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1

Jung, Moon-Kie. "No Whites, No Asians: Race, Marxism, and Hawai‘i’s Preemergent Working Class." Social Science History 23, no. 3 (1999): 357–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018125.

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By the close of the nineteenth century, Hawai‘i had become a newly annexed territory of the United States and was tightly controlled by a cohesive oligarchy ofhaolesugar capitalists. The “enormous concentration of wealth and power” held by the Big Five sugar factors of Honolulu up until statehood was unparalleled elsewhere in the United States (Cooper and Daws 1985: 3–4). In contrast, native Hawai‘ians and immigrants recruited from China, Portugal, Japan, and the Philippines—in successive and overlapping waves—endured the low wages and poor working and living conditions characteristic of other
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2

Louette, Antoine. "Creating Racial Structural Solidarity." Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 14, no. 01 (2024): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gjn.14.01.271.

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This article draws on recent transnational protests against police brutality to advance an understanding of anti-racist solidarity that aims to improve over Mara Marin’s ‘structural solidarity’ view. On Marin’s view, anti-racist solidarity is grounded in the racial structure. But Marin forgets that racial domination exerts a segregative influence on different groups, so that whites and middle-class blacks tend not to frequent the social milieux that would help them develop a sense of solidarity with working-class blacks. To address this problem, the article hypothesises that the conditions for
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3

Smångs, Mattias. "The White Working Class and the Legacy of the 1960s Ku Klux Klan in the 2016 Presidential Election." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 694, no. 1 (2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211019679.

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This is a theoretical and empirical exploration of how the presence of the Ku Klux Klan across southern communities in the 1960s mediated electoral support for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. The analysis is prompted by divergent perspectives on the impact of working-class whites’ economic grievances and cultural identities in Trump’s victory, and by conjectures of a relationship between past white ethno-racial mobilization and support for Trump. I show that the civil rights–era Klan’s defense of Jim Crow segregation created an enduring legacy of reactionary white collective id
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4

Aspholm, Roberto R., Nathan Aguilar, and Christopher St. Vil. "Deaths of Despair in Black and White." Advances in Social Work 24, no. 1 (2024): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/27396.

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This article argues that elevated levels of gun homicide and gun suicide among younger black men and middle-aged white men, respectively, are the consequences of a political economy that produces widespread despair among the most vulnerable segments of the laboring classes. Understood in this way, these phenomena share a common etiology whose roots can be traced to two major, temporally distinct developments: (1) postwar shifts in the political economy that redefined central cities as sites of black dislocation, and (2) the more recent intensification of globalization and investor class power
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5

Gürcan, Efe Can, and Berk Mete. "Emerging Forms of Social-Union Organizing Under the New Conditions of Turkish Capitalism: A Class-Capacity Analysis." Review of Radical Political Economics 52, no. 3 (2020): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613419899515.

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How has Turkey’s working-class movement adapted to the new conditions of capitalism? What alternative forms of struggle have emerged to address precarization under neoliberalism? Providing a bottom-up account of social-union activism based on interviews with union activists, we argue that neoliberal capitalism structurally incapacitates working-class organizing in Turkey through a process of precarization, strongly expressed in the flexibilization of labor and further amplified by sociogeographical unevenness and cultural identities. These challenges are addressed through innovatory methods of
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6

Lareau, Annette. "Invisible Inequality: Social Class and Childrearing in Black Families and White Families." American Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (2002): 747–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700507.

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Although family life has an important impact on children's life chances, the mechanisms through which parents transmit advantages are imperfectly understood. An ethnographic data set of white children and black children approximately 10 years old shows the effects of social class on interactions inside the home. Middle-class parents engage in concerted cultivation by attempting to foster children's talents through organized leisure activities and extensive reasoning. Working-class and poor parents engage in the accomplishment of natural growth, providing the conditions under which children can
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Fuhg, Felix. "Ambivalent Relationships: London's Youth Culture and the Making of the Multi-Racial Society in the 1960s." Britain and the World 11, no. 1 (2018): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0285.

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The emergence and formation of British working-class youth cultures in the 1960s were characterized by an ambivalent relationship between British identity, global culture and the formation of a multicultural society in the post-war decades. While national and local newspapers mostly reported on racial tensions and racially-motivated violence, culminating in the Notting Hill riots of 1958, the relationship between London's white working-class youth and teenagers with migration backgrounds was also shaped by a reciprocal, direct and indirect, personal and cultural exchange based on social intera
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8

Eley, Geoff, and Keith Nield. "Farewell to the Working Class?" International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002660.

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By the early 1980s, the class-centered politics of the socialist tradition was in crisis. In this situation, leading commentators took apocalyptic tones. By the end of the 1980s, the Left remained deeply divided between the advocates of change (“New Times” required new politics) and the defenders of the faith (class politics could be practiced, mutatis mutandis, much as before). By the mid-1990s the former had mainly carried the day. We wish to present this contemporary transformation not as the “death of class,” but as the passing of one particular type of class society, one marked by the pro
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9

Creech, Brian. "Finding the White working class in 2016: Journalistic discourses and the construction of a political identity." European Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no. 2 (2018): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549418786413.

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This article argues that the discourses and techniques of political journalism worked to make White working class identity sensible as an assumed norm in American politics during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Throughout the campaign, many news organizations sent journalists to small towns and various Donald Trump rallies to understand what was driving a burbling resentment among his base of White working class voters, and by interrogating the explanatory and long-form reporting produced by these journalists, we can come to understand how the White working class began to cohere as a partic
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10

Kadritzke, Ulf. "Zur Mitte drängt sich alles (Teil 1)." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 184 (2016): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i184.127.

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The public and scientific discourse about the social structure in Germany is characterized by an absence of class categories and a peculiar attentiveness towards the middle classes - even the misleading term ‘Mittelstand’ is in use. This mode of thinking ‘beyond classes’ is criticized in a historical perspective. We reconstruct how several important socials scientist of the ‘Weimar Republic’ (1919-1933) analyzed the socio-economic status and mentalities of the so called ‘Neuer Mittelstand’ (primarily consisting of private and public employees).These sociologists revealed the clear majority of
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11

Williams, Naomi R. "Sustaining Labor Politics in Hard Times: Race, Labor, and Coalition Building in Racine, Wisconsin." Labor 18, no. 2 (2021): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8849568.

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Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections,
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12

Ware, Vron. "Island Racism: Gender, Place, and White Power." Feminist Review 54, no. 1 (1996): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.33.

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The election of a British National Party councillor in London in September 1993 was greeted by shock and disbelief in the media, particularly because it happened during controversial preparations to celebrate the anniversary of Britain's role in Hitler's defeat in 1945. This essay sets out to examine some of the ways in which the BNP victory was reported in an attempt to understand how intricately gender and class are interwoven in discourses of racism in contemporary British politics. First, it draws attention to the dramatic images of white, working-class (or rather, non-working-class), viol
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13

Flood, David. "Good Injuries: Embodiment, Temporality, and Collectivity in US Class Conflict." Anthropological Quarterly 98, no. 1 (2025): 35–60. https://doi.org/10.1353/anq.2025.a957902.

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ABSTRACT: At a festival in the rural southeastern United States devoted to music and off-road vehicles, white working-class people frequently seem to court situations of predictable harm. More precisely, injury and the risk of injury in this context appear as unintentional but acceptable outcomes in the pursuit of proper conditions for good sociality, and in fact often come to index ethical social behavior for participants—a phenomenon I describe as injuries of prosocial care or “good injuries.” This striking set of attitudes points towards a fundamental and often-misunderstood aspect of class
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14

Mittal, Natasha. "GENTRIFICATION AND REDEVELOPMENT IN DHARAVI: BALANCING URBAN TRANSFORMATION WITH COMMUNITY PRESERVATION." Indian Journal of Law and Society III, no. 2 (2025): 7–29. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15380426.

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The term &ldquo;<em>gentrification</em>&rdquo; was first coined in the 1960s by British sociologist Ruth Glass in 1964 to describe the displacement of the working-class residents of London neighbourhoods by middle-class newcomers (Richardson, 2019). Since its inception, gentrification has been recognized as a type of neighbourhood transformation which is in favour of newcomers from a wealthier class at the cost of eviction of longtime inhabitants of one socioeconomic class and culture. It could also be correlated with an increase in real estate values. The segregated residential layout of Amer
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15

Bond, Patrick. "South Africa’s Housing Financialisation Crises and Social Resistance." Critical Housing Analysis 11, no. 1 (2024): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/23362839.2024.11.1.566.

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The world’s most unequal country suffers from various housing crises, especially when it comes to excessive reliance upon a private sector prone to market failures, especially affordability. State housing finance strategy during the transition from apartheid to democracy relied upon augmentation of formal banking finance so as to promote home ownership. But as macro-economic conditions changed in the late 1980s, the resulting mass defaults on individual families’ home mortgage bonds led not only to foreclosures by a (white) state, but (black) working-class resistance organised by the country’s
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16

Li, Yaojun. "Class and Ethno-Gender Differences in Education and Labour Market Position—An Intersectional Analysis of Ethnic Integration in the UK." Societies 14, no. 11 (2024): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc14110222.

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This paper analyses the socio-economic disadvantages of women from different ethnic minority heritages in the UK. Using data from the Labour Force Survey (2014–2023), which contains detailed information on parental class and respondents’ socio-economic conditions, we examine four domains of life chances which are crucial for ethnic integration: educational attainment at the degree level, risks of unemployment, access to professional-managerial (salariat) position and earning power. We proceeded with the gross differences and then examined the differences by ethno-gender status and parental cla
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17

Kwak, Yoon Kyung, and Ming Sheng Wang. "Exclusion or Inclusion: National Differential Regulations of Migrant Workers’ Employment, Social Protection, and Migrations Policies on Im/Mobilities in East Asia-Examples of South Korea and Taiwan." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 23 (2022): 16270. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192316270.

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Low fertility rates and an aging society, growing long-term care needs, and workforce shortages in professional, industrial, and care sectors are emerging issues in South Korea and Taiwan. Both governments have pursued economic/industrial growth as productive welfare capitalism and enacted preferred selective migration policies to recruit white-collar migrant workers (MWs) as mobile elites, but they have also adopted regulations and limitations on blue-collar MWs through unfree labor relations, precarious employment, and temporary legal status to provide supplemental labor. In order to demonst
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18

Parnell, S. "Shaping a Racially Divided Society: State Housing Policy in South Africa, 1920–50." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 7, no. 3 (1989): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c070261.

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Public housing assistance for poor whites in South Africa was introduced to ensure social and geographical isolation for the voting minority. The policy of relative advantage of housing needs of whites over those of the rest of the working class remained unchallenged until the consummation of residential segregation was achieved under the Group Areas Act of 1950. Although endorsed as an instrument for social and residential cleavage, efforts by the state to give residential assistance to working-class whites prior to the imposition of separate group areas are shown to have been restricted by w
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19

Nasson, Bill. "‘Messing with Coloured People’: The 1918 Police Strike in Cape Town, South Africa." Journal of African History 33, no. 2 (1992): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700032254.

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This article seeks to provide an interpretation of a strike by white policemen in Cape Town in 1918. It argues that this defensive dispute over wages and living conditions can best be understood not simply through an examination of service dissatisfaction in the urban police community, but by incorporating this episode into the larger picture of South African police development in the early decades of the present century. In this broader context, several factors seem general and influential: local social resentments over the terms of national police organization after Union; police practices a
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20

Stasiulis, Daiva. "Elimi(Nation): Canada’s “Post-Settler” Embrace of Disposable Migrant Labour." Studies in Social Justice 2020, no. 14 (2020): 22–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v2020i14.2251.

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This article utilizes the lens of disposability to explore recent conditions of low-wage temporary migrant labour, whose numbers and economic sectors have expanded in the 21stcentury. A central argument is that disposability is a discursive and material relation of power that creates and reproduces invidious distinctions between the value of “legitimate” Canadian settler-citizens (and candidates for citizenship) and the lack of worth of undesirable migrant populations working in Canada, often for protracted periods of time. The analytical lens of migrant disposability draws upon theorizing wit
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21

Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstr
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22

Orrenius, Pia, and Madeline Zavodny. "How Foreign- and U.S.-Born Latinos Fare during Recessions and Recoveries." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 695, no. 1 (2021): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211028827.

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Latinos make up the nation’s largest ethnic minority group. The majority of Latinos are U.S. born, making the progress and well-being of Latinos no longer just a question of immigrant assimilation but also of the effectiveness of U.S. educational institutions and labor markets in equipping young Latinos to move out of the working class and into the middle class. One significant headwind to progress among Latinos is recessions. Economic outcomes of Latinos are far more sensitive to the business cycle than are outcomes for non-Hispanic whites. Latinos also have higher poverty rates than whites,
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Mutambudzi, Miriam, Maria Brown, and Nai-Wei Chen. "ASSOCIATION OF SECOND GENERATION EPIGENETIC CLOCKS AND DISCRIMINATION WITH TRAJECTORIES OF CHRONIC HEALTH CONDITIONS." Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (2023): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.0180.

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Abstract This study aimed to examine whether 2nd generation epigenetic clocks and perceived discrimination as measured by the Everyday Discrimination Scale are associated with differential classification into trajectories of chronic health conditions (CHCs). We used 2014-2020 data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) and biological clock data from the 2016 HRS Venous Blood Study (N=3,177). CHC trajectories were constructed using latent class growth models. Multinomial logistic regression analysis examined the association between PhenoAge and GrimAge epigenetic clocks respectively, percei
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Salmi-Niklander, Kirsti. "Bitter Memories and Burst Soap Bubbles: Irony, Parody, and Satire in the Oral-Literary Tradition of Finnish Working-Class Youth at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (2007): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003197.

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This article discusses irony, parody, and satire in the oral-literary tradition of Finnish working-class youth during the first decades of the twentieth century. The most important research material is Valistaja (The Enlightener, 1914–1925), a handwritten newspaper produced by young working-class people in the industrial town of Karkkila in southern Finland. This research material provides examples of different kinds of parody: ideological parody is directed against both political opponents and the texts representing their ideology; generic parody involves playing with linguistic norms and gen
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Roazzi, Antonio, and Peter Bryant. "Explicitness and Conservation: Social Class Differences." International Journal of Behavioral Development 21, no. 1 (1997): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/016502597384983.

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The performance of 5-, 6-, 7-, and 8-year-old children in liquid conservation tasks was studied in four conditions. In the first two conditions (Standard and Incidental) the initial comparison in the task was made perceptually. In the other two conditions (Quantity and Money) the child was not allowed to make a direct perceptual comparison and the initial comparison was made by measurement. The children did much better when they measured the quantities than when they simply made perceptual comparisons, and this effect was stronger with working class children than with middle class children. Co
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Conde, Soraya Franzoni, Eduardo Vianna, and Araminta Pole. "A cooptação neocolonial da agência por meio da patologização da pobreza, da diversidade e da desigualdade nos EUA e como enfrentá-la com uma educação ativista transformadora." Cadernos CIMEAC 11, no. 1 (2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.18554/cimeac.v11i1.5247.

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Este trabalho aborda a relação entre a patologização dos(as) estudantes oriundos(as) da classe trabalhadora, de imigrantes e de minorias étnico-raciais nos Estados Unidos e a cooptação da agência dessa população historicamente explorada e submetida a opressões sociais e educacionais. Para isso, utilizamos a concepção de agência desde o Posicionamento Ativista Transformador (Transformative Activist Stance – TAS), desenvolvido por Stetsenko (2017), a filosofia da práxis em Marx (1989), a teoria histórico-cultural de Vygotsky (2002) e a perspectiva anticolonialista de Freire (2019) e Quijano (201
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27

Muntaner, Carles. "Digital Platforms, Gig Economy, Precarious Employment, and the Invisible Hand of Social Class." International Journal of Health Services 48, no. 4 (2018): 597–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731418801413.

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Digital platform capitalism, as exemplified by companies like Uber or Lyft has the potential to transform employment and working conditions for an increasing segment of the worforce. Most digital economy workers are exposed to the health damaging precarious employment conditions characteristic of the contemporary working class in high income countries. Just as with Guy Standing or Mike Savage’s “precariat” it might appear that digital platform workers are a new social class or that they do not belong to any social class. Yet the class conflict interests (wages, benefits, employment and working
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28

Thompson, Jack. "A Review of the Popular and Scholarly Accounts of Donald Trump’s White Working-Class Support in the 2016 US Presidential Election." Societies 9, no. 2 (2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9020036.

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Popular and scholarly accounts of Trump’s ascendency to the presidency of the United States on the part of the American white working-class use different variables to define the sociodemographic group because there is no “working-class White” variable available in benchmark datasets for researchers to code. To address this need, the Author ran a multinomial regression to assess whether income, education and racial identity predict working-class membership among white Americans, finding that income and education are statistically significant predictors of working-class whiteness, while racial i
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Sawyer, Jeremy E., and Anup Gampa. "Work alienation and its gravediggers: Social class, class consciousness, and activism." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 1 (2020): 198–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i1.1132.

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Work activity is central to human psychology. However, working conditions under capitalist socioeconomic relations have been posited as psychologically alienating. Given the negative impact of work alienation on well-being and mental health, we conducted two studies of the relations between social class, work conditions, and alienation. We also examined factors that might counteract alienation – class consciousness and activism. The utility of a Marxist measure of social class – based on objective work relations – was compared with that of SES and subjective class measures. Study 1 surveyed 24
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Li, Yaojun. "Perverse Fluidity?—Differential Impacts of Family Resources on Educational and Occupational Attainment for Young Adults from White and Ethnic Minority Heritages in England." Social Sciences 11, no. 7 (2022): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11070291.

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This study examines the intergenerational transmission of family resources (class, education and income) on people’s educational and occupational attainment in their early career life. It asks whether parental resources remain effective or fall into insignificance. It also asks whether the resources operate in a similar way for the ethnic minorities as for the majority. Drawing on data from the Longitudinal Study of Young Persons in England, the study focuses on resource transmission in degree attainment, access to elite class position, unemployment rates, labour market earnings, and continuou
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Wood, Augustus C. "The Crisis of the Black Worker, the U.S. Labor Movement, and Democracy for All." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (2019): 396–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887253.

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This paper contextualizes the socioeconomic condition of the African-American working class in the American Labor Movement. As the union movement continues its steady decline, African-American social conditions are deteriorating at an alarming pace. Racial oppression disrupted historically powerful labor movements as African-Americans served in predominantly subproletariat labor positions. As a result, Black workers endured the racially oppressive U.S. structure on the periphery of the U.S. Labor Movement. I argue that Black working-class social conditions are dialectically related to their su
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Marmot, Michael, and Tores Theorell. "Social Class and Cardiovascular Disease: The Contribution of Work." International Journal of Health Services 18, no. 4 (1988): 659–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ktc1-n5lk-j1pm-9grq.

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Low social class has been identified as a risk factor for coronary heart disease in highly industrialized countries. The authors discuss the social class concept in relation to psychosocial working conditions. Most of those psychosocial work characteristics that are of relevance to cardiovascular risk, namely, skill discretion, authority over decisions, and social support at work, are unevenly distributed across social classes–the lower the social class, the fewer the resources for coping with psychosocial stressors. Furthermore, biomedical risk factors for cardiovascular illness are also unev
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Oliver, Michael, Cassandra Morrison, and Sondos El-Hulu. "RACE DIFFERENCES IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HIGH AND VARIABLE BLOOD PRESSURE AND DOMAIN-SPECIFIC COGNITIVE CHANGE." Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (2023): 689. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.2238.

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Abstract Elevated blood pressure (BP), or hypertension, is a risk factor for several health conditions including Alzheimer’s disease. High BP in early- and mid-life is associated with cognitive decline, whereas research is mixed regarding BP and cognition in late-life. Moreover, hypertension disproportionately affects minority populations. Consequently, the effects of hypertension on cognition may differ by race. The present study investigates the relationship between BP and cognition. 4419 older adults (Black, n=1189; White, n= 3230), with 32116 follow-ups for a maximum of 10-years were inclu
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Gecas, Viktor, and Monica A. Seff. "Social Class, Occupational Conditions, and Self-Esteem." Sociological Perspectives 32, no. 3 (1989): 353–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389122.

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This study is an attempt at further specification of the relationship between social class and self-esteem. We argue that the effects of social class on self-esteem are largely experienced through occupational conditions which affect the self-evaluation dimensions of self-efficacy and self-worth. We examine these relationships, with the use of path analysis, for a sample of working men. The path model considers the direct and indirect effects of social class (socioeconomic status and education) on occupational conditions (work complexity; control over work; degree of supervision and routinizat
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Bocharov, Vladislav Yu. "Discourse analysis of the American working youth communities on the social network Reddit." Semiotic studies 1, no. 1 (2021): 100–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2782-2966-2021-1-1-100-113.

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The article discusses the working conditions and employment of American working youth during the global pandemic (2020) within the discursive space of the online communities of the social network Reddit. The aim of the study was to conduct a discourse-analysis of professional virtual communities of American working youth. The main tasks were to analyze the specifics of the language of online communication of American working youth, to identify the main problems of employment and labor relations relevant to young Americans, to find out how much American working youth identify with the working c
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R, Rajeshwari. "Working Class People, as Shown in "Manaamiyangal"." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, S-10 (2022): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt22s1011.

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Salma's novel, Manaamiyangal, is entirely about women. It is constructed based on society's conception of a feminine energy that entangles itself in the structures of time. It resounds as a voice of women's disenfranchisement. Many people around the world are praising the glory of women. Every woman in society is still living a life crushed by daily needs and her freedom. Rituals, rituals, and customs in some societies keep women at the boundary line. Some of these women break barriers and are shunned by society when they come out. Even though there are many atrocities against women in society
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Bartoll-Roca, Xavier, and Albert Julià. "Empirically revisiting a social class scheme for mental health in Barcelona, Spain." International Journal of Social Economics 48, no. 7 (2021): 965–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-10-2020-0694.

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PurposeSocial inequalities in mental health can be captured by occupational situation and social class stratification. This study analyzes the adequacy of a classification of work and employment conditions and an adaptation of the Goldthorpe social class scheme in relation to mental health in Barcelona, Spain.Design/methodology/approachMultiple correspondence analysis (MCA) and hierarchical cluster analysis (CA) on working and employment conditions were used to empirically construct distinctive working groups. Through 2 logistic regression models, we contrasted the association between mental h
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Cheng, TJ. "OVERTIME IN CHINA: LAW, PRACTICE AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION." REVISTA NERA, no. 13 (May 29, 2012): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47946/rnera.v0i13.1388.

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In most liberal capitalist societies, the working class is generally protected by laws regulating an 8-hour working day and a 5 day work week. But in China today, such rules are a luxury most laborers do not enjoy. This paper explores overtime working conditions that the Chinese working class currently suffers, especially migrant workers who have flowed from bankrupted rural villages into urban centers by the hundreds of millions. They supply the "surplus" labor force demanded by the booming manufacturing industry as China has quickly become the world´s leading producer of industrial goods. Th
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Warde, Alan. "Conditions of Dependence." International Review of Social History 35, no. 1 (1990): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900000972x.

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SUMMARYThis paper examines a town in northwest England and a particular set of conditions that inhibited the growth of working-class politics during the twentieth century. The paradox of class politics in Lancaster is that despite a proletarian population, the labour movement locally remained extremely weak. Ironically, it was only upon the deindustrialisation of the town in the later 1960s that labour showed any collective strength. Explanation of quiescence in terms of paternalism and deference is rejected. Rather an account is given in terms of powerlessness. Local structural conditions ren
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40

Sun, Wanbing. "Labor Market and Class Struggle from the Perspective of Marxist Political Economy." Modern Economics & Management Forum 4, no. 6 (2023): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/memf.v4i6.1500.

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Within the viewpoint of Marxist political economy, inequalities in the labor market are regarded as products of class struggle under the capitalist system. These inequalities reflect the relatively disadvantaged position of the working class, who often face low wages, unstable working conditions, and exploitation. These injustices not only reflect economic structures but also deeply influence the construction of social status and power relations. Studying the organizational forms of the working class within this theoretical framework holds significant importance. Labor unions, as organizations
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41

Howes, Carollee, Laura M. Sakai, Marybeth Shinn, Deborah Phillips, Ellen Galinsky, and Marcy Whitebook. "Race, social class, and maternal working conditions as influences on children's development." Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 16, no. 1 (1995): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0193-3973(95)90019-5.

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42

Trifonova, Temenuga. "The working class in contemporary British cinema." Journal of Class & Culture 2, no. 2 (2023): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jclc_00028_1.

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This article examines depictions of class and precarity in a number of representative films, including TwentyFourSeven (Meadows 1997), The Navigators (Loach 2001), This Is England (Meadows 2006), It’s a Free World (Loach 2007), Fish Tank (Arnold 2009), I, Daniel Blake (Loach 2016), Ray &amp; Liz (Billingham 2018), Sorry We Missed You (Loach 2019) and Bait (Jenkin 2019) in order to illuminate the subtle changes that the tradition of British social realism has undergone over the last few decades and to rethink its political potential. The article poses the following questions: do social realist
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Stageman, Daniel L. "The punishment marketplace: Competing for capitalized power in locally controlled immigration enforcement." Theoretical Criminology 23, no. 3 (2017): 394–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480617733729.

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Neoliberal economics play a significant role in US social organization, imposing market logics on public services and driving the cultural valorization of free market ideology. The neoliberal ‘project of inequality’ is upheld by an authoritarian system of punishment built around the social control of the underclass—among them unauthorized immigrants. This work lays out the theory of the punishment marketplace: a conceptualization of how US systems of punishment both enable the neoliberal project of inequality, and are themselves subject to market colonization. The theory describes the rescalin
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Newsom, Jason, AnneMarie O'Neill, Emily Denning, et al. "Multimorbidity Trajectory Classes as Predicted by Race, Ethnicity, and Social Relationship Quality." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (2021): 866. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.3160.

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Abstract Growth mixture modeling was used to classify multimorbidity (≥2 chronic conditions) trajectories over a 10-year period (2006-2016) in the Health and Retirement Study (N = 7,151, mean age = 68.6 years). Race/ethnicity (non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, non-Hispanic White) and social relationship quality (positive social support and negative social exchanges, such as criticisms) were then used to predict trajectory class membership, controlling for age, sex, education, and wealth. We identified three trajectory classes: initial low levels and rapid accumulation of multimorbidity (increasing
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Merkulova, N. A., and Yu Yu Eliseev. "Influence of working conditions on the quality of life of furniture production workers according to the SF-36 questionnaire." Sanitarnyj vrač (Sanitary Doctor), no. 10 (October 1, 2020): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-08-2010-04.

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Research objective - assessment of the impact of working conditions and work experience on the quality of life of furniture production workers. Materials and methods. The assessment of the quality of life of 208 employees of the furniture factory "Maria" under various conditions of the production environment was carried out. The analysis of quality of life indicators for all scales of the SF-36 questionnaire took into account work experience and class of working conditions. Results. When assessing the quality of life of employees of a furniture production company, it is established that the qu
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Yu, Wei-hsin, and Janet Chen-Lan Kuo. "Going the extra mile at work: Relationships between working conditions and discretionary work effort." PLOS ONE 18, no. 8 (2023): e0288521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0288521.

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Despite the implications of work effort for earnings inequality, rigorous and comprehensive analyses of how work conditions affect people’s tendency to exert extra work effort are rare. Using two waves of data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, this study examines how individuals’ discretionary work effort—i.e., effort in excess of what is required—changes with their work time, the tangible and intangible rewards from their jobs, and the social contexts of their occupations. Results from fixed-effects models show that frequently working in teams is associated with both women’
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ÇAĞLAYAN MAZANOĞLU, Emine Seda. "“A lot of blood gets lost here” : Class Struggle and Ideology in The Kitchen." Gaziantep University Journal of Social Sciences 22, no. 1 (2023): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21547/jss.1133069.

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Arnold Wesker’s The Kitchen (1957) presents the world of labour where the two social classes, the capitalist class and the working class, with hierarchies between each other and among themselves, clash, which ends with the exploitation of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie. The harsh working conditions at the restaurant, the changing pace of work, little time given by the employer to the employees to rest and socialise, and the dehumanising aspect of labour are presented through the relationships between the two social classes and also among the working class people. Hence, the aim of this pap
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Tilly, Louise, and Noëlle Gérôme. "Prospectus for International Colloquium on Tradition and the Working Class." International Labor and Working-Class History 42 (1992): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900011194.

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Tradition is understood as a subset of a central historical concern: social and cultural discontinuities in time and space. The historical study of social tradition is an important contribution to knowledge; it seeks to understand the ways in which groups (states, classes, communities, families) formalize, symbolize, and interpret the past—and how such visions shape the ways in which people interpret, accept, or resist present conditions and influence behavior in the future.
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Osmonov, S., G. Bekmurzaeva, and A. Kurbanova. "Government Without Class Society Socialism." Bulletin of Science and Practice 11, no. 3 (2025): 408–12. https://doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/112/50.

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In Europe, the Vienna system of international relations contributed to the peaceful coexistence of European countries, so industrial and social problems acquired an internal character. They reflected the peculiarities of industrial development, which naturally determined the nature of production relations. Industrial labor was very difficult, and the conditions for its implementation left much to be desired. The wages of workers were low, social guarantees were insignificant, legal protection was nominal, due to which contradictions grew between industrialists striving to obtain maximum profit
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Rahkonen, O. "Job control, job demands, or social class? The impact of working conditions on the relation between social class and health." Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 60, no. 1 (2006): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.2005.035758.

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