it with contempt, or, in exceptional cases, outraged within its bounds.

Increase in adolescent sexual activity is a phenomenon noticed in modern societies, as well as in Serbia. The sexual activity reveals new health related problems, in relation to the unpremeditated pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. Reproductive health is vulnerable especially in case of persons having first sexual experiences being adolescent, what could be explained by the physical immaturity and psychosocial infirmity to be responsible in sexual behaviour. The study of 300 sexually active adolescent women aged 19, attending The Youth Advisory Center of The Mother and Child Health Care Institute of Serbia was conducted between 1995 - 1997. The aim of this study was to evaluate how much the reproductive health in this population was endangered, by analyzing their sexual behavior, their attitudes in the spheres of sexuality and reproduction, as well as some variables of social microenvironments that might be relevant to adolescent sexual behavior. Questionnaire included investigation of youth opinion about some acceptable social measures in this field. According to the results of this study the adolescents reproductive health is seriously endangered. Interwieved adolescent females most frequently used traditional birth control methods, like coitus interruptus (54,3%), and often didn't think about the risk of acquiring sexually transmitted disesase (with new sexual partner the regular condom use was reported only in case of 55,6% girls). Adolescent girls had also poor health behaviors so that 31,0% of interviewed adolescent females visited gynecologist for the first time not earlier than one to three years after their first sexual experience. That resulted in large number of unplanned pregnancies (16,0% of interwieved girls had one or more induced abortions) and, possibly, a high prevalence of sexually transmitted infections. The model of sexual behavior, that was accepted by adolescent females was partly due to the lack of adolescents knowledge about sexuallity, contraception and sexually transmitted diseases. Improper were the main sources of relevant knowledge (peers, parents, mass media), therefore, youth had many misconceptions in this sphere (about the harmfulness of modern contraception, reliability of coitus interruptus method, lack of risk for sexually transmitted diseases transmission). The social adolescent sexual and reproductive health programme doesn't exist in Serbia. Parents of adolescent females were passive, and school and health care workers are not engaged in these matters enough. The possibility for social intervention programme exists, because young people were willing to improve their knowledge about sexuality and reproduction (83,3%) mostly by sex education in schools (51,0%) and through mass media (33,3%). The most appreciated sources of relevant knowledge would be physicians (67,0%), from whom they expect to have time and patience for them and their problems (91,3%).

The ideologised treatment of history in the Soviet period celebrated communists who had perished or been executed in the interwar Republic of Estonia as martyrs. They fit in to the narrative of class struggle and its victims. Monuments were erected in their memory and memorial articles appeared in the press on anniversaries of their birth. One such communist featured during the Soviet period was Hans Heidemann (1896–1925), a trade unionist and member of the parliament of the Republic of Estonia, and also an underground Estonian Communist Party activist. He was arrested as one of the ringleaders in the attempt to overthrow the government on 1 December 1924 and executed in 1925 as a spy for Soviet Russia by decision of a military district court. This article relies primarily on archival materials from the Estonian National Archives. It is an attempt to write a political biography of Hans Heidemann that for the first time aims to more closely examine the course of the life of this individual who has been ideologised many times over. His room for manoeuvring and his possible influences in the space in which he operated are reconstructed. The article examines how this man of modest background but with a relatively good education, a veteran of the Estonian War of Independence who served as a staff clerk, became an activist in the trade union movement, a communist, and eventually an organiser of a coup d’état. It also considers why Heidemann was the only one at the subsequent major trial of communists in 1925 to be sentenced to death. An important context for Heidemann’s rise in politics is the struggle for control in the trade unions that took place in the early 1920s among Estonia’s left-wing parties. While the communists dominated the trade unions of industrial workers in the cities, they had to compete with social democrats and independent socialists for control in unions of rural workers. Southern Estonia and the City of Tartu formed a more problematic operating region than the average district, as in 1920–21 the Security Police had liquidated many large communist networks there. Heidemann was a member of the Party of Independent Socialists but when in 1922 the party was taken over by its communist-oriented left wing, he started gravitating towards the underground communists. At that time, the communists needed able organisers in order to regain their positions in Southern Estonia and it seems that they pinned their hopes on Heidemann. In 1922 Heidemann rose to leading positions in the trade union organisations of both Tartu County and the City of Tartu, and also became one of the leaders of the left wing of the Party of Independent Socialists. It is not clear, however, whether Heidemann had officially joined the Estonian Communist Party, or functioned as its legal operative. In January of 1924, when the Security Police arrested many trade union leaders and political activists associated with the communists, Heidemann went underground. Over the next eight months, he attempted to obtain weapons for overthrowing the government and to form combat squads mainly on the basis of youth organisations. He was unable to participate in the attempted communist coup d’état on 1 December since he had been arrested two months earlier in Tartu. But his trial was held under changed conditions after the failed coup. By that time, the Protection of the System of Government Act had been passed and the communists had been expelled from parliament. Even though Heidemann had been charged with working as a leader of the local organisation of the underground Communist Party and forming combat squads for the planned coup, he was sentenced to death and executed on the grounds of the charge for which there was least evidence. According to this charge, he had allegedly gathered military information for the Soviet Union as a soldier in the War of Independence six years earlier. Different sources suggest that this charge was questionable and unconvincing. It seems that there was a wish to convict Heidemann as the head of the regional communist organisation no matter what, and to punish him as harshly as the actual participants in the failed coup were punished, which the other counts of indictment did not allow.

A detail study on the experience of agricultural extension in Nepal was done by discussion with experts, academicians and involved agricultural officers of Nepal along with review of different documents, books and articles on the subject matter. Since from the first effort of extension service, Training and visit, Integrated Rural Development Approach, Tuki Approach, Farming System Research and Extension Approach, Block Production Program were the approaches used in the past. Conventional Educational Approach, Pocket Package Approach, Projectization Approach, Farmers Group Approach, Farmers Field School Approach, Partnership Approach are the approaches being followed presently in agricultural extension in Nepal. The extension efforts in the country are guided by the National Agricultural Extension Strategy. Department of agriculture under ministry of agricultural development is responsible for providing public extension service via District Agriculture Development Office (DADO), Agriculture Service Centre, Contact Centre, Model Agriculture Service Centre and Community Agriculture Service Centre at the farmers level. Farmers Group and cooperatives, International and National Nongovernmental organizations, Community Based Organizations and few private entities are providing the private extension services. major issues found in public extension systems are lack of motivation among the rural youths, farmers; natural resource degradation and climate change and sustainability issues; inadequate number of the extension workers and their qualification and skills; inadequate infrastructure and capacity for use of ICTs among the ground level extension workers; lack of monitoring and assessment of impact of extension activities in rural farmers; low level of need based extension coverage particularly for small farmers; ineffective and weak linkages between stakeholders at different levels; low level of education of farmers; insufficient budget and investment for extension activities; domination of supply driven approaches rather than demand driven; inadequate extension services in parts of value addition and market exposure.

PURPOSE Awareness and training in medical physics (MP) is crucial to enhance productivity and safety in cancer management. We evaluated the impact of the pioneer teaching hospital in Nigeria on awareness and training in MP in an attempt to appraise and enhance cancer care delivery. METHODS We reviewed physics students’ training records in the MP unit of University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, Nigeria, from June 2009 to June 2019. These included demographic data, institutions, levels of study, time and training duration, and contact details. Trainees were contacted for updated information on their professional status. Awareness of the profession had been created at UCH and institutions within and outside Ibadan. Data were analyzed using Microsoft Excel 2016. RESULTS One hundred thirteen trainees (mean age, 24.1 ± 2.3 years) composed of 65.5% male and 34.5% female students attended UCH within the 10-year period. They were categorized as undergraduates, (n = 83; 73.5%), Master’s students (n = 25; 22.1%), Doctoral students (n = 2; 1.8%), and workers within nuclear field (n = 3; 2.7%). Of the 83 undergraduates, 5 (6.0%) were on training as of mid-September 2019, 25 (30.1%) were still in universities or serving in the mandatory national youth service, 11 (13.3%) were in the MP profession, and 42 (50.6%) were in other career pathways. Candidates’ institutions spread across 5 of the 6 geopolitical zones in the country. Furthermore, 207 physics students took part in awareness seminars at 2 universities in commemoration of International Day of Medical Physics. CONCLUSION Candidates from almost all parts of Nigeria benefitted from workplace experience at UCH, which continues to promote the profession. A greater feat will be attained when the University of Ibadan commences MP postgraduate programs.

Salah satu peralatan elektronika yang paling banyak digunakan oleh masyarakat adalah lampu penerangan. Lampu penerangan rumah dan bangunan memngalami perkembangan yang cukup mulai dari lampu bohlam atau pijar, lampu fluorescent/TL, lampu halogen, lampu LED. Lampu LED sampai saat ini telah mengalami perkembangan LED dual inline package (DIP), LED surface mount device (SMD), HPL (high power LED), dan COB (chip on board). Rangkaian elektronika pada lampu jenis LED hanya terdiri dari 2 bagian yaitu: rangkaian driver dan rangkaian LED yang disusun secara seri. Kerusakan lampu LED paling banyak terjadi pada rangkaian driver dimana ada kerusakan paling ringan yaitu ada komponen yang terbakar sampai kerusakan terparah yaitu seluruh rangkaian yang terbakar. Metoda yang dilaksanakan adalah dengan memberikan pelatihan perbaikan/reparasi lampu jenis LED bagi usaha perbaikan/service peralatan elektronika yang dikelola oleh pemuda RT.05/RW.03 Desa Buruk Bakul. Tahapan yang dilaksanakan adalah memberikan materi komponen yang ada pada lampu LED, memberikan materi tentang komponen yang paling sering terjadi kerusakan pada lampu LED, memberikan praktik cara penggunaan alat ukur analog dan digital, memberikan praktik cara mengecek bagian yang rusak, praktik cara mengganti komponen yang rusa dan tahap melakukan finishing dengan menguji coba terhadap lampu LED yang sudah diperbaiki. Target service ini adalah lampu LED yang ada di sekitar Desa Buruk Bakul dan desa lain yang ingin memperbaiki lampu LED terutama dengan daya yang besar (15-45 watt) karena harga belinya cukup mahal. Dengan mengimplementasikan usaha ini langsung kepada masyarakat maka akan membutuhkan 7-7 orang tenaga kerja, sehingga mampu menambah penghasilan khususnya pada masyarakat kelas bawah di RT.05/RW. 03 Desa Buruk Bakul. One of the main electronics used by the public are light bulbs used for lighting. Household and building lighting has undergone an evolution through the times, starting from light bulbs, fluorescent lamps, halogen lamps, and finally LED lights. The development of LED lights created LED with dual inline package (DIP), LED surface mount device (SMD), HPL (high power LED), and COB (chip on board). The electronical network of LED lights consists of 2 parts, namely the driver network and the LED network that are arranged in a series. LED lights usually breakdown due to damage in the driver network. The lightest damage usually involves fire damage to its components and the heaviest damage usually involves fire damage to the whole network. The methods used involve giving LED lights reparations training to electronics repair stores that are run by youths in RT.05/RW.03 Buruk Bakul Village. The training consists of giving materials regarding components in an LED light, the most vurnurable components in an LED light, practice in the use of analog and digital gauges, practice in the process of checking for damages, practice in substituting damaged parts, and the finishing step of testing the repaired LED unit. The main target of these repairs are the LEDs that are in Buruk Bakul Village and other surounding villages that need LED repairs, especially LEDs with large wattage (15-45 watt) due to their fairly high prices. With the direct implementation of our program, we need 7 workers, in order to increase the income, especially for the lower class of RT.05/RW.03 Buruk Bakul Village.

Amidst negative demographic trends, emigration of the young, reproductive and employable population is one of the vital issues for the further development of the Republic of Serbia. Hence, there is a need for in-depth academic research and expert discussions that would allow for a better understanding of the issue, while pointing out its limitations and potentials. Since the country’s emigration potential is not sufficiently represented in previous research, this paper aims to shed light on the phenomenon of migration by discussing the attitudes, intentions and motives of senior-year high school students. It also aims to identify the factors for the potential emigration of young people. In line with the research subject and aims, the paper relies on the focus group method. The analysis was carried out using data from a focus-group survey conducted in three local governments – the City of Leskovac, the City of Užice and the City of Zaječar. Regional centres in the southern, western and eastern parts of Serbia were selected because they best represent the heterogeneity of its socio-economic development and migration patterns. Given that the group is the main unit of analysis within the chosen qualitative research method, the respondents had to share at least one important characteristic. In this case, they were senior-year high school students, born or residing in the mentioned cities. Focus groups were organised in Medical Schools and Grammar schools, while in the City of Zaječar and the City of Leskovac, the research was conducted in the Technical School, too. During the research, a total of 15 focus-group interviews were conducted, in which 149 students participated. All respondents were 18 or 19 years old at the time of the survey, while in terms of gender structure, there were slightly more females (77 compared to 72 males). The participants recognised the importance and relevance of youth migration, showed enthusiasm and, at the same time, took the discussion seriously. The results showed that most of the participants intend to stay in Serbia, while also indicating a relatively high level of readiness to emigrate after finishing school. The intention to stay is more pronounced among the students from the City of Leskovac, which is understandable considering that this is an area where traditional family values are important. On the other hand, the intentions to emigrate are most frequent among students from the City of Zaječar, a traditional emigration area. Although the desire to aid the development of the community stands out as a significant determinant of staying, attachment to the family emerges as the main factor influencing the decision not to emigrate. When observing the respondents’ opinions according to the type of school, significant differences were noticed. Students of medical schools in all cities have to a greater extent expressed their readiness to stay in the country, which is contrary to the generally present trend of emigration of medical workers to EU countries. The research showed that students from these schools are more optimistic than students from other schools because they believe that the prospects of finding a job for their educational profile in Serbia are currently somewhat more favourable. It is important to point out that students who intend to stay in Serbia in most cases plan to continue living in one of the large regional centers – Belgrade, Novi Sad or Niš. Their decision to participate in internal migration flows can be related to the fact that they plan to continue their education in the mentioned regional centres and to stay there after graduation. It was found that students from the City of Leskovac primarily intend to continue their education in Niš, students from the City of Užice opt for faculties in Belgrade, while students from the City of Zaječar gravitate almost equally towards Belgrade and Niš. By considering the motives that influence young people’s migration intentions, it was established that economic factors have a distinct role in deciding on potential emigration. The most frequent push factor is the unfavourable financial situation in the family. When it comes to the pull-factors, the majority of respondents stated that the standard of living, higher salaries and more adequate conditions for professional development and advancement abroad are decisive for potential emigration. As to the importance of education in the process of deciding on migration, it does not appear to be a significant factor for external migration, given that a small number of students plan to continue their education abroad immediately after high school. While discussing the most significant push-factors, the participants expressed dissatisfaction with the general living conditions in Serbia. The students’ discussion about the potential destination led to the conclusion that the majority see traditional destinations of the inhabitants of Serbia as potential countries of emigration: Austria, Germany, France, the USA or Canada. When it comes to the choice of a destination, the participants emphasised the crucial importance of migration networks, i.e., connections with relatives and friends abroad. Some respondents emphasise that having relatives and acquaintances in the chosen destination country can be of great importance during integration into a new environment. Although some students emphasise that migration can improve the lives of individuals and families, the majority view emigration as a process that negatively affects the overall development of Serbia. Interestingly, the respondents in all three local government units expressed a unanimous attitude that too many resources are being invested in the development of Belgrade, while insufficient investments are directed to the planning of the development of other local governments, primarily in rural areas. Based on the discussions and exchange of opinions of focus group participants, it was possible to create certain recommendations to decision-makers to mitigate the problem of the emigration of young people. The respondents suggested several concrete measures that the state should take to improve certain aspects of life in Serbia. Their recommendations are focused, above all, on improving the economic situation, including increased monthly incomes, creating new jobs (especially for highly educated people) and encouraging youth entrepreneurship. They recognised the need for part of the investments to be directed towards rural areas in order to mitigate the effects of depopulation and economic decline. In the context of improving the education system, the recommendations call for reforms that would align education profiles with the needs of the labour market. Students in all three local governments believe that strategies and plans for future development should be tailored to the specific needs of different regions. Although the importance of youth migration is recognised at the academic level in Serbia, this phenomenon requires a more complex analysis in development and strategic documents. In this regard, qualitative research needs to intensify at the local, regional and national levels, which would enable the adoption of adequate plans, strategies and measures of population policy towards the migration of young people. The results of this paper can contribute significantly to and serve as the basis for further research on the migration processes among young people in Serbia.

Abstract: The Destruction Battalions in Estonia in the Summer War of 1941 A state of war was declared in the western regions of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941. This did not in any case mean only purely military operations. The safeguarding of security in the rear was considered extremely important. On 25 June 1941, the Union-wide Communist Party (CPSU) Central Committee Politburo adopted the decision ‘On the tasks in the rear of front-line forces’, which placed all agencies and units of the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs and State Security (NKVD and NKGB) under the command of the commanders of rear defence of the front lines. The following was prescribed as the more general tasks of rear defence: maintenance of law and order in the rear and on roads; the capture of deserters and ‘disorganisers of the rear’; protection of communications; the organisation of evacuations and the transportation of supplies; the destruction of saboteurs. Since rebellion against Soviet rule also began in parallel with combat action in many regions (primarily in regions that the Soviet Union occupied and annexed in 1939/1940), then combat against the so-called internal enemy became the primary task of rear defence units in the vicinity of the front in many areas. Thirdly, rear defence units were assigned the task of destroying all property of any value that could not be removed from the region of the front in the event of possible retreat. At the same time, all communications of military importance were to be destroyed in the course of retreat. NKVD internal forces and border guard forces on the one hand, and irregular people’s defence units (destruction battalions, workers’ regiments, people’s defence divisions, etc.) formed locally in the summer of 1941 on the other hand were to bear the brunt of this action. The various irregular people’s defence units were on the one hand supposed to be manifestations of ‘nationwide struggle’ deriving from ideology; on the other hand, the need for an improvised territorial defence force was due to pragmatic needs that made it possible to skip many of the formalities associated with mobilisation, transport, formation and supply. At the same time, the possibilities for utilising these units were also considerably more flexible. The formation and utilisation of the ‘people’s defence force’ varied from region to region. The destruction battalions that were formed in the Estonian SSR are considered illustratively in this article. As elsewhere in areas in the vicinity of the front, the formation of destruction battalions began in the Estonian SSR at the end of June, 1941. The ‘Estonian SSR operative group of destruction battalions’ was established for their formation and command at the NKVD Baltic Border Guard District headquarters. At the start of July, this operative group was placed under the command of the assistant responsible for rear area defence of the commander of the 8th Army, which had retreated into Estonia. The destruction battalions did not have any definite composition of personnel. Although the self-evidence of patriotism was stressed, in reality the battalions were manned in Estonia by way of ‘Party mobilisation’. If a person was a member or candidate member of the CPSU or the communist youth organisation and did not have any other administrative duties, joining the destruction battalions was in essence mandatory. Generally speaking, this obligation also applied to the employees of other Soviet institutions as well. The operations of destruction battalions in Estonia can conditionally be divided into three periods: 1) combat against the armed resistance movement before the arrival of German forces; 2) the direct employment of destruction battalions in military assignments alongside securing the rear area; 3) the deployment of destruction battalions and regiments formed out of them at the front in combat against regular Wehrmacht units. This periodisation is nevertheless conditional. It is rather difficult to present temporal frames of reference more precisely because the actions and composition of different units varied depending on the situation at the front and they also do not match temporally. While battalions were initially formed in the counties and in the cities of Tallinn and Narva, later on units were disbanded and combined, and new additional units were also formed. In total, over 20 such units operated in Estonia (in addition to several more Latvian destruction units that had retreated into Estonia) in the summer war of 1941. Over 6,000 fighters were entered in the lists of the Estonian SSR militia companies, destruction battalions and workers’ regiments. These in turn were divided up according to specific assignments: some went on raids and later fought at the front line as part of the Red Army; others were part of the armed units guarding certain industrial enterprises or Soviet institutions, or provided security for communications of military importance (railroads, bridges, communications lines, and other such sites). Third, there was a large group that was formally connected to destruction battalions because they were tied mainly to other military-administrative duties (the organisation of evacuation, fortification works, mobilisation of horses and motor vehicles, future partisan warfare, and other such duties). As the name ‘destruction battalion’ already says, these units were initially supposed to be used mainly in combatting saboteurs, spies and local ‘bandits’, and in carrying out ‘scorched earth tactics’. Yet as we can already see from the previous periodization, the role of destruction battalions in Estonia already became blurred at the start of July, 1941. Since the front was breached in many places, some units that were completely unprepared for it were quickly sent to the front to plug the holes. The Southern Estonian destruction battalions that had retreated in the direction of Narva fell apart, disintegrating into isolated troops that retreated together with civilians who wanted to evacuate. Other units were incorporated into the Red Army in Northern Tartu County in the latter half of July, and most of them were cut off there in a pocket. In August, two companies were formed in Harju County and Narva out of the remnants of the destruction battalions, and were already utilised directly as front-line units. In conclusion it can be said that while the destruction battalions that operated in Estonia initially were indeed a rather effective force for a short time in the fight against armed resistance, their utilisation in front-line combat not only had negligible effect, it was also rather short-sighted in terms of Soviet rule because it resulted in the destruction of a large proportion of the cadre that was trustworthy in the eyes of the Soviet regime, and this cadre was already quite modest in numbers to begin with. A large proportion of the fighters of the destruction battalions left behind in the rear met their end in the course of vigilante justice in the summer war of 1941. And secondly, since the Germans did not count the members of the destruction battalions as soldiers, the status of prisoners of war did not extend to them, and many of them who were taken prisoner were shot on the spot or were executed at a later time as ‘active communists’.

Background. Contemporary audio art in search of new sound design, as well as the artists working in the field of music show business, in an attempt to draw attention to the already well-known musical works, often turn to the forms of “remake” or “remix”. However, there are certain disagreements in the understanding of these terms by artists, vocalists, producers and professional sound engineer team. Therefore, it becomes relevant to clarify the concepts of “remake” and “remix” and designate the key differences between these musical phenomena. The article contains reasoned, from the point of view of art criticism, positions concerning the misunderstanding of the terms “remake” and “remix”, which are wide used in the circles of the media industry. The objective of the article is to explore the key differences between the principles of processing borrowed musical material, such as “remix” and “remake” in contemporary popular music, in particular, in recording studios. Research methodology. In the course of the study two concepts – «remake» and «remix» – were under consideration and comparison, on practical examples of some works of famous pop vocalists from Ukraine and abroad. So, the research methodology includes the methods of analysis for consideration of the examples from the Ukrainian, Russian and world show business and the existing definitions of the concepts “remake” and “remix”; as well as comparison, checking, coordination of the latter; formalization and generalization of data in getting the results of our study. The modern strategies of the «remake» invariance development in the work of musicians are taken in account; also, the latest trends in the creation of versions of «remix» by world class artists and performers of contemporary Ukrainian pop music are reflected. The results of the study. The research results reveal the significance of terminology pair «remix» and «remake» in the activities of the pop singer. It found that the differences of two similar in importance terms not all artists in the music industry understand. The article analyzes the main scientific works of specialists in the audiovisual and musical arts, in philosophical and sociological areas, which addressed this issue in the structure of music, such as the studies by V. Tormakhova, V. Otkydach, V. Myslavskyi, I. Tarasova, Yu. Koliadych, L. Zdorovenko and several others, and on this basis the essence of the concepts “remake” and “remix” reveals. The phenomenon of the “remake” is described in detail in the dictionary of V. Mislavsky [5], where the author separately outlined the concept of “remake” not only in musical art, but also in the film industry and the structure of video games. The researcher I. Tarasovа also notes the term “remake” in connection with the problem of protection of intellectual property and the certification of the copyright of the performer and the composer who made the original version of the work [13]. At the same time, the term “remix” in musical science has not yet found a precise definition. In contemporary youth pop culture, the principle of variation of someone else’s musical material called “remix” is associated with club dance music, the principle of “remake” – with the interpretation of “another’s” music work by other artist-singers. “Remake” is a new version or interpretation of a previously published work [5: 31]. Also close to the concept of “remake” the term “cover version” is, which is now even more often uses in the field of modern pop music. This is a repetition of the storyline laid down by the author or performer of the original version, however, in his own interpretation of another artist, while the texture and structure of the work are preserving. A. M. Tormakhova deciphered the term “remake” as a wide spectrum of changes in the musical material associated with the repetition of plot themes and techniques [14: 8]. In a general sense, “a wide spectrum of changes” is not only the technical and emotional interpretation of the work, including the changes made by the performer in style, tempo, rhythm, tessitura, but also it is an aspect of composing activity. For a composer this is an expression of creative thinking, the embodiment of his own vision in the ways of arrangement of material. For a sound director and a sound engineer, a “remix” means the working with computer programs, saturating music with sound effects; for a producer and media corporations it is a business. “Remake” is a rather controversial phenomenon in the music world. On the one hand, it is training for beginners in the field of art; on the other hand, the use of someone else’s musical material in the work can neighbor on plagiarism and provoke the occurrence of certain conflict situations between artists. From the point of view of show business, “remake” is only a method for remind of a piece to the public for the purpose of its commercial use, no matter who the song performed. Basically, an agreement concludes between the artists on the transfer or contiguity of copyright and the right to perform the work for profit. For example, the song “Diva” by F. Kirkorov is a “remake” of the work borrowed from another performer, the winner of the Eurovision Song Contest 1998 – Dana International [17; 20], which is reflected in the relevant agreement on the commercial use of musical material. Remix as a music product is created using computer equipment or the Live Looping music platform due to the processing of the original by introducing various sound effects into the initial track. Interest in this principle of material processing arose in the 80s of the XXth century, when dance, club and DJ music entered into mass use [18]. As a remix, one can considers a single piece of music taken as the main component, which is complemented in sequence by the components of the DJ profile. It can be various samples, the changing of the speed of sounding, the tonality of the work, the “mutation” of the soloist’s voice, the saturation of the voice with effects to achieve a uniform musical ensemble. To the development of such a phenomenon as a “remix” the commercial activities of entertainment facilities (clubs, concert venues, etc.) contributes. The remix principle is connected with the renewal of the musical “hit”, whose popularity gradually decreased, and the rotation during the broadcast of the work did not gain a certain number of listeners. Conclusions. The musical art of the 21st century is full of new experimental and creative phenomena. The process of birth of modified forms of pop works deserves constant attention not only from the representatives of the industry of show business and audiovisual products, but also from scientists-musicologists. Such popular musical phenomena as “remix” and “remake” have a number of differences. So, a “remix” is a technical form of interpreting a piece of music with the help of computer processing of both instrumental parts and voices; it associated with the introduction of new, often very heterogeneous, elements, with tempo changes. A musical product created according to this principle is intended for listeners of “club music” and is not related to the studio work of the performer. The main feature of the “remake”is the presence of studio work of the sound engineer, composer and vocalist; this work is aimed at modernizing the character of the song, which differs from the original version. The texture of the original composition, in the base, should be preserved, but it can be saturated with new sound elements, the vocal line and harmony can be partially changed according to interpreter’s own scheme. The introduction of the scientific definitions of these terms into a common base of musical concepts and the further in-depth study of all theoretical and practical components behind them will contribute to the correct orientation in terminology among the scientific workers of the artistic sphere and actorsvocalists.

Despite the growing emphasis on evidence-based practice (EBP), Chinese social workers’ adoption of EBP has been slow and limited, due partly to the fact that they often hold negative attitudes toward EBP. This study examined factors that account for these negative attitudes, using data collected from social workers in Hong Kong. Regression revealed that females, those less experienced, and social workers in non-governmental organizations endorsed more positive attitudes toward EBP, while those providing youth services had less favorable attitudes. Recent initiatives to promote Chinese social workers’ adoption of EBP will be more successful if they target those groups having less favorable attitudes.

This paper studies education during the Nazi Germany period, from 1933 to 1945. In order to achieve their goals, the Nazis who founded the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSGWP), in addition to numerous laws and state programs, saw great importance in educational activities. The concretization of the goal of education during the period of Nazi Germany implied the education of children and youth on eugenics, nationalist, racist, anti-Semitic, ideological, occult, theosophical, militaristic and alchemical bases with the aim of encouraging and developing awareness of the importance and preservationof the pure Aryan race, about the German people as the most civilized and God-given to rule the world, with their sublime tradition and culture.

In recent years, digital media have become an integral part of political communication during election campaigns. Internet has become an important platform for marginalized and fringed parties, candidates, groups and people to establish an alternative political dialogue to a wider section of society which was earlier not possible for them. Social media has turned a great boom when concerned to connect people. It has enabled us find countless area specific people in one click to target them for a specific programme or scheme. Digital media has changed the pattern of election campaigning. Youth have now joined the campaign and become the part of voting. The Internet provides an arena of informing, involving, mobilizing and connecting activity among the political parties, political candidates, party workers and followers and voters. New digital media has made it easier to get in touch, keep in touch with the party workers, prospective supporters and voters. The internet has become a vehicle through which the opinion of common people can be expressed on matters normally reserved for political leaders. The speed with which digital media communication is being adopted by political parties, representatives and electoral candidates varies according to social, cultural, economic and democratic context. The digital media can enable both politicians and citizens to communicate and serve democratic activities, such as election campaigns. Most of the new media applications and platforms like face book, twitter, multimedia mobile telephones have been used by the political parties and their candidates during elections.

Abstract Background Socioeconomic and environmental factors can affect the health of the people living in slums in the suburbs. In these areas, the youth and adolescents are the main age groups susceptible to a multitude of harms such as addiction, AIDS, delinquency, aggressive behavior, and prostitution. The present study was conducted to investigate the state of social harms and social class in Iranian youth and adolescents living in slums in the suburbs. Methods In the present systematic review, the researchers searched for observational and qualitative papers published in Persian or English languages during 2010–2020 timespan in the following databases: Embase, PubMed, Scopus, Web of Science, Irandoc databases, Google Scholar, SID, and Magiran. Based on MESH, the keywords of “social class”, “social harm”, “youth”, “adolescent”, and “slum” were chosen. Papers were assessed according to the inclusion criteria, and the quality of the papers was evaluated using the Newcastle–Ottawa scale for quantitative articles and the COREQ scale for qualitative ones. Results Of 491 articles assessed, 11 (eight cross-sectional and three qualitative papers) were deemed suitable. According to the results, social harms reported were: drug abuse (two studies), female sex workers (two studies), poverty (two studies), AIDS (two studies), social insecurity (two studies), psychedelic substances (one study), alcohol (one study), delinquency (one study), divorce (one study), physical problems (one study), prostitution because of poverty (one study), unemployment (one study), and adolescents’ forced labor due to destitution (one study). Moreover, the assessed papers used education (three studies), economic status (three studies), occupation (two studies), income (two studies), place of residence (two studies), social status (two studies), and cultural status (one study) as indicators of the social class in the individual and their parents, and categorized them in three groups of high (one study), middle (three studies), and low classes (seven studies). Conclusion The present systematic review investigated, for the first time in Iran, social harms and social class in the youth and adolescents living in slums in the suburbs. The results showed that social harm is high among the youth and adolescents in outskirt slums of Iranian cities. Therefore, any attempt to empower the youth and adolescents living in these parts will have direct effects on the health of the residents of these areas.

Problem setting. The article examines the possibilities of providing employment for young people through the activities of public communities. An environment that will allow young people to develop themselves in the communities where they were born, live and plan to stay.Recent research and publications analysis. Youth employment is very closely linked to the general employment situation. However, it has its own dimensions and problems that require specific measures. Domestic scholars, for instance, Yu. Palahniuk, O. Shtym, G. Koval, Y. Makogon paid considerable attention to the European experience of youth employment policy, and G. Koval, M. Karpulenko, Y. Hetmanenko studied the state youth policy in general. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The article analyzes the typical challenges of youth employment: unemployment, going abroad; an insufficient level of qualification and opportunities to involve young people through the cooperation of educational institutions and opportunities to involve young people in cooperation of educational institutions; non-formal education; participation in local community self-government. As a result of the research, it is proposed to develop an effective state youth policy in ensuring youth employment in small communities through the development of youth entrepreneurship; activation of youth and involvement in community activities, inclusion of youth in councils and committees. Therefore, the object of study is youth employment through the activities of young communities in Ukraine. Paper main body. In Ukraine, youth unemployment is associated primarily with underdevelopment and economic growth, trends in the international economy’s globalization. It is migration processes that strongly influence the situation on the world labor market because, during the growth of cross-border movements, more and more young people leave their homes in the hope of finding work, which leads to migration from rural areas to cities or other countries. This will have an impact on labor markets in their countries as well as abroad. The International Labor Organization estimates that about 85,3 million young women and men were unemployed worldwide in 2020, or 44 per cent of the world’s unemployed. Many more young people try to earn a living in the informal economy and often end up as unemployed, unskilled young people. To replace older ones, they hire even younger children for lower pay, thus greatly reducing the chances of providing education for both. It is estimated that 59 million young people between the ages of 15 and 17 are employed in unsafe jobs.Unemployment is one of the problems of young people in small communities of Ukraine, as 73% of young people do not see opportunities for even temporary employment due to lack of supply in the market, and 27% due to housekeeping.Traditionally, the lower unemployment rate in rural areas is due to participation in housekeeping. However, this positive fact about the lower unemployment rate among rural youth is reduced by a longer unemployment period. According to the research, the experience of youth unemployment is more devastating for them than for their parents because parents have fewer economic means to support their children. Accordingly, the development of youth in the community is impossible without creating employment conditions.An important factor is to acquaint young people with the trends and directions of development of the whole territorial community and even better involve them in the planning process, allowing them to assess the threats and challenges to the development of small communities. Accordingly, contributing to education and informing about medium-term prospects and available vacancies are practical things that can already make youth unemployment low.The article describes the main provisions of the youth program “DOBRE”, which operates in Ukraine. This program offers its own 4-level system of youth involvement: “Hear youth”, “Develop youth”, “Strengthen youth”, “Support youth”. Addressing the lack of support and activity of young people in small communities is done by creating the opportunities they need for young people, namely creating enough jobs, developing opportunities, decent pay, and creating a sense that young people are included in community life. Also, the priorities are adhered to and supported by the community.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. To solve the problem of youth employment, it is necessary to form state guarantees aimed at stimulating self-employment and entrepreneurial activity of young people; improving the legal framework in the context of preferential taxation of enterprises that hire young workers; active control and monitoring of labor market and educational services indicators to timely adjust and take the necessary measures, as well as to implement a preventive policy of youth employment. An important area of problem-solving is forming a mechanism for effective interaction between government, business and education, which determines the coordination of efforts and joint activities aimed at improving the situation on the labor market and providing young people with jobs. The state’s policy in the field of youth employment needs to be improved, taking into account the current state of the labor market, new trends in social and labor relations through the introduction of best foreign experience and its adaptation to domestic realities.

Abstract Objective: To elucidate the immune status of representative infectious diseases among Japanese youth, we retrospectively investigated serum antibody levels in university students, partly comparing these to immunization records and infectious disease histories confirmed by the maternal and child health (MCH) handbooks. Materials and methods: In total, 168 Japanese female university students, aged 20–21 years, were included. Data were collected from examinations of antibody titers against measles, rubella, varicella-zoster (VZ), mumps, and hepatitis B (HB) and C (HC) viruses, and from QuantiFERON®-TB Gold tests, between 2011 and 2015. Records of immunization and infectious disease histories were available from MCH handbooks for students who agreed with the use of their data for this study (n=23). Results: All students had positive antibodies, detected by enzyme immunoassay (EIA), against measles, rubella, VZ, and mumps; however, seroprevalences within the range of seroprotective antibody levels were 38.1% (64/168), 67.9% (114/168), 95.9% (141/147), and 89.8% (132/147), respectively. The students had probably not been infected with HB, HC, or tuberculosis at the time of the examinations. Discussion: The study indicated that a two-dose vaccine for measles and rubella (MR) might not be sufficient to produce antibodies at seroprotective levels. Therefore, we propose that health care workers, including students, should receive an additional MR vaccine, even if they have received two doses of MR vaccine or if they have unknown histories of immunizations or infectious diseases. Further investigations in these areas will be needed.

The article aims to reveal the peculiarities of Nazi Germany's propaganda among German refugees from the USSR at the final stage of World War II. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity and a set of special (historical-genetic, historical-systemic, and chronological) and generally scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction). Scientific novelty. For the first time in historiography, this article examines the issues related to the indoctrination of German refugees taken from the occupied regions of the USSR to the territory of the Third Reich in 1943-1944. Conclusions. Throughout the fall of 1943 – spring 1944. about 350,000 ethnic Germans were evacuated from the occupied Ukrainian territories by the authorities of Nazi Germany. The bulk of the refugees were accommodated in the imperial district of Warthegau. Due to the lack of free land funds, the German administration decided to use them as agricultural workers until the war. Therefore, the authorities of the Nazi Party were tasked with convincing the refugees that at this stage, they need to think not about their interests but about working for the good of Germany, on whose victory their future fate depended. At the end of February 1944, the first instructions followed from Berlin regarding establishing political and cultural work with the Soviet Germans. The German authorities often preferred traditional propaganda tools, for example, printed materials and films. Work with children and adolescents took on somewhat different forms. Like during the occupation of the Soviet regions, it was supervised by the leadership of the Hitler Youth. However, the previous propaganda technologies, due to the sociocultural specifics of the new settlers, on the whole, turned out to be ineffective. The lack of results was mainly due to many Soviet Germans' growing discontent with their socioeconomic position.

Abstract Our pediatric Gender Clinic is receiving a growing number of referrals, yet continues to operate with limited resources. To try to address this issue, a new clinical pathway was developed in 2017, which included an inter-professional assessment clinic run by nurses and social workers as the entry point for new referrals (known as ‘intake appointments’). These visits help to identify those youth who require urgent access to care (i.e. for imminent puberty), wayfinding to community supports and providers who can complete GnRH analog and hormone-readiness assessments, and information about potential medical interventions. The goals of this study were to (1) map out current processes, (2) evaluate wait times for patients referred in 2015-2016 (pre-intake) and 2018-2019 (post-intake), and (3) describe referral patterns and outcomes. Patients referred in 2017 were excluded, as this was a transitional year. In 2015-2016, 222 referrals were received, compared to 407 referrals in 2018-2019. Of the post-intake cohort, to date, 202/407 referrals have led to an intake appointment, of which 45 were via telehealth (a service not previously offered to families). Average wait time to physician visit was 171 days (range 10-1271; IQR 69-208) for patients in the pre-intake cohort, while the average wait time to intake appointment was 200 days (range 9-569, IQR 114-242) in the post-intake cohort. Wait time to physician visits cannot be assessed yet, due to the number of pending referrals. Fifty-four referrals were cancelled in the pre-intake, and 73 in the post-intake cohort. In both groups, the primary reason for cancellation was redirection by our team to other services (32% in both groups), and the second most common reason was cancellation by the family/no show to appointment (26% and 22% in the pre- and post-intake cohorts, respectively). Staffing resources and number of clinics per week have changed over the years, limiting our ability to attribute changes directly to the new clinical pathway. Moreover, most hormone-readiness assessments are completed by community providers. Therefore, wait times to physician visits partly reflect difficulty in accessing these community resources. However, using our new model of care, we have engaged with hundreds of patients and families within a similar time frame to the 2015-2016 cohort, despite an almost doubling of the number of referrals received by our clinic. Although these initial visits do not allow for initiation of medical therapy, they are a means to support patients and families through their gender journey. Moreover, the intake appointments have promoted inter-professional collaborative care, which is particularly beneficial in the face of limited resources. Thus, we believe this new model of care has led to improved quality of care for patients accessing our Gender Clinic.

ABSTRACT:The main objective of ESP is to develop activities and encourage the students to achieve the highest attainable standard of health, through the acquisition of knowledge and skills that promote choice and adoption of healthy lifestyles, seeking the participation, the interaction and social integration and the ability to work critically and creatively, and the search for solutions. Promotion and Health Education developed from Schools is one of the key tools of health interventions. Access to children and young people is almost complete because of the obligatory education. In the period of the obligatory people education are more receptive for the learning, being the period of the vital development in which acquire major life habits that are consolidated with the years (physical activity, food, etc.). The social intervention counts with health workers who have high qualifications from the pedagogical point of view for work at schools. Schools, along with the home are two of the key places where takes place the individual and social development of people in its early stages, exerting an important role in shaping behavior and social values of children, adolescence and youth. The achievement of positive educational outcomes in the teaching centers closely related to the achievement of good health among students. According to this reality, schools have the need to include addressing the issues related to health promotion as one of the foundations that will enable them to achieve educational goals.RESUMEN:El principal objetivo de la Educación para la salud, es desarrollar actividades e incentivar al alumnado para conseguir el mayor grado posible de salud, mediante la adquisición de conocimientos y habilidades que favorezcan la elección y adopción de estilos de vida saludables; buscando la parti-cipación, la interacción y la integración social, y trabajando la capacidad crítica y creativa, así como la búsqueda de soluciones. La Promoción y Educación para la Salud desarrollada desde los Centros educativos Españoles es una de las herramientas clave de las intervenciones en salud. Por un lado, el acceso a la población infantil y juvenil es casi total debido a la obligatoriedad de la educación. Por otro lado, en esta época de la vida las personas se hallan más receptivas para el aprendizaje, siendo la época del desarrollo vital en la que se adquieren los principales hábitos de vida que se consolidarán con los años (actividad física, alimentación, etc.). La Educación para la salud como intervención social cuenta con agentes de salud que disponen de alta calificación desde el punto de vista pedagógico para trabajar en las escuelas: el profesorado, ya sea en el nivel de educación Infantil, como en Primaria y Secundaria. Los Centros escolares, junto con el hogar, son dos de los lugares clave donde tiene lugar el desarrollo individual y social de las personas en sus estadios más tempranos, ejerciendo un importante papel en la configuración de la conducta y los valores sociales de la infancia, la adolescencia y la juventud. Contacto principal: laura.monsalve@uv.es

Introduction Greater resilience is associated with the ability to self-organise, and with social learning as part of a process of adaptation and transformation (Goldstein 341). This article deals with responses to a crisis in a Norwegian community in the late 1880s, and with some of the many internal conflicts it caused. The crisis and the subsequent conflicts in this particular community, Volda, were caused by a number of processes, driven mostly by external forces and closely linked to the expansion of the capitalist mode of production in rural Norway. But the crisis also reflects a growing nationalism in Norway. In the late 1880s, all these causes seemed to come together in Volda, a small community consisting mostly of independent small farmers and of fishers. The article employs the concept of ‘resilience’ and the theory of resilience in order better to understand how individuals and the community reacted to crisis and conflict in Volda in late 1880, experiences which will cast light on the history of the late 1880s in Volda, and on individuals and communities elsewhere which have also experienced such crises. Theoretical Perspectives Some understandings of social resilience inspired by systems theory and ecology focus on a society’s ability to maintain existing structures. Reducing conflict to promote greater collaboration and resilience, however, may become a reactionary strategy, perpetuating inequalities (Arthur, Friend and Marschke). Instead, the understanding of resilience could be enriched by drawing on ecological perspectives that see conflict as an integral aspect of a diverse ecology in continuous development. In the same vein, Grove has argued that some approaches to anticipatory politics fashion subjects to withstand ‘shocks and responding to adversity through modern institutions such as human rights and the social contract, rather than mobilising against the sources of insecurity’. As an alternative, radical politics of resilience ought to explore political alternatives to the existing order of things. Methodology According to Hall and Lamont, understanding “how individuals, communities, and societies secured their well-being” in the face of the challenges imposed by neoliberalism is a “problem of understanding the bases for social resilience”. This article takes a similarly broad approach to understanding resilience, focusing on a small group of people within a relatively small community to understand how they attempted to secure their well-being in the face of the challenges posed by capitalism and growing nationalism. The main interest, however, is not resilience understood as something that exists or is being produced within this small group, but, rather, how this group produced social imaginaries of the past and the future in cooperation and conflict with other groups in the same community. The research proceeds to analyse the contributions mainly of six members of this small group. It draws on existing literature on the history of the community in the late 1800s and, in particular, biographies of Synnøve Riste (Øyehaug) and Rasmus Steinsvik (Gausemel). In addition, the research builds on original empirical research of approximately 500 articles written by the members of the group in the period from 1887 to 1895 and published in the newspapers Vestmannen, Fedraheimen and 17de Mai; and will try to re-tell a history of key events, referring to a selection of these articles. A Story about Being a Woman in Volda in the Late 1880s This history begins with a letter from Synnøve Riste, a young peasant woman and daughter of a local member of parliament, to Anders Hovden, a friend and theology student. In the letter, Synnøve Riste told her friend about something she just had experienced and had found disturbing (more details in Øyehaug). She first sets her story in the context of an evangelical awakening that was gaining momentum in the community. There was one preacher in particular who seemed to have become very popular among the young women. He had few problems when it comes to women, she wrote, ironically. Curious about the whole thing, Synnøve decided to attend a meeting to see for herself what was going on. The preacher noticed her among the group of young women. He turned his attention towards her and scolded her for her apparent lack of religious fervour. In the letter she explained the feeling of shame that came over her when the preacher singled her out for public criticism. But the feeling of shame soon gave way to anger, she wrote, before adding that the worst part of it was ‘not being able to speak back’; as a woman at a religious meeting she had to hold her tongue. Synnøve Riste was worried about the consequences of the religious awakening. She asked her friend to do something. Could he perhaps write a poem for the weekly newspaper the group had begun to publish only a few months earlier? Anders Hovden duly complied. The poem was published, anonymously, on Wednesday 17 March 1888. Previously, the poem says, women enjoyed the freedom to roam the mountains and valleys. Now, however, a dark mood had come over the young women. ‘Use your mind! Let the madness end! Throw off the blood sucker! And let the world see that you are a woman!’ The puritans appreciated neither the poem nor the newspaper. The newspaper was published by the same group of young men and women who had already organised a private language school for those who wanted to learn to read and write New Norwegian, a ‘new’ language based on the old dialects stemming from the time before Norway lost its independence and became a part of Denmark and then, after 1814, Sweden. At the language school the students read and discussed translations of Karl Marx and the anarchist Peter Kropotkin. The newspaper quickly grew radical. It reported on the riots following the hanging of the Haymarket Anarchists in Chicago in 1886. It advocated women’s suffrage, agitated against capitalism, argued that peasants and small farmers must learn solidarity from the industrial workers defended a young woman in Oslo who was convicted of killing her newborn baby and published articles from international socialist and anarchist newspapers and magazines. Social Causes for Individual Resilience and Collaborative Resilience Recent literature on developmental psychology link resilience to ‘the availability of close attachments or a supportive and disciplined environment’ (Hall and Lamont 13). Some psychologists have studied how individuals feel empowered or constrained by their environment. Synnøve Riste clearly felt constrained by developments in her social world, but was also resourceful enough to find ways to resist and engage in transformational social action on many levels. According to contemporary testimonies, Synnøve Riste must have been an extraordinary woman (Steinsvik "Synnøve Riste"). She was born Synnøve Aarflot, but later married Per Riste and took his family name. The Aarflot family was relatively well-off and locally influential, although the farms were quite small by European standards. Both her father and her uncle served as members of parliament for the (‘left’) Liberal Party. From a young age she took responsibility for her younger siblings and for the family farm, as her father spent much time in the capital. Her grandfather had been granted the privilege of printing books and newspapers, which meant that she grew up with easy access to current news and debates. She married a man of her own choosing; a man substantially older than herself, but with a reputation for liberal ideas on language, education and social issues. Psychological approaches to resilience consider the influence of cognitive ability, self-perception and emotional regulation, in addition to social networks and community support, as important sources of resilience (Lamont, Welburn and Fleming). Synnøve Riste’s friend and lover, Rasmus Steinsvik, later described her as ‘a mainspring’ of social activity. She did not only rely on family, social networks and community support to resist stigmatisation from the puritans, but she was herself a driving force behind social activities that produced new knowledge and generated communities of support for others. Lamont, Welburn and Fleming underline the importance for social resilience of cultural repertoires and the availability of ‘alternative ways of understanding social reality’ (Lamont, Welburn and Fleming). Many of the social activities Synnøve Riste instigated served as arenas for debate and collaborative activity to develop alternative understandings of the social reality of the community. In 1887, Synnøve Riste had relied on support from her extended family to found the newspaper Vestmannen, but as the group around the language school and newspaper gradually produced more radical alternative understandings of the social reality they came increasingly into conflict with less radical members of the Liberal Party. Her uncle owned the printing press where Vestmannen was printed. He was also a member of parliament seeking re-election. And he was certainly not amused when Rasmus Steinsvik, editor of Vestmannen, published an article reprimanding him for his lacklustre performance in general and his unprincipled voting in support of a budget allocating the Swedish king a substantial amount of money. Steinsvik advised the readers to vote instead for Per Riste, Synnøve Riste’s liberal husband and director of the language school. The uncle stopped printing the newspaper. Social Resilience in Volda The growing social conflicts in Volda might be taken to indicate a lack of resilience. This, however, would be a mistake. Social connectedness is an important source of social resilience (Barnes and Hall 226). Strong ties to family and friends matter, as does membership in associations. Dense networks of social connectedness are related to well-being and social resilience. Inversely, high levels of inequality seem to be linked to low levels of resilience. Participation in democratic processes has also been found to be an important source of resilience (Barnes and Hall 229). Volda was a small community with relatively low levels of inequality and local cultural traditions underlining the importance of cooperation and the obligations of everyone to participate in various forms of communal work. Similarly, even though a couple of families dominated local politics, there was no significant socioeconomic division between the average and the more prosperous farmers. Traditionally, women on the small, independent farms participated actively in most aspects of social life. Volda would thus score high on most indicators predicting social resilience. Reading the local newspapers confirms this impression of high levels of social resilience. In fact, this small community of only a few hundred families produced two competing newspapers at the time. Vestmannen dedicated ample space to issues related to education and schools, including adult education, reflecting the fact that Volda was emerging as a local educational centre; local youths attending schools outside the community regularly wrote articles in the newspaper to share the new knowledge they had attained with other members of the community. The topics were in large part related to farming, earth sciences, meteorology and fisheries. Vestmannen also reported on other local associations and activities. The local newspapers reported on numerous political meetings and public debates. The Liberal Party was traditionally the strongest political party in Volda and pushed for greater independence from Sweden, but was divided between moderates and radicals. The radicals joined workers and socialists in demanding universal suffrage, including, as we have seen, women’s right to vote. The left libertarians in Volda organised a ‘radical left’ faction of the Liberal Party and in the run-up to the elections in 1888 numerous rallies were arranged. In some parts of the municipality the youth set up independent and often quite radical youth organisations, while others established a ‘book discussion’. The language issue developed into a particularly powerful source for social resilience. All members of the community shared the experience of having to write and speak a foreign language when communicating with authorities or during higher education. It was a shared experience of discrimination that contributed to producing a common identity. Hing has shown that those who value their in-group ‘can draw on this positive identity to provide a sense of self-worth that offers resilience’. The struggle for recognition stimulated locals to arrange independent activities, and it was in fact through the burgeoning movement for a New Norwegian language that the local radicals in Volda first encountered radical literature that helped them reframe the problems and issues of their social world. In his biography of Ivar Mortensson Egnund, editor of the newspaper Fedraheimen and a lifelong collaborator of Rasmus Steinsvik, Klaus Langen has argued that Mortensson Egnund saw the ideal type of community imagined by the anarchist Leo Tolstoy in the small Norwegian communities of independent small farmers, a potential model for cooperation, participation and freedom. It was not an uncritical perspective, however. The left libertarians were constantly involved in clashes with what they saw as repressive forces within the communities. It is probably more correct to say that they believed that the potential existed, within these communities, for freedom to flourish. Most importantly, however, reading Fedraheimen, and particularly the journalist, editor and novelist Arne Garborg, infused this group of local radicals with anti-capitalist perspectives to be used to make sense of the processes of change that affected the community. One of Garborg’s biographers, claims that no Norwegian has ever been more fundamentally anti-capitalist than Garborg (Thesen). This anti-capitalism helped the radicals in Volda to understand the local conflicts and the evangelical awakening as symptoms of a deeper and more fundamental development driven by capitalism. A series of article in Vestmannen called for solidarity and unity between small farmers and the growing urban class of industrial workers. Science and Modernity The left libertarians put their hope in science and modernity to improve the lives of people. They believed that education was the key to move forward and get rid of the old and bad ways of doing things. The newspaper was reporting the latest advances in natural sciences and life sciences. It reported enthusiastically about the marvels of electricity, and speculated about a future in which Norway could exploit the waterfalls to generate it on a large scale. Vestmannen printed articles in defence of Darwinism (Egnund), new insights from astronomy (Steinsvik "Kva Den Nye Astronomien"), health sciences, agronomy, new methods of fishing and farming – and much more. This was a time when such matters mattered. Reports on new advances in meteorology in the newspaper appeared next to harrowing reports about the devastating effects of a storm that surprised local fishermen at sea where many men regularly paid with their lives. Hunger was still a constant threat in the harsh winter months, so new knowledge that could improve the harvest was most welcome. Leprosy and other diseases continued to be serious problems in this region of Norway. Health could not be taken lightly, and the left libertarians believed that science and knowledge was the only way forward. ‘Knowledge is a sweet fruit,’ Vestmannen wrote. Reporting on Darwinism and astronomy again pitted Vestmannen against the puritans. On several occasions the newspaper reported on confrontations between those who promoted science and those who defended a fundamentalist view of the Bible. In November 1888 the signature ‘-t’ published an article on a meeting that had taken place a few days earlier in a small village not far from Volda (Unknown). The article described how local teachers and other participants were scolded for holding liberal views on science and religion. Anyone who expressed the view that the Bible should not be interpreted literally risked being stigmatised and ostracised. It is tempting to label the group of left libertarians ‘positivists’ or ‘modernists’, but that would be unfair. Arne Garborg, the group’s most important source of inspiration, was indeed inspired by Émile Zola and the French naturalists. Garborg had argued that nothing less than the uncompromising search for truth was acceptable. Nevertheless, he did not believe in objectivity; Garborg and his followers agreed that it was not possible or even desirable to be anything else than subjective. Adaptation or Transformation? PM Giærder, a friend of Rasmus Steinsvik’s, built a new printing press with the help of local blacksmiths, so the newspaper could keep afloat for a few more months. Finally, however, in 1888, the editor and the printer took the printing press with them and moved to Tynset, another small community to the east. There they joined forces with another dwindling left libertarian publication, Fedraheimen. Generations later, more details emerged about the hurried exit from Volda. Synnøve Riste had become pregnant, but not by her husband Per. She was pregnant by Rasmus Steinsvik, the editor of Vestmannen and co-founder of the language school. And then, after giving birth to a baby daughter she fell ill and died. The former friends Per and Rasmus were now enemies and the group of left libertarians in Volda fell apart. It would be too easy to conclude that the left libertarians failed to transform the community and a closer look would reveal a more nuanced picture. Key members of the radical group went on to play important roles on the local and national political scene. Locally, the remaining members of the group formed new alliances with former opponents to continue the language struggle. The local church gradually began to sympathise with those who agitated for a new language based on the Norwegian dialects. The radical faction of the Liberal Party grew in importance as the conflict with Sweden over the hated union intensified. The anarchists Garborg and Steinsvik became successful editors of a radical national newspaper, 17de Mai, while two other members of the small group of radicals went on to become mayors of Volda. One was later elected member of parliament for the Liberal Party. Many of the more radical anarchist and communist ideas failed to make an impact on society. However, on issues such as women’s rights, voting and science, the left libertarians left a lasting impression on the community. It is fair to say that they contributed to transforming their society in many and lasting ways. Conclusion This study of crisis and conflict in Volda indicate that conflict can play an important role in social learning and collective creativity in resilient communities. There is a tendency, in parts of resilience literature, to view resilient communities as harmonious wholes without rifts or clashes of interests (see for instance Goldstein; Arthur, Friend and Marschke). Instead, conflicts should rather be understood as a natural aspect of any society adapting and transforming itself to respond to crisis. Future research on social resilience could benefit from an ecological understanding of nature that accepts polarisation and conflict as a natural part of ecology and which helps us to reach deeper understandings of the social world, also fostering learning, creativity and the production of alternative political solutions. This research has indicated the importance of social imaginaries of the past. Collective memories of ‘what everybody knows that everybody else knows’ about ‘what has worked in the past’ form the basis for producing ideas about how to create collective action (Swidler 338, 39). Historical institutions are pivotal in producing schemas which are default options for collective action. In Volda, the left libertarians imagined a potential for freedom in the past of the community; this formed the basis for producing an alternative social imaginary of the future of the community. The social imaginary was not, however, based only on local experience and collective memory of the past. Theories played an important role in the process of trying to understand the past and the present in order to imagine future alternatives. The conflicts themselves stimulated the radicals to search more widely and probe more deeply for alternative explanations to the problems they experienced. This search led them to new insights which were sometimes adopted by the local community and, in some cases, helped to transform social life in the long-run. References Arthur, Robert, Richard Friend, and Melissa Marschke. "Fostering Collaborative Resilience through Adaptive Comanagement: Reconciling Theory and Practice in the Management of Fisheries in the Mekong Region." Collaborative Resilience: Moving through Crisis to Opportunity. Ed. Bruce Evan Goldstein. Cambridge, Mass., and London: MIT Press, 2012. 255-282. Barnes, Lucy, and Peter A. Hall. "Neoliberalism and Social Resilience in the Developed Democracies." Social Resilience in the Neoliberal Era. Eds. Peter A. Hall and Michèle Lamont. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. 209-238. Egnund, Ivar Mortensson. "Motsetningar." Vestmannen 13.6 (1889): 3. Gausemel, Steffen. Rasmus Steinsvik. Oslo: Noregs boklag, 1937. Goldstein, Bruce Evan. "Collaborating for Transformative Resilience." Collaborative Resilience: Moving through Crisis to Opportunity. Ed. Bruce Evan Goldstein. Cambridge, Mass., and London: MIT Press, 2012. 339-358. Hall, Peter A., and Michèle Lamont. "Introduction." Social Resilience in the Neoliberal Era. Eds. Peter A. Hall and Michèle Lamont. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Lamont, Michèle, Jessica S Welburn, and Crystal M Fleming. "Responses to Discrimination and Social Resilience under Neoliberalism: The United States Compared." Social Resilience in the Neoliberal Era. Eds. Peter A. Hall and Michèle Lamont. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. 129-57. Steinsvik, Rasmus. "Kva Den Nye Astronomien Kan Lære Oss." Vestmannen 8.2 (1889): 1. ———. "Synnøve Riste." Obituary. Vestmannen 9.11 (1889): 1. Swidler, Ann. "Cultural Sources of Institutional Resilience: Lessons from Chieftaincy in Rural Malawi." Social Resilience in the Neoliberal Era. Eds. Peter A. Hall and Michèle Lamont. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

It is now almost 15 years since the world witnessed one of modern history’s most devastating terrorist attacks on the United States on 11 September 2001. Despite all its promises, the so called ‘War on Terror’ failed to combat a growing tide of violent extremism. 11 years after the US led offensive on Iraq in 2003, the rise of terrorism by non-state actors in the Arab world presents a significant concern to international security and world peace. Since 2001 Australian Muslims have consistently been called upon to openly reject terrorism committed by a minority of Muslims who adhere to an extreme interpretation of Islamic doctrine that justifies attacks on civilians both in the Arab world and abroad.The responsibility placed on Australian Muslims to actively reject terrorism comes from both official channels through government funded programs under the banner of counter terrorism and countering violent extremism and the public through the popular media. Yet, Muslims in Australia who do speak out against religiously motivated non-state terrorism find themselves in an impossible bind. They are expected to speak out as representatives of a fragmented, heterogeneous and diverse mix of communities and ideologies. Often, when they do speak out, they are viewed with suspicion and presumed to be ‘apologists for Islam’ whose claim to tolerance and the peaceful nature of Islamic doctrine purposefully ignores its true nature. Such responses render these spokespersons illegitimate- both as representatives of Muslim communities and as Australian citizens. The question “Why don’t moderate Muslims speak out against terrorism?” is often raised in the popular media in response to attacks against Western interests by jihadi groups. On 15 August 2014 an article in the Daily Telegraph by well-known conservative journalist Piers Akerman raised the question in relation to the Australian government’s announcement of increased powers for law enforcement agencies to deal with the issue of returned foreign fighters who had joined the Islamic State’s conflict in Iraq and Syria. The article, titled “It’s Time for Muslim Leaders to Speak Up” reiterated much of the construction of the silent Muslim majority that has pervaded the Australian popular media since 2001. Akerman states: “They [the Australian government] should be making it clear to Australian Muslims that they expect their leaders to speak out more vehemently against those who groom terrorists from the among the young and stupidly impressionable in their communities”. While he continues by acknowledging that Muslims in Australia are diverse in ethnicity and religious views and that the vast majority of Muslims do not support terrorism, he concludes by stating that “the few are costing the majority of Australians millions in security and those who enjoy leadership titles must accept that some responsibility attaches to their position or they should abdicate in favour of individuals who are prepared to consent to the obligations inherent in their station” (Piers Akerman). The same sentiments were expressed by Pia Ackerman in the Australian who wrote that “AUSTRALIA’S Muslim leaders need to speak out against Islamic State terrorists or risk losing their credibility and ability to reach young men attracted to the extremists’ cause” (Pia Akerman).Other responses in the popular media present a different argument. In an article titled “The Moderate Muslims Are Talking If Only You Will Listen”, David Penberthy of the Herald Sun cites examples of Muslim Australians who are speaking out including the case of prominent Sydney GP Jamal Rifi whose condemnation of terrorist activities in the Arab world has earned him death threats from members of the Islamic State (Penberthy). Yet, as Penberthy rightly acknowledges the questions “where are the moderates? Where are the decent Muslims? Are there any? Why aren’t they speaking out?” are still the most salient questions being asked of Muslims in the public sphere. For Australian Muslims at least, they are questions that pervade their everyday lives. It is these questions for example that leads Muslim women who wear the tradition head covering or hijab to challenge media representations of themselves as complicit actors in terrorism by acting as alternative sources of truth for curious co-workers and members of the broader community (see Aly, A Study).Muslim women who do not wear the hijab can face even more barriers to speaking out because they do not pass the test of ‘legitimate’ Muslims: those who fit the stereotype of the angry bearded male and the oppressed female shrouded in black. This author, who has in the past written about extremist interpretations of Islam, has faced condemnation from anti- Islamic groups who questioned her authenticity as a Muslim. By speaking out as a Muslim against the violent actions of some Muslims in other parts of the world, I was being accused of misinformed. Ironically, those who are vehemently anti- Islamic espouse the very same ideological world view and interpretations of Islamic doctrine as those Muslims they claim to oppose. Both groups rely on an extreme and minority version of Islam that de-legitimises more mainstream, nuanced interpretations and both groups claim legitimacy to the truth that Islam can only ever be violent, aggressive and oppositional.It is not just in the public and media discourses that Muslims who speak out against terrorism face being branded illegitimate. The policy response to home-grown terrorism — acts of violence carried out by Australian citizens within Australia — has, albeit inadvertently, created the conditions through which Muslims must verify their legitimate claims to being Australian by participating in the governments’ program of counter terrorism.In the wake of the 2005 London bombings, the Prime Minister met with selected representatives from Muslim communities to discuss the development of a Muslim Community Reference Group. The Group was charged with assisting the Australian Government by acting as an advisory group and by working with Muslim communities “promote harmony, mutual understanding and Australian values and to challenge violence, ignorance and rigid thinking”. This was iterated through a Statement of Principles that committed members of Muslim communities to pursue “moderate’ Islam (Prime Minister, “Meeting”). The very need for a Muslim summit and for the development of a Statement of Principles (later endorsed by the Council of Australian Governments, COAG), sends a lucid message to the Australian public that not only are Australian Muslims responsible for terrorism but that they also have the capacity to prevent or minimise the threat of an attack in Australia.In 2005, the policy response to terrorism took its first step towards linking the social harmony agenda to the securitisation of the state in the form of the National Action Plan to Build Social Cohesion, Harmony and Security. The stated purpose of the National Action Plan (NAP) notably conflated national security with social cohesion and harmony and clearly indicated an understanding that violent extremism could be addressed through programs designed to reinforce Australian values, social harmony, interfaith understanding and tolerance: “The purpose of this National Action Plan (NAP) is to reinforce social cohesion, harmony and support the national security imperative in Australia by addressing extremism, the promotion of violence and intolerance…”(Commonwealth of Australia, National Action Plan).Between 2005 and 2010, the National Action Plan provided funding for 83 community based projects deemed to meet the Plan’s criteria of addressing extremism and the promotion of violence. Of the 83 projects funded, 33 were undertaken by associations that identified as Muslim or Islamic (some applicants received funding for more than one project or in more than one round). The remaining 50 organisations funded included universities and vocational training organisations (4), multicultural social services or migrant resource centres (14), interfaith groups (3), local councils (4), ethnic organisations (specifically African, East African, Afghan, Hazara, Arabic and Pakistani), sporting clubs (4) and miscellaneous social clubs and service providers. The kinds of projects that were funded were predominantly aimed at Muslim communities, most notably youth and women, and the provision of services, programs, education, information and dialogue. Sixty five of the projects funded were explicitly aimed at Muslim communities and identified their target groups variously as: ‘African Muslim’; ‘Muslim youth’; ‘Muslim women’; ‘at risk Muslims’; ‘young Muslims’; ‘Iraqi Muslims’; ‘Lebanese Muslims’ and ‘young Muslim men from Arabic speaking backgrounds’. Seven projects were described as involving ‘interfaith’ elements, though a further 13 projects described some form of interaction between Muslim and non-Muslim communities and groups through activities such as sport, dialogue, fashion parades, workshops, art and craft programs, music workshops. 29 projects involved some form of leadership training for Muslims: youth, women and young men. Overall, the range of projects funded under the National Action Plan in the five years of its operation reflect a policy approach that specifically identifies Muslim communities (including ethno specific and new and emerging Muslim communities) as the primary target of Australia’s broader security strategy.The National Action Plan was succeeded by the Building Community Resilience (BCR) Program. Despite the positive steps taken in attempting to move the BCR program away from the social harmony policy agenda, it continued to reflect an underlying preoccupation with the assumptions of its predecessor. Between 2011- 2013 it funded 51 community based projects. Of these, 7 projects were undertaken by Islamic or Muslim associations. Ten of the projects specifically target Muslims or Muslim communities, with 6 of these being Muslim youth leadership and/or mentoring programs. The remaining 4 Muslim focussed projects include a project designed to encourage Muslim youth to build positive connections with the broader community, the development of a Common Curriculum Framework for teaching Islamic Studies in Australian Islamic primary and secondary schools, a project to address misconceptions about Islam and promote cultural understanding and the production of a DVD for schools to address misperceptions about Muslims. Notably, only one project specifically targets white supremacist violent extremism. The Australian governments’ progressive policy approach to countering violent extremism at home has disproportionately focussed on the Australian Muslim communities. In an environment where Muslims are viewed with suspicion and as having the primary responsibility as both perpetrators and gatekeepers of terroristic ideologies, Muslims in diaspora communities have been forced to make legitimate claims to their innocence. In order to do this they are required to reaffirm their commitment to Australian values, not just by speaking out against terrorism but also by participating in programs that are based on false assumptions about the nature of Muslim citizenship in Australia and the premise that Muslim Australians are, both individually and collectively, opposed to such values by virtue of their religious affiliation. In 2014 and in response to growing concerns about the number of Australians travelling to Iraq and Syria to fight alongside the Islamic State, the government made a bold move by declaring its intention to overhaul existing terror laws. The new laws would reverse the onus of proof on those who travelled to certain countries deemed to be terrorist hotspots to prove that they were not partaking in armed conflict or terrorist training. They would also give more powers to law enforcement and surveillance agencies by lowering the threshold of arrest without a warrant. The announcement of the new laws by the Prime Minister coincided with the news that the Government would abandon its controversial plans to drop section 18c from the Racial Discrimination Act which makes it unlawful to "offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate another person or a group of people" because of their race or ethnicity" (Aston). The announcement was made under the guise of a press conference on terror laws and inferred that the back down on the Racial Discrimination Act reforms were a measure to win over the Muslim communities cooperation on the new terror laws. Referring to a somewhat curious notion of “team Australia”, the Prime Minister stated “I want to work with the communities of our country as team Australia here” (Aston). “Team Australia” has since become the Government’s narrative frame for garnering public support for its proposed new terrorism laws. Echoing his predecessor John Howard, whose narrative of Australian values pervaded much of the political discourse during his term in office, Prime Minister Abbott stated in a radio interview that "everyone has got to put this country, its interests, its values and its people first, and you don't migrate to this country unless you want to join our team". He followed this statement by emphasising that "What we need to do is to encourage the moderate mainstream to speak out" (Cox).Shortly after the release of a horrific image on social media showing Australian jihadists proudly flaunting the severed heads of their victims, the Australian government reacted with an even bolder move to introduce legislation that would see the government cancelling the welfare payments of persons “identified by national security agencies as being involved in extremist conduct.” According to the Government the reforms would “enable the Department of Human Services to cancel a person’s welfare payment if it receives advice that a person has been assessed as a serious threat to Australia’s national security.”(Prime Minister of Australia) The move was criticised by several groups including academics who argued that it would not only alienate the already disenfranchised Muslim communities, but could also result in greater radicalisation (Ireland). In response to the raft of new measures perceived to be targeting Muslim communities, Australian Muslims took measured steps to voice their opposition through written statements and media releases stating that, among other things: These proposals come in the same style as those which have preceded [sic] since the Howard era. An alleged threat is blown out of all proportion as the pretext, further "tightening" of the laws is claimed necessary and rushed through, without proper national debate or community consultation. The reality of the alleged threat is also exposed by the lack of correspondence between the official 'terror threat' level, which has remained the same since 2001, and the hysterical rhetoric from government ministers. (ABC News, "Australian Muslims")Australian Muslim leaders also boycotted government meetings including a planned meeting with the Prime Minister to discuss the new laws. The Prime Minister promptly branded the boycott “foolish” (ABC News, "Tony Abbott") yet refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of the claims made in the media statements and messages by Muslim organisations that prompted the boycotts. As Australian Muslims continue to grapple with ways to legitimize their claims to citizenship, the developing discourse on national security and terrorism continues to define them as the objects of terror. Notably, the media discourse is showing some signs of accommodating the views of Muslim Australians who have found some space in the public sphere. Recent media reporting on terror activities in the Middle East has given some consideration to the voices of Muslim leaders who openly oppose violent extremism. Yet Muslims in Australia are still battling for legitimacy. Those who speak out against the hijacking of their religion by a minority who espouse a rigid and uncompromising ideology in order to justify violence often find themselves the subjects of intense scrutiny. From within their communities they are seen to be mouth pieces for an unfair and unjust government agenda that targets Muslims as objects of fear. From outside their communities they are seen to be apologists for Islam whose authenticity should be questioned if not denied. Attempts by Muslim Australians to have their voices heard through political practices that define the very nature of democracy including peaceful demonstrations, boycotts and written statements have not been taken seriously. As a result, Muslim voices in Australia are deemed illegitimate regardless of the forms or platforms through which they seek to be heard. ReferencesABC News. “Australian Muslims Denounce Proposed 'Anti-Terror' Laws”. ABC Religion and Ethics, 21 Aug. 2014. 23 Aug. 2014 .ABC News. “Tony Abbott Says Muslim Leaders 'Foolishly Boycotted' Counterterrorism Law Meeting.” 22 Aug. 2014. 24 Aug. 2014 .Akerman, Pia. “Muslim Leaders Must Speak Out against Extremists, Academic Warns.” The Australian 13 Aug. 13 2014. 20 Aug. 2014 . Akerman, Piers. “It's Time for Muslim Leaders to Speak Up.” Daily Telegraph 15 Aug. 2014. 20 Aug. 2014 .Alynne, A. A Study of Audience Responses to the Media Discourse about the ‘Other’: The Fear of Terrorism between Australian Muslims and the Broader Community. Lampeter: Edwin Mellen, 2010.Aly, Anne. “Media Hegemony, Activism and Identity: Muslim Women Re-Presenting Muslim Women.” Beyond the Hijab Debates: New Conversations on Gender, Race and Religion, eds. T. Dreher and C. Ho. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars, 2009.Aly, Anne, and Mark Balnaves. “The Atmosfear of Terror: Affective Modulation and the War on Terror.” M/C Journal 8.6 (2005).Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. “‘Moderate Islam’: Defining the Good Citizen.” M/C Journal 10.6/11.1 (2008). 13 April 2008 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/08aly-green.php›.Aston, H. “Tony Abbott Dumps Controversial Changes to 18C Racial Discrimination Laws.” Sydney Morning Herald 5 Aug. 2014. 24 Aug. 2014 .Australian Government, Attorney General's Department. Building Community Resilience Grants Program. n.d. 24 July 2014 . Commonwealth of Australia. Transnational Terrorism White Paper: The Threat to Australia. Canberra: Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2004. . Commonwealth of Australia. National Action Plan to Build Social Cohesion, Harmony and Security. Canberra: Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2006. .Commonwealth of Australia. Counter Terrorism White Paper: Securing Australia, Protecting our Community. Canberra: Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2010. 19 Nov. 2011 .Cox, L. “'You Don't Migrate to This Country unless You Want to Join Our Team': Tony Abbott Renews Push on National Security Laws.” Sydney Morning Herald 18 Aug. 2014. 24 Aug. 2014 . Ireland, J. “Extremism Warning on Coalition's Move to Cut Welfare Payments.” Sydney Morning Herald 19 Aug. 2014. 24 Aug. 2014 .Penberthy, D. “The Moderate Muslims Are Talking If Only You Will Listen. Herald Sun 17 Aug. 2014 .Prime Minister of Australia. “New Counter-Terrorism Measures for a Safer Australia - Cancelling Welfare Payments to Extremists”. 16 Aug. 2014. 23 Aug. 2014 .Prime Minister of Australia. “Meeting with Islamic Community Leaders, Statement of Principles.” 23 Aug. 2005. July 2008 .

They are like the grass which groweth up. In the morning it flourisheth and groweth up; In the evening it is cut down and withereth... . So teach us to number our days, That we may get us a heart of wisdom. -- Psalms 90:5-6, 12 Funeral service workers in New Zealand have watched with interest the changes in our communities' approach to the experiences surrounding death and dying. Working closely with families, friends and communities and observing the human reaction to loss at a very close and often personal level allows Funeral Directors a unique view of the changes in religious, philosophical and cultural approaches to these events. The first observation must be that the end of life in the physical sense never indicates the finality the term 'end' seems to carry with it. More, the end of physical life would in almost all circumstances carry more connotations of beginning than of the finite. Religion has always endeavoured to put a framework around dying and death as a foundation for new beginnings either on the journey toward a higher plane or by suggesting that another form of life follows. The Christian viewpoint allows the dying human the experience of the natural fear of death and dissolution while still being able to state with conviction "Father, into your hands, I commit my spirit" (Luke 23:46). Christianity, in common with Judaism, Buddhism and others, sees the end of physical life as the beginning of existence "secure, calm and happy, unaging, deathless, emancipated". Hinduism, through the Bhagavad Gita, teaches: "the wise do not grieve for the dead or the living. Never was there a time when I was not, nor when you were not... . Never will there be a time hereafter when we shall not be. As in this body, there are for the soul, childhood, youth and old age, even so there is the taking on of another body after death. The wise are not confused by this." As the influence of mainstream religion in New Zealand has diminished Funeral Service has observed the confusion that fills the gap left in the community where once belief, doctrine, philosophy and ritual provided an ordered and understandable approach to aging, dying and death in our communities. The strength of those beliefs did not prevent the natural human fear of death but provided support on the journey and a hope for the future once the death journey was complete. The nature of rituals for the dying and the ritual farewelling of the dead reinforced people's beliefs and provided that much-needed framework of support. Nor has it mattered much that the theological interpretation of the need for Funeral rite and the understanding of the general populace of that need have often been some distance apart. There appear to be few people who have adopted an "end" view which involves final dissolution of the organised being as being the end absolute. Amongst those who have no firm belief in an after life in the religious sense it is more common to observe an approach which looks to the resonance of the individual journey as providing a form of after-life. This resonance being through ongoing influence, be that in the major impact of their life or work upon future communities (e.g. Shakespeare) or in the somewhat less resonant journeys (of the masses) where the influence may be seen in contribution to the family, the community, the gene pool or by (as once heard at a Funeral as the celebrant struggled to find an appropriate phrase :-) "adding just a little to the advancement of the vastness of humanity". During the last millennial period, medieval man, driven by millennial movements that predicted the imminent second coming of Jesus Christ, or perhaps influenced by the harshness of life in times of plague, seemed to have a preoccupation with the state of preparedness of their own souls. Their fear of death being fuelled by fear of punishment, purgatory or hell. Funeral rites of the time reflected and reinforced this view. In Black robes the priest would offer prayers of intervention which beseeched God to have mercy on the souls of sinners. Mourners were warned that death required accountability. As the end of this millennium hovers we have not seen a real revival of Millennial second coming movements; the Y2K Bug being the closest thing we have to plague fear. It is understandable then that our personal states of preparedness are more about the laying in of bottled water and the preservation of the integrity of our electronically recorded fiscal assets than about the integrity of our personal ethics or the preparedness of our soul. Nothing profound in all of this, we live in a life-reinforcing, death-denying culture that tends to marginalise the experience of dying. In this culture of the individual dying, death and its aftermath is left to the individual. Society now provides only the choice of frameworks of support and any individual is free to choose from these. A religious death, a secular dying, a traditional funeral, a civil celebration, a direct disposal or, as is more common now, a postmodern borrowing, adaptation and short-term adoption of selected philosophies and partly recalled rituals. Whichever choice is made however, as much now as it ever was life's end remains less about 'end' and more about beginning. Where once we emphasised the mourning of the loss of one from amongst us, we now emphasise recovery and reconnection, the management of our grief following the loss. The 'after life' is ours not theirs. End, as dying, death and dissolution, has always been personal, the experience of the aftermath has always been personal and continues to be able only to be experienced in the personal. Our end like everything else around us has changed. We have discarded some, perhaps much of the societal, cultural and religious frameworks that surrounded our end in the previous millennium. We have yet to build a replacement framework. Presently we allow the individual to choose their support system for their end experiences and this includes the right to choose a pre-built framework, a custom-made framework or the choice of no framework at all. Should we build on this further? Perhaps it is enough, in a state that champions managerialism above all, that we each remain responsible for managing our own support systems right to the end. The end. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Michael C. Wolffram. "Ends and Beginnings: Observations on Changing the Approach to Our End." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.8 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/approach.php>. Chicago style: Michael C. Wolffram, "Ends and Beginnings: Observations on Changing the Approach to Our End," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 8 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/approach.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Michael C. Wolffram. (1999) Ends and beginnings: observations on changing the approach to our end. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(8). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/approach.php> ([your date of access]).