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1
Jung, Moon-Kie. "No Whites, No Asians: Race, Marxism, and Hawai‘i’s Preemergent Working Class." Social Science History 23, no. 3 (1999): 357–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018125.
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By the close of the nineteenth century, Hawai‘i had become a newly annexed territory of the United States and was tightly controlled by a cohesive oligarchy ofhaolesugar capitalists. The “enormous concentration of wealth and power” held by the Big Five sugar factors of Honolulu up until statehood was unparalleled elsewhere in the United States (Cooper and Daws 1985: 3–4). In contrast, native Hawai‘ians and immigrants recruited from China, Portugal, Japan, and the Philippines—in successive and overlapping waves—endured the low wages and poor working and living conditions characteristic of other agricultural export regions.
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Louette, Antoine. "Creating Racial Structural Solidarity." Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 14, no. 01 (2024): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gjn.14.01.271.
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This article draws on recent transnational protests against police brutality to advance an understanding of anti-racist solidarity that aims to improve over Mara Marin’s ‘structural solidarity’ view. On Marin’s view, anti-racist solidarity is grounded in the racial structure. But Marin forgets that racial domination exerts a segregative influence on different groups, so that whites and middle-class blacks tend not to frequent the social milieux that would help them develop a sense of solidarity with working-class blacks. To address this problem, the article hypothesises that the conditions for anti-racist solidarity are not inherent in the racial structure but created by social movements, as exemplified by Black Lives Matter: to the extent that white and middle-class black participants in the George Floyd protests experienced the racist police brutality they were denouncing on behalf of the black working class, these protests functioned as non-segregated milieux that could ground the solidarity of the former with the latter at the national and transnational levels.
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Smångs, Mattias. "The White Working Class and the Legacy of the 1960s Ku Klux Klan in the 2016 Presidential Election." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 694, no. 1 (2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211019679.
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This is a theoretical and empirical exploration of how the presence of the Ku Klux Klan across southern communities in the 1960s mediated electoral support for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. The analysis is prompted by divergent perspectives on the impact of working-class whites’ economic grievances and cultural identities in Trump’s victory, and by conjectures of a relationship between past white ethno-racial mobilization and support for Trump. I show that the civil rights–era Klan’s defense of Jim Crow segregation created an enduring legacy of reactionary white collective identity and mobilization that together with contemporary economic and demographic conditions shaped local-level 2016 voting patterns in Trump’s favor. I also discuss the broader implications of the 2016 U.S. presidential election and scholarship into the temporal endurance of racism’s past forms and manifestations.
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Aspholm, Roberto R., Nathan Aguilar, and Christopher St. Vil. "Deaths of Despair in Black and White." Advances in Social Work 24, no. 1 (2024): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/27396.
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This article argues that elevated levels of gun homicide and gun suicide among younger black men and middle-aged white men, respectively, are the consequences of a political economy that produces widespread despair among the most vulnerable segments of the laboring classes. Understood in this way, these phenomena share a common etiology whose roots can be traced to two major, temporally distinct developments: (1) postwar shifts in the political economy that redefined central cities as sites of black dislocation, and (2) the more recent intensification of globalization and investor class power that has redefined smaller cities, towns, and rural communities as sites of white dislocation. These transformations have rendered working-class blacks and whites (and others) vulnerable to a wide range of maladies and adverse social outcomes, including involvement in gun violence. In addition to examining these political-economic transformations and their effects on black and white working-class communities, this article also explores the divergent racialized manifestations of gun violence within these demographic groups. While micro and mezzo interventions are typically stressed to respond to these issues, their ultimate resolution requires recognition of their common roots in conditions of structurally imposed despair and the concomitant remedy of those conditions at the macro level
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Gürcan, Efe Can, and Berk Mete. "Emerging Forms of Social-Union Organizing Under the New Conditions of Turkish Capitalism: A Class-Capacity Analysis." Review of Radical Political Economics 52, no. 3 (2020): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613419899515.
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How has Turkey’s working-class movement adapted to the new conditions of capitalism? What alternative forms of struggle have emerged to address precarization under neoliberalism? Providing a bottom-up account of social-union activism based on interviews with union activists, we argue that neoliberal capitalism structurally incapacitates working-class organizing in Turkey through a process of precarization, strongly expressed in the flexibilization of labor and further amplified by sociogeographical unevenness and cultural identities. These challenges are addressed through innovatory methods of bottomup organizing such as white-collar forums of exchange, internet activism, the accentuation of the emotional and gendered dynamics of class struggle, solidarity actions with blue collars, and various forms of street activism.
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Lareau, Annette. "Invisible Inequality: Social Class and Childrearing in Black Families and White Families." American Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (2002): 747–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700507.
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Although family life has an important impact on children's life chances, the mechanisms through which parents transmit advantages are imperfectly understood. An ethnographic data set of white children and black children approximately 10 years old shows the effects of social class on interactions inside the home. Middle-class parents engage in concerted cultivation by attempting to foster children's talents through organized leisure activities and extensive reasoning. Working-class and poor parents engage in the accomplishment of natural growth, providing the conditions under which children can grow but leaving leisure activities to children themselves. These parents also use directives rather than reasoning. Middle-class children, both white and black, gain an emerging sense of entitlement from their family life. Race had much less impact than social class. Also, differences in a cultural logic of childrearing gave parents and their children differential resources to draw on in their interactions with professionals and other adults outside the home. Middle-class children gained individually insignificant but cumulatively important advantages. Working-class and poor children did not display the same sense of entitlement or advantages. Some areas of family life appeared exempt from the effects of social class, however.
7
Fuhg, Felix. "Ambivalent Relationships: London's Youth Culture and the Making of the Multi-Racial Society in the 1960s." Britain and the World 11, no. 1 (2018): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0285.
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The emergence and formation of British working-class youth cultures in the 1960s were characterized by an ambivalent relationship between British identity, global culture and the formation of a multicultural society in the post-war decades. While national and local newspapers mostly reported on racial tensions and racially-motivated violence, culminating in the Notting Hill riots of 1958, the relationship between London's white working-class youth and teenagers with migration backgrounds was also shaped by a reciprocal, direct and indirect, personal and cultural exchange based on social interaction and local conditions. Starting from the Notting Hill Riots 1958, the article reconstructs places and cultural spheres of interaction between white working-class youth and teenagers from Caribbean communities in London in the 1960s. Following debates and discussions on race relations and the participation of black youth in the social life of London in the 1960s, the article shows that British working-class youth culture was affected in various ways by the processes of migration. By dealing with the multicultural dimension of the post-war metropolis, white working-class teenagers negotiated socio-economic as well as political changes, contributing in the process to an emergent, new image of post-imperial Britain.
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Eley, Geoff, and Keith Nield. "Farewell to the Working Class?" International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002660.
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By the early 1980s, the class-centered politics of the socialist tradition was in crisis. In this situation, leading commentators took apocalyptic tones. By the end of the 1980s, the Left remained deeply divided between the advocates of change (“New Times” required new politics) and the defenders of the faith (class politics could be practiced, mutatis mutandis, much as before). By the mid-1990s the former had mainly carried the day. We wish to present this contemporary transformation not as the “death of class,” but as the passing of one particular type of class society, one marked by the process of working-class formation between the 1880s and 1940s and the resulting political alignment, reaching its apogee in the social democratic construction of the postwar settlement. As long-term changes in the economy combined with the attack on Keynesianism in the politics of recession from the mid-1970s, the unity of the working class ceased to be available in the old and well-tried way, as the natural ground of left-wing politics. While one dominant working-class collectivity went into decline (the classic male proletarians of mining, transportation, and manufacturing industry, with their associated forms of trade unionism and residential concentration), another slowly and unevenly materialized to take its place (predominantly female white-collar workers in services and all types of public employment). But the operative unity of this new working-class aggregation—its active agency as an organized political presence—is still very much in formation. To reclaim the political efficacy of the socialist tradition, some new vision of collective political agency will be needed, one imaginatively keyed to the emerging conditions of capitalist production and accumulation at the start of the twenty-first century. Class needs to be reshaped, reassembled, put back together again in political ways. To use a Gramscian adage: The old has been dying, but the new has yet to be born. Class decomposition is yet to be replaced by its opposite, the recomposition of class into a new and coherently shaped form.
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Creech, Brian. "Finding the White working class in 2016: Journalistic discourses and the construction of a political identity." European Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no. 2 (2018): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549418786413.
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This article argues that the discourses and techniques of political journalism worked to make White working class identity sensible as an assumed norm in American politics during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Throughout the campaign, many news organizations sent journalists to small towns and various Donald Trump rallies to understand what was driving a burbling resentment among his base of White working class voters, and by interrogating the explanatory and long-form reporting produced by these journalists, we can come to understand how the White working class began to cohere as a particular political subjectivity. By documenting the economic decline and social peril borne from neoliberal policies, acts of journalism substantiate the conditions that animate White working class identity and legitimate its resentments. However, that same journalism also failed to adequately deal with the consequences of policy and the way economic conditions and cultural identities reflexively constitute one another, instead focusing on the ways class- and race-based resentments formed a well of political support, constraining any sense of agency to the discursive bounds of a political campaign. This article concludes by arguing that in order to decenter the primacy of whiteness in American politics, it is incumbent upon scholars and observers alike to attend to the various cultural discourses and techniques that render it simultaneously central and invisible.
10
Kadritzke, Ulf. "Zur Mitte drängt sich alles (Teil 1)." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 184 (2016): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i184.127.
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The public and scientific discourse about the social structure in Germany is characterized by an absence of class categories and a peculiar attentiveness towards the middle classes - even the misleading term ‘Mittelstand’ is in use. This mode of thinking ‘beyond classes’ is criticized in a historical perspective. We reconstruct how several important socials scientist of the ‘Weimar Republic’ (1919-1933) analyzed the socio-economic status and mentalities of the so called ‘Neuer Mittelstand’ (primarily consisting of private and public employees).These sociologists revealed the clear majority of white collar and service workers as ‘hidden class’. In economic terms they are an essential part of the wage-dependent working class, albeit employed under specific conditions. Their position in the hierarchy of organizations and their (often merely pretended) prestige are the main causes of ‘middle class’ mentalities and their ‘alienation’ from working class values, habits and orientations. Referring to the Marx-related, but modified class studies of the past, the second part of the essay – coming up in the next PROKLA issue - will discuss the shortfalls of theories and conceptions of German middle classes in current sociology and politics, criticising their scientific approach as ‘classignoring’ ideologies.
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Williams, Naomi R. "Sustaining Labor Politics in Hard Times: Race, Labor, and Coalition Building in Racine, Wisconsin." Labor 18, no. 2 (2021): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8849568.
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Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections, housing and education, increased the number of workers with the power of unions behind them, and improved Racine's economic and social conditions. By the 1980s, Racine's labor community included not only industrial workers but also members of welfare and immigrants’ rights groups, parents of inner-city students, social workers and other white-collar public employees, and local and state politicians willing to support a class-based agenda in the political arena. Worker activists’ ability to maintain and adapt their notion of a broad-based labor community into the late twentieth century shows how this community and others like it responded to the upheaval of the 1960s social movements by creating a broad and relatively successful concept of worker solidarity that also incorporated racial justice.
12
Ware, Vron. "Island Racism: Gender, Place, and White Power." Feminist Review 54, no. 1 (1996): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.33.
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The election of a British National Party councillor in London in September 1993 was greeted by shock and disbelief in the media, particularly because it happened during controversial preparations to celebrate the anniversary of Britain's role in Hitler's defeat in 1945. This essay sets out to examine some of the ways in which the BNP victory was reported in an attempt to understand how intricately gender and class are interwoven in discourses of racism in contemporary British politics. First, it draws attention to the dramatic images of white, working-class (or rather, non-working-class), violent, masculinity that dominated media representation of the event. In particular, the apparent invisibility of women in the photos and headlines seemed questionable, particularly when their anger and frustration about their own living conditions percolated through the lengthier written reports on the inside pages. Looking beyond superficial media coverage of the election, it was clear that gender was also a significant factor in the construction of a local, exclusively white, organic community fostered by political parties responsible for administering social housing and other public resources. While gender can articulate different forms of racism, the reverse can also be true. Ideas about what it means to be white, for example, defined against the racialized ‘other’, are also implicated in the social construction of gender. The violence perpetrated by those attracted to the xenophobic rhetoric of groups like the BNP is able to represent an aspect of masculinity that is both patriarchal and active in defending the ‘racial’ community. The third voice of beleaguered mothers summons up a version of white femininity that is passively concerned with the task of trying to reproduce the racial purity longed for by their menfolk. Finally, the specific characteristics and dynamics of the area in which the election took place also demands attention, not just because it happened in the heart of one of the most contested territories in London, but also because it was a reminder that the spatial aspects of social conflict are inseparable from the social, political and economic.
13
Flood, David. "Good Injuries: Embodiment, Temporality, and Collectivity in US Class Conflict." Anthropological Quarterly 98, no. 1 (2025): 35–60. https://doi.org/10.1353/anq.2025.a957902.
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ABSTRACT: At a festival in the rural southeastern United States devoted to music and off-road vehicles, white working-class people frequently seem to court situations of predictable harm. More precisely, injury and the risk of injury in this context appear as unintentional but acceptable outcomes in the pursuit of proper conditions for good sociality, and in fact often come to index ethical social behavior for participants—a phenomenon I describe as injuries of prosocial care or “good injuries.” This striking set of attitudes points towards a fundamental and often-misunderstood aspect of class and political conflict in the contemporary US: the entanglement of class with deep-seated beliefs about the boundaries and demands of ethical intersubjectivity, or what it means to be a good person with respect to other people. I examine these classed ethical stances with particular attention to ideas about temporality and embodiment, in a situation where the boundary between care and harm is porous and contingent.
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Mittal, Natasha. "GENTRIFICATION AND REDEVELOPMENT IN DHARAVI: BALANCING URBAN TRANSFORMATION WITH COMMUNITY PRESERVATION." Indian Journal of Law and Society III, no. 2 (2025): 7–29. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15380426.
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The term “<em>gentrification</em>” was first coined in the 1960s by British sociologist Ruth Glass in 1964 to describe the displacement of the working-class residents of London neighbourhoods by middle-class newcomers (Richardson, 2019). Since its inception, gentrification has been recognized as a type of neighbourhood transformation which is in favour of newcomers from a wealthier class at the cost of eviction of longtime inhabitants of one socioeconomic class and culture. It could also be correlated with an increase in real estate values. The segregated residential layout of American cities, in the case of the United States, creates conditions where gentrification frequently happens along racial lines. The current minority residents are frequently displaced in these situations of gentrification and racial displacement by wealthy white income individuals. In due course of time every community experience certain change due to several economic, social and developmental factors. The term "gentrification", a niche urban phenomenon that emerged from the interaction between socio-economic processes and urban development, has now taken the main stage in debates about changing urban environments. To comprehend and confront this serious issue in modern urban development, gentrification must be examined in terms of its causes and effects. Several changes, from the physical infrastructure to the social and cultural fabric of these neighbourhoods, are borne through this phenomenon.
15
Bond, Patrick. "South Africa’s Housing Financialisation Crises and Social Resistance." Critical Housing Analysis 11, no. 1 (2024): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/23362839.2024.11.1.566.
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The world’s most unequal country suffers from various housing crises, especially when it comes to excessive reliance upon a private sector prone to market failures, especially affordability. State housing finance strategy during the transition from apartheid to democracy relied upon augmentation of formal banking finance so as to promote home ownership. But as macro-economic conditions changed in the late 1980s, the resulting mass defaults on individual families’ home mortgage bonds led not only to foreclosures by a (white) state, but (black) working-class resistance organised by the country’s leading urban social movement, known as the ‘bond boycott.’ Even after democracy, a worsening housing backlog coincided with resurgence of household debt crises in the wake of the 2008 global financial meltdown. That generated a new housing finance strategy led by Mastercard and a local fintech firm (supported by the World Bank): collateralisation of welfare grants which in turn allowed debit orders for repayment of microfinance (typically used for minor home improvements). Again, social resistance played an important role, as the strategy caused even worse personal debt crises, and a welfare NGO’s successful fight to close Mastercard’s partner. But beyond periodic revolts of these sorts, a durable housing finance policy has remained elusive.
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Li, Yaojun. "Class and Ethno-Gender Differences in Education and Labour Market Position—An Intersectional Analysis of Ethnic Integration in the UK." Societies 14, no. 11 (2024): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc14110222.
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This paper analyses the socio-economic disadvantages of women from different ethnic minority heritages in the UK. Using data from the Labour Force Survey (2014–2023), which contains detailed information on parental class and respondents’ socio-economic conditions, we examine four domains of life chances which are crucial for ethnic integration: educational attainment at the degree level, risks of unemployment, access to professional-managerial (salariat) position and earning power. We proceeded with the gross differences and then examined the differences by ethno-gender status and parental class combinations, controlling for many confounding factors. We also examined the net ethno-gender differences over the life course and the trends of social fluidity over the period covered and across the ethno-gender groups. We found that women from all ethnic origins were doing well in education but faced multiple disadvantages in the labour market, especially in access to the salariat and in earning power. Women of Pakistani/Bangladeshi heritages faced pronounced unemployment risks, especially at the earlier life stages. There is a significant increase in fluidity over the period covered, but this is marked by considerable ethnic and class differences, with Black Caribbean, Black African, Pakistani and Bangladeshi women from more advantaged class origins being unable to secure advantaged class positions and those from working-class families unable to make long-range upward mobility as effectively as White men. Overall, Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Black African and Black Caribbean women are found to be considerably disadvantaged, but there are also signs of social progress.
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Kwak, Yoon Kyung, and Ming Sheng Wang. "Exclusion or Inclusion: National Differential Regulations of Migrant Workers’ Employment, Social Protection, and Migrations Policies on Im/Mobilities in East Asia-Examples of South Korea and Taiwan." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 23 (2022): 16270. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192316270.
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Low fertility rates and an aging society, growing long-term care needs, and workforce shortages in professional, industrial, and care sectors are emerging issues in South Korea and Taiwan. Both governments have pursued economic/industrial growth as productive welfare capitalism and enacted preferred selective migration policies to recruit white-collar migrant workers (MWs) as mobile elites, but they have also adopted regulations and limitations on blue-collar MWs through unfree labor relations, precarious employment, and temporary legal status to provide supplemental labor. In order to demonstrate how multiple policy regulations from a national level affect MWs’ precarity of labor in their receiving countries, which in turn affect MWs’ im/mobilities, this article presents the growing trends of transnational MWs, regardless of them being high- or low-skilled MWs, and it evaluates four dimensions of labor migration policies—MWs’ working and employment conditions, social protection, union rights and political participation, and access to permanent residency in both countries. We found that the rights and working conditions of low-skilled MWs in Korea and Taiwan are improving slowly, but still lag behind those of high-skilled MWs which also affects their public health and well-being. The significant difference identified here is that MWs in Taiwan can organize labor unions, which is strictly prohibited in Korea; pension protection also differs between the nations. Additionally, an application for permanent residency is easier for high-skilled migrant workers compared with low-skilled MWs and both the Korean and Taiwanese immigration policies differentiate the entry and resident status for low-skilled and professional MWs from dissimilar class backgrounds. Policy recommendations for both countries are also discussed.
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Parnell, S. "Shaping a Racially Divided Society: State Housing Policy in South Africa, 1920–50." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 7, no. 3 (1989): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c070261.
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Public housing assistance for poor whites in South Africa was introduced to ensure social and geographical isolation for the voting minority. The policy of relative advantage of housing needs of whites over those of the rest of the working class remained unchallenged until the consummation of residential segregation was achieved under the Group Areas Act of 1950. Although endorsed as an instrument for social and residential cleavage, efforts by the state to give residential assistance to working-class whites prior to the imposition of separate group areas are shown to have been restricted by wider political and economic considerations. Efforts to upgrade and separate the housing of working-class whites from the black urban community met with limited success in the interwar years. After World War 2, fiscal restrictions and the politics that surrounded the rapid urbanisation of Africans challenged the practice, if not the policy, of housing advantage for whites.
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Nasson, Bill. "‘Messing with Coloured People’: The 1918 Police Strike in Cape Town, South Africa." Journal of African History 33, no. 2 (1992): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700032254.
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This article seeks to provide an interpretation of a strike by white policemen in Cape Town in 1918. It argues that this defensive dispute over wages and living conditions can best be understood not simply through an examination of service dissatisfaction in the urban police community, but by incorporating this episode into the larger picture of South African police development in the early decades of the present century. In this broader context, several factors seem general and influential: local social resentments over the terms of national police organization after Union; police practices and attitudes, especially in relation to the increasing recruitment of Afrikaners; the position of white working-class policemen in the ‘civilized labour’ stratification of Cape Town society; and, most visibly, the inflationary effect of the First World War on the living standards of poorly paid, disaffected and unorganized constables. It is argued that these converging pressures generated a severe crisis of work discipline in 1917 and 1918 which tipped the Cape Town police into a classical natural justice strike. While ordinary policemen were split between petitioners and younger, less hesitant radicals, there was considerable popular support for strikers’ claims, both within the Cape police body and the local white labour movement. The government used a strategy of provisional concessions to settle the dispute. In conclusion, it is suggested that the strike experience helped to strengthen associational bonds between lower-ranking policemen and that a commitment by the state to improved service conditions provided an anxious constabulary with a more secure ‘civilized labour’ identity in the post-World War I period.
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Stasiulis, Daiva. "Elimi(Nation): Canada’s “Post-Settler” Embrace of Disposable Migrant Labour." Studies in Social Justice 2020, no. 14 (2020): 22–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v2020i14.2251.
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This article utilizes the lens of disposability to explore recent conditions of low-wage temporary migrant labour, whose numbers and economic sectors have expanded in the 21stcentury. A central argument is that disposability is a discursive and material relation of power that creates and reproduces invidious distinctions between the value of “legitimate” Canadian settler-citizens (and candidates for citizenship) and the lack of worth of undesirable migrant populations working in Canada, often for protracted periods of time. The analytical lens of migrant disposability draws upon theorizing within Marxian, critical modernity studies, and decolonizing settler colonial frameworks. This article explores the technologies of disposability that lay waste to low wage workers in sites such as immigration law and provincial/territorial employment legislation, the workplace, transport, living conditions, access to health care and the practice of medical repatriation of injured and ill migrant workers. The mounting evidence that disposability is immanent within low-wage migrant labour schemes in Canada has implications for migrant social justice. The failure to protect migrant workers from a vast array of harms reflects the historical foundations of Canada’s contemporary migrant worker schemes in an “inherited background field [of settler colonialism] within which market, racist, patriarchal and state relations converge” (Coulthard, 2014, p. 14). Incremental liberal reform has made little headway insofar as the administration and in some cases reversal of more progressive reforms such as guaranteed pathways to citizenship prioritize employers’ labour interests and the lives and health of primarily white, middle class Canadian citizens at the expense of a shunned and racialized but growing population of migrants from the global South. Transformational change and social justice for migrant workers can only occur by reversing the disposability and hyper-commodification intrinsic to low-wage migrant programs and granting full permanent legal status to migrant workers.
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Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.
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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstrained by working-class voters, southern politicians facilitated strikebreaking and favored employers against unions.
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Orrenius, Pia, and Madeline Zavodny. "How Foreign- and U.S.-Born Latinos Fare during Recessions and Recoveries." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 695, no. 1 (2021): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211028827.
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Latinos make up the nation’s largest ethnic minority group. The majority of Latinos are U.S. born, making the progress and well-being of Latinos no longer just a question of immigrant assimilation but also of the effectiveness of U.S. educational institutions and labor markets in equipping young Latinos to move out of the working class and into the middle class. One significant headwind to progress among Latinos is recessions. Economic outcomes of Latinos are far more sensitive to the business cycle than are outcomes for non-Hispanic whites. Latinos also have higher poverty rates than whites, although the gap had been falling prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Deep holes in the pandemic safety net further imperiled Latino progress in 2020 and almost surely will in 2021 as well. Policies that would help working-class and poor Latinos include immigration and education reform and broader access to affordable health care.
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Mutambudzi, Miriam, Maria Brown, and Nai-Wei Chen. "ASSOCIATION OF SECOND GENERATION EPIGENETIC CLOCKS AND DISCRIMINATION WITH TRAJECTORIES OF CHRONIC HEALTH CONDITIONS." Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (2023): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.0180.
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Abstract This study aimed to examine whether 2nd generation epigenetic clocks and perceived discrimination as measured by the Everyday Discrimination Scale are associated with differential classification into trajectories of chronic health conditions (CHCs). We used 2014-2020 data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) and biological clock data from the 2016 HRS Venous Blood Study (N=3,177). CHC trajectories were constructed using latent class growth models. Multinomial logistic regression analysis examined the association between PhenoAge and GrimAge epigenetic clocks respectively, perceived discrimination, and the constructed trajectories. Participants (≥ 50 years) were classified into 4 CHC trajectory classes, graded by risk of increasing mean CHCs, with trajectory class 1 indicating the lowest mean number of CHCs (most favorable) and class 4 the highest (worst), over 3 study waves. Approximately 35.5% Black, 24.9% Hispanic, and 25% White participants reported high discrimination (p&lt; 0.01). Compared to Whites, Blacks had increased risk of classification into trajectory class 4 (RRR=1.91, p=0.02 GrimAge and RRR=2.31, p&lt; 0.01 PhenoAge). PhenoAge was associated with increased risk of classification into trajectory class 4 for Hispanics (RRR=1.17, 95%CI=1.06-1.28), and modest increases in risk for Blacks (RRR=1.07, 95%CI=1.01-1.15) and Whites (RRR=1.06, 95%CI=1.03-1.09). GrimAge was associated with increased risk of classification into trajectory class 4 for Hispanics (RRR=1.21, 95%CI=1.06-1.38), Blacks (RRR=1.19, 95%CI=1.06-1.33) and Whites (RRR=1.14, 95%CI=1.08-1.20). Despite higher observed rates of discrimination in Blacks, experiences of discrimination increased risk of classification into trajectory class 4 for whites only (RRR=1.59, 95%CI=1.06-2.38). Discrimination findings should be interpreted with caution and future work should account for coping strategies.
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Salmi-Niklander, Kirsti. "Bitter Memories and Burst Soap Bubbles: Irony, Parody, and Satire in the Oral-Literary Tradition of Finnish Working-Class Youth at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (2007): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003197.
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This article discusses irony, parody, and satire in the oral-literary tradition of Finnish working-class youth during the first decades of the twentieth century. The most important research material is Valistaja (The Enlightener, 1914–1925), a handwritten newspaper produced by young working-class people in the industrial town of Karkkila in southern Finland. This research material provides examples of different kinds of parody: ideological parody is directed against both political opponents and the texts representing their ideology; generic parody involves playing with linguistic norms and generic conventions. Parody and satire provided means for exposing the cruelty and cowardice of the anti-Bolshevik Whites, the hypocrisy of the Church, and the conservatism of the older generation of workers. The ironic expressions reflect the experiences and tensions among groups of young people in Karkkila.
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Roazzi, Antonio, and Peter Bryant. "Explicitness and Conservation: Social Class Differences." International Journal of Behavioral Development 21, no. 1 (1997): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/016502597384983.
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The performance of 5-, 6-, 7-, and 8-year-old children in liquid conservation tasks was studied in four conditions. In the first two conditions (Standard and Incidental) the initial comparison in the task was made perceptually. In the other two conditions (Quantity and Money) the child was not allowed to make a direct perceptual comparison and the initial comparison was made by measurement. The children did much better when they measured the quantities than when they simply made perceptual comparisons, and this effect was stronger with working class children than with middle class children. Contrary to previous reports, there was no difference between the Standard and the Incidental conditions. We conclude that children in general, and working class children in particular, are helped when the nature of the task is made more explicit.
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Conde, Soraya Franzoni, Eduardo Vianna, and Araminta Pole. "A cooptação neocolonial da agência por meio da patologização da pobreza, da diversidade e da desigualdade nos EUA e como enfrentá-la com uma educação ativista transformadora." Cadernos CIMEAC 11, no. 1 (2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.18554/cimeac.v11i1.5247.
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Este trabalho aborda a relação entre a patologização dos(as) estudantes oriundos(as) da classe trabalhadora, de imigrantes e de minorias étnico-raciais nos Estados Unidos e a cooptação da agência dessa população historicamente explorada e submetida a opressões sociais e educacionais. Para isso, utilizamos a concepção de agência desde o Posicionamento Ativista Transformador (Transformative Activist Stance – TAS), desenvolvido por Stetsenko (2017), a filosofia da práxis em Marx (1989), a teoria histórico-cultural de Vygotsky (2002) e a perspectiva anticolonialista de Freire (2019) e Quijano (2019). Primeiramente, apresentamos as condições de vida e de trabalho de estudantes vulneráveis e latinos(as) em Nova York e nos Estados Unidos, depois tratamos um conjunto de discussões teóricas oriundas de pesquisas sobre o contexto da patologização da pobreza, do déficit, da diferença e da desigualdade social. Em seguida, apresentamos as histórias de vida e de escolarização de estudantes do Community College da City University of New York (CUNY) diagnosticados(as) como deficientes de aprendizagem e a sua luta dentro do sistema educacional americano. O processo de patologização daqueles(as) que não se enquadram no padrão branco e supremacista norte-americano culmina numa nova forma de colonialismo (o Sul dentro do Norte Global), resultante na cooptação da agência crítica e transformadora daqueles(as) que, a priori, poderiam ser o motor da transformação do sistema escolar que os(as) oprime.Palavras-chave: Neocolonialismo. Deficiência. Agência. Educação. Abstract: This work addresses the relationship between the pathologization of students from the working class, immigrants and ethnic-racial minorities in the United States and the co-optation of the agency of this historically exploited population and subjected to social and educational oppression. For this, we used the concept of agency from the Transformative Activist Stance (TAS), developed by Stetsenko (2017), the philosophy of praxis in Marx (1989), the historical-cultural theory of Vygotsky (2002) and the anti-colonialist perspective of Freire (2019) and Quijano (2019). First, we present the living and working conditions of vulnerable students, especially Latinos, in New York and the United States, then we discuss a set of theoretical issues arising from research on the context of the pathologization of poverty, deficit, difference and social inequality. Next, we present the life and schooling histories 2 ? of students from a Community College at City University of New York (CUNY) diagnosed as learning disabled and their struggle within the American educational system. Our aim is to reveal how how the pathologization process produces students who come to “not fit in” the North American White supremacist sociocultural standard, which amounts to a new form of colonialism (the South within the Global North), resulting in the co-optation of the critical and transformative agency of precisely of the marginalized who, potentially, are uniquely positioned to be the engine of the transformation of the school system that oppresses them.Keywords: Neocolonialism. Deficiency. Agency. Education.
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Muntaner, Carles. "Digital Platforms, Gig Economy, Precarious Employment, and the Invisible Hand of Social Class." International Journal of Health Services 48, no. 4 (2018): 597–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731418801413.
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Digital platform capitalism, as exemplified by companies like Uber or Lyft has the potential to transform employment and working conditions for an increasing segment of the worforce. Most digital economy workers are exposed to the health damaging precarious employment conditions characteristic of the contemporary working class in high income countries. Just as with Guy Standing or Mike Savage’s “precariat” it might appear that digital platform workers are a new social class or that they do not belong to any social class. Yet the class conflict interests (wages, benefits, employment and working conditions, collective action) of digital platform workers are similar to other members of the working class.
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Thompson, Jack. "A Review of the Popular and Scholarly Accounts of Donald Trump’s White Working-Class Support in the 2016 US Presidential Election." Societies 9, no. 2 (2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9020036.
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Popular and scholarly accounts of Trump’s ascendency to the presidency of the United States on the part of the American white working-class use different variables to define the sociodemographic group because there is no “working-class White” variable available in benchmark datasets for researchers to code. To address this need, the Author ran a multinomial regression to assess whether income, education and racial identity predict working-class membership among white Americans, finding that income and education are statistically significant predictors of working-class whiteness, while racial identity is not. Arriving at a robust definition of “white working-class” in light of these findings, the paper next turns to a review of the extant literature. By retrieving studies from searches of computerised databases, hand searches and authoritative texts, the review critically surmises the explanatory accounts of Trump’s victory. Discussion of the findings from the review is presented in three principal sections. The first section explains how working-class White communities, crippled by a dearth of social and geographic mobility, have been “left behind” by the political elites. The second section examines how white Americans, whose dominant group position is threatened by demographic change, voted for Trump because of resonance between his populist rhetoric and their latent “racist” attitudes. The third and final section explores the implications of a changing America for native-born whites, and how America’s increasing ethnoracial diversity is eroding relations between its dominant and nondominant groups. The Author surmises by arguing that these explanatory accounts must be understood in the context of this new empirical approximation of “working-class White”.
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Sawyer, Jeremy E., and Anup Gampa. "Work alienation and its gravediggers: Social class, class consciousness, and activism." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 1 (2020): 198–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i1.1132.
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Work activity is central to human psychology. However, working conditions under capitalist socioeconomic relations have been posited as psychologically alienating. Given the negative impact of work alienation on well-being and mental health, we conducted two studies of the relations between social class, work conditions, and alienation. We also examined factors that might counteract alienation – class consciousness and activism. The utility of a Marxist measure of social class – based on objective work relations – was compared with that of SES and subjective class measures. Study 1 surveyed 240 U.S. adults from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds using Amazon’s Mechanical Turk; Study 2 was a replication with 717 adults recruited via a sampling company. Across studies, alienation was predicted by perceived work exploitation, poor work relationships, and lack of self-expression, meaningfulness, self-actualization, autonomy, and intrinsic motivation at work. Only the Marxist class measure – not SES or subjective class measures – predicted alienation and alienating work conditions across studies. Working-class participants experienced more alienating work conditions and greater alienation. Alienation was correlated with class consciousness, and class consciousness was associated with activism. While SES measures have dominated the psychological study of social class, results suggest benefits to integrating Marxist measures and conceptions of social class.
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Li, Yaojun. "Perverse Fluidity?—Differential Impacts of Family Resources on Educational and Occupational Attainment for Young Adults from White and Ethnic Minority Heritages in England." Social Sciences 11, no. 7 (2022): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11070291.
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This study examines the intergenerational transmission of family resources (class, education and income) on people’s educational and occupational attainment in their early career life. It asks whether parental resources remain effective or fall into insignificance. It also asks whether the resources operate in a similar way for the ethnic minorities as for the majority. Drawing on data from the Longitudinal Study of Young Persons in England, the study focuses on resource transmission in degree attainment, access to elite class position, unemployment rates, labour market earnings, and continuous income. In each aspect, we test not only the net effects of parental resources, but also the differential transmission between the majority and ethnic minority groups. The analysis shows strong effects of parental resources on educational and occupational attainment for whites but rather weak effects for the ethnic minorities. Ethnic minority children tend to grow up in poor families, yet even those whose parents manage to achieve socio-economic parity with whites do not enjoy similar benefits. Reducing inequality in family socio-economic conditions and inequality in labour market opportunities is key to achieving social justice.
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Wood, Augustus C. "The Crisis of the Black Worker, the U.S. Labor Movement, and Democracy for All." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (2019): 396–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887253.
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This paper contextualizes the socioeconomic condition of the African-American working class in the American Labor Movement. As the union movement continues its steady decline, African-American social conditions are deteriorating at an alarming pace. Racial oppression disrupted historically powerful labor movements as African-Americans served in predominantly subproletariat labor positions. As a result, Black workers endured the racially oppressive U.S. structure on the periphery of the U.S. Labor Movement. I argue that Black working-class social conditions are dialectically related to their subjugated position in the modern-day union movement. Therefore, for Black social conditions and working-class conditions to improve overall, the union movement must centralize the conditions of the Black workers.
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Marmot, Michael, and Tores Theorell. "Social Class and Cardiovascular Disease: The Contribution of Work." International Journal of Health Services 18, no. 4 (1988): 659–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ktc1-n5lk-j1pm-9grq.
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Low social class has been identified as a risk factor for coronary heart disease in highly industrialized countries. The authors discuss the social class concept in relation to psychosocial working conditions. Most of those psychosocial work characteristics that are of relevance to cardiovascular risk, namely, skill discretion, authority over decisions, and social support at work, are unevenly distributed across social classes–the lower the social class, the fewer the resources for coping with psychosocial stressors. Furthermore, biomedical risk factors for cardiovascular illness are also unevenly distributed across social class and associated with psychosocial work characteristics. The main conclusion is that part of the association between social class and cardiovascular illness risk may be due to differences in psychosocial work conditions. The psychosocial work conditions may affect the risk through either neuroendocrine mechanisms or lifestyle. Excessive tobacco smoking, for instance, may be enforced by poor working conditions.
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Oliver, Michael, Cassandra Morrison, and Sondos El-Hulu. "RACE DIFFERENCES IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HIGH AND VARIABLE BLOOD PRESSURE AND DOMAIN-SPECIFIC COGNITIVE CHANGE." Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (2023): 689. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.2238.
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Abstract Elevated blood pressure (BP), or hypertension, is a risk factor for several health conditions including Alzheimer’s disease. High BP in early- and mid-life is associated with cognitive decline, whereas research is mixed regarding BP and cognition in late-life. Moreover, hypertension disproportionately affects minority populations. Consequently, the effects of hypertension on cognition may differ by race. The present study investigates the relationship between BP and cognition. 4419 older adults (Black, n=1189; White, n= 3230), with 32116 follow-ups for a maximum of 10-years were included from the Rush Alzheimer’s Disease Center. Results reveal individuals with high BP exhibit significantly greater declines in global cognition compared to normal BP, regardless of race. When stratifying high BP by race, Blacks exhibit greater declines in working memory and perceptual speed, whereas Whites exhibit greater declines in episodic memory, semantic memory, and visuospatial ability compared to normal BP. Blacks with high BP exhibit greater decline in perceptual speed compared to variable BP, whereas no cognitive domain was worse in Whites with high BP compared to variable. When stratifying variable BP by race, Blacks exhibited greater decline in working memory compared to normal BP. Alternatively, Whites exhibited greater decline in episodic memory, semantic memory, working memory, and global cognition compared to normal and high BP counterparts. Our findings reveal racial differences in the relationship between BP and cognitive decline. Specifically, Blacks and Whites with high and variable BP experience cognitive decline in different cognitive domains, which may give insight into differences in disease trajectory and cognitive outcomes.
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Gecas, Viktor, and Monica A. Seff. "Social Class, Occupational Conditions, and Self-Esteem." Sociological Perspectives 32, no. 3 (1989): 353–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389122.
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This study is an attempt at further specification of the relationship between social class and self-esteem. We argue that the effects of social class on self-esteem are largely experienced through occupational conditions which affect the self-evaluation dimensions of self-efficacy and self-worth. We examine these relationships, with the use of path analysis, for a sample of working men. The path model considers the direct and indirect effects of social class (socioeconomic status and education) on occupational conditions (work complexity; control over work; degree of supervision and routinization), on dimensions of self-evaluation (self-efficacy and self-worth), and on general self-esteem. We found the direct effect of our social class indicators on general self-esteem to be small and insignificant. But occupational prestige was significantly related to occupational conditions, which in turn were significantly related to self-worth and self-efficacy. Education had a direct effect on self-efficacy and self-esteem and an indirect effect on self-esteem via self-efficacy and job complexity. Of the two dimensions of self-evaluation, self-efficacy had a substantially stronger effect than self-worth on general self-esteem. These findings support our expectation that the effects of social class on self-esteem are largely mediated by occupational conditions which affect primarily the efficacy dimension of self-evaluation.
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Bocharov, Vladislav Yu. "Discourse analysis of the American working youth communities on the social network Reddit." Semiotic studies 1, no. 1 (2021): 100–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2782-2966-2021-1-1-100-113.
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The article discusses the working conditions and employment of American working youth during the global pandemic (2020) within the discursive space of the online communities of the social network Reddit. The aim of the study was to conduct a discourse-analysis of professional virtual communities of American working youth. The main tasks were to analyze the specifics of the language of online communication of American working youth, to identify the main problems of employment and labor relations relevant to young Americans, to find out how much American working youth identify with the working class, and to study its class interests, class positions and feelings of solidarity. Infrequent (basic) and frequent (additional) content analyses were used to analyze empirical information (143 text and visual posts in 11 communities of the social network Reddit). The results of the study draw conclusions about the presence of a specific language of communication, similar conditions of employment and living standards, the stability of class positions and the high level of virtual solidarity of American working youth. Comparison of the data obtained with the results of our previous study of virtual communities of Russian working youth allows us to tell about the similarities and differences between American and Russian youth. The main common feature characteristic of both (American and Russian) working youth is the presence of their own group identity.
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R, Rajeshwari. "Working Class People, as Shown in "Manaamiyangal"." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, S-10 (2022): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt22s1011.
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Salma's novel, Manaamiyangal, is entirely about women. It is constructed based on society's conception of a feminine energy that entangles itself in the structures of time. It resounds as a voice of women's disenfranchisement. Many people around the world are praising the glory of women. Every woman in society is still living a life crushed by daily needs and her freedom. Rituals, rituals, and customs in some societies keep women at the boundary line. Some of these women break barriers and are shunned by society when they come out. Even though there are many atrocities against women in society, her family tries to do well but gets them into many problems. Salma mentions in the story Manaamiyangal that the reason for that was the society they lived in and its restrictions. Salma, who thinks about women from many angles, in her portrayal of Sajitha, intuitively conveys the legitimate dreams of girls in childhood. Women like Mehar live a quiet life, keeping in mind the family circumstances. But she struggles to make life better for her children. She illustrates the struggles of less literate women outside of the normal course of society. Generally, women, no matter how educated they are, remain dependent on a man because they believe that men are the protectors of women. Many social superstitions have restricted women in their activities. The thoughts of the people who have such superstitions should be changed. This article is going to discuss the lives of Muslim women, their economies, lives, thoughts, attitudes, and the social conditions that they are unable to recover from due to these social conditions.
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Bartoll-Roca, Xavier, and Albert Julià. "Empirically revisiting a social class scheme for mental health in Barcelona, Spain." International Journal of Social Economics 48, no. 7 (2021): 965–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-10-2020-0694.
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PurposeSocial inequalities in mental health can be captured by occupational situation and social class stratification. This study analyzes the adequacy of a classification of work and employment conditions and an adaptation of the Goldthorpe social class scheme in relation to mental health in Barcelona, Spain.Design/methodology/approachMultiple correspondence analysis (MCA) and hierarchical cluster analysis (CA) on working and employment conditions were used to empirically construct distinctive working groups. Through 2 logistic regression models, we contrasted the association between mental health and (1) the cluster of employment and working conditions (with 4 categories: insiders, instrumental, precarious and peripheral workers), and (2) a standard Spanish version of the Goldthorpe social class scheme. The performance of the 2 models was assessed with Akaike and Bayesian information criteria. The analyses were carried out using the Barcelona Health Survey (2016) including the labor force population from 22 to 64 years of age.FindingsWide inequalities were found in mental health with both class schemes. The empirical class scheme was more effective than the Goldthorpe social class scheme in explaining mental health inequalities. In particular, precarious and peripheral workers in the MCA-CA analysis, together with unemployed workers, emerged as distinctive social groups apparently masked within the lower social class in the standard scheme. When using the standard scheme, the authors recommend widening the scope at the bottom of the social class categories while shrinking it at the top as well as considering unemployed persons as a separate category to better represent mental health inequalities.Social implicationsThe working poor appear to report at least as much poor mental health as unemployed persons. Policies aimed at more inclusive work should consider job quality improvements to improve the mental well-being of the labor force.Originality/valueOur study examines the utility of social classes to explain mental health inequalities by comparing an empirically based social class to the Spanish adaptation of the Goldthorpe classification.
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Cheng, TJ. "OVERTIME IN CHINA: LAW, PRACTICE AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION." REVISTA NERA, no. 13 (May 29, 2012): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47946/rnera.v0i13.1388.
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In most liberal capitalist societies, the working class is generally protected by laws regulating an 8-hour working day and a 5 day work week. But in China today, such rules are a luxury most laborers do not enjoy. This paper explores overtime working conditions that the Chinese working class currently suffers, especially migrant workers who have flowed from bankrupted rural villages into urban centers by the hundreds of millions. They supply the "surplus" labor force demanded by the booming manufacturing industry as China has quickly become the world´s leading producer of industrial goods. This paper not only documents this tragic situation but tries to answer the question: how could this seemingly pre-modern capitalist phenomenon have occurred in an ostensibily socialist country like China?
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Warde, Alan. "Conditions of Dependence." International Review of Social History 35, no. 1 (1990): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900000972x.
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SUMMARYThis paper examines a town in northwest England and a particular set of conditions that inhibited the growth of working-class politics during the twentieth century. The paradox of class politics in Lancaster is that despite a proletarian population, the labour movement locally remained extremely weak. Ironically, it was only upon the deindustrialisation of the town in the later 1960s that labour showed any collective strength. Explanation of quiescence in terms of paternalism and deference is rejected. Rather an account is given in terms of powerlessness. Local structural conditions rendered Lancaster workers so highly dependent that resistance to political domination was precluded.
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Howes, Carollee, Laura M. Sakai, Marybeth Shinn, Deborah Phillips, Ellen Galinsky, and Marcy Whitebook. "Race, social class, and maternal working conditions as influences on children's development." Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 16, no. 1 (1995): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0193-3973(95)90019-5.
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Sun, Wanbing. "Labor Market and Class Struggle from the Perspective of Marxist Political Economy." Modern Economics & Management Forum 4, no. 6 (2023): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/memf.v4i6.1500.
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Within the viewpoint of Marxist political economy, inequalities in the labor market are regarded as products of class struggle under the capitalist system. These inequalities reflect the relatively disadvantaged position of the working class, who often face low wages, unstable working conditions, and exploitation. These injustices not only reflect economic structures but also deeply influence the construction of social status and power relations. Studying the organizational forms of the working class within this theoretical framework holds significant importance. Labor unions, as organizations representing workers' interests, undertake the responsibility of advocating for better working conditions and wages. Union organizations engage in collective actions, such as strikes and demonstrations, demonstrating the solidarity and strength of the working class, challenging the authority of the capitalist system.
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Trifonova, Temenuga. "The working class in contemporary British cinema." Journal of Class & Culture 2, no. 2 (2023): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jclc_00028_1.
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This article examines depictions of class and precarity in a number of representative films, including TwentyFourSeven (Meadows 1997), The Navigators (Loach 2001), This Is England (Meadows 2006), It’s a Free World (Loach 2007), Fish Tank (Arnold 2009), I, Daniel Blake (Loach 2016), Ray & Liz (Billingham 2018), Sorry We Missed You (Loach 2019) and Bait (Jenkin 2019) in order to illuminate the subtle changes that the tradition of British social realism has undergone over the last few decades and to rethink its political potential. The article poses the following questions: do social realist films endow their precarious subjects with agency or do they depict them as passive victims of socio-economic and political forces beyond their control? What new potential conditions of solidarity (if any) do the films envision? What are the dominant affective states that capture the dynamic of precarity in these films: anxiety, frustration, depression, anger, resentment or resignation?
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Stageman, Daniel L. "The punishment marketplace: Competing for capitalized power in locally controlled immigration enforcement." Theoretical Criminology 23, no. 3 (2017): 394–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480617733729.
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Neoliberal economics play a significant role in US social organization, imposing market logics on public services and driving the cultural valorization of free market ideology. The neoliberal ‘project of inequality’ is upheld by an authoritarian system of punishment built around the social control of the underclass—among them unauthorized immigrants. This work lays out the theory of the punishment marketplace: a conceptualization of how US systems of punishment both enable the neoliberal project of inequality, and are themselves subject to market colonization. The theory describes the rescaling of federal authority to local centers of political power. Criminal justice policy activism by local governments is punishment entrepreneurship: an accumulative approach to securing fiscal gain, political hegemony, security, and capitalized power. Local immigration enforcement entrepreneurship targets unauthorized and other deportable immigrants. This punitive immigration control reinforces racially structured social relations by obscuring the diminishing returns neoliberal globalization provides working class whites.
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Newsom, Jason, AnneMarie O'Neill, Emily Denning, et al. "Multimorbidity Trajectory Classes as Predicted by Race, Ethnicity, and Social Relationship Quality." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (2021): 866. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.3160.
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Abstract Growth mixture modeling was used to classify multimorbidity (≥2 chronic conditions) trajectories over a 10-year period (2006-2016) in the Health and Retirement Study (N = 7,151, mean age = 68.6 years). Race/ethnicity (non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, non-Hispanic White) and social relationship quality (positive social support and negative social exchanges, such as criticisms) were then used to predict trajectory class membership, controlling for age, sex, education, and wealth. We identified three trajectory classes: initial low levels and rapid accumulation of multimorbidity (increasing: 12.6%), initial high levels and gradual accumulation of multimorbidity (high: 19.5%), and initial low levels and gradual accumulation of multimorbidity (low: 67.9%). Blacks were more than twice as likely to be in the increasing (OR = 2.04, CI[1.29,3.21]) and high (OR = 2.28 CI[1.58,3.206]) multimorbidity groups compared with Whites, but there were no significant differences between Hispanics and Whites for either trajectory class (OR = .84 CI[.47,1.51]and OR = .74 CI[.41,1.34], respectively). Increments in perceived support were associated with significantly lower risk of membership in the increasing (OR = .59, CI[.46,.78]) and high classes (OR = .54 CI[.42,.69]), and increments in negative exchanges were associated with significantly higher risk of membership in the increasing (OR = 1.64 CI[1.19,2.25]) and high classes (OR = 2.22 CI[1.64,3.00]). These results provide important new information for understanding health disparities and the role of social relationships associated with multimorbidity in middle and later life that may aid in identifying those most at risk and suggesting possible interventions for mitigating that risk.
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Merkulova, N. A., and Yu Yu Eliseev. "Influence of working conditions on the quality of life of furniture production workers according to the SF-36 questionnaire." Sanitarnyj vrač (Sanitary Doctor), no. 10 (October 1, 2020): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-08-2010-04.
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Research objective - assessment of the impact of working conditions and work experience on the quality of life of furniture production workers. Materials and methods. The assessment of the quality of life of 208 employees of the furniture factory "Maria" under various conditions of the production environment was carried out. The analysis of quality of life indicators for all scales of the SF-36 questionnaire took into account work experience and class of working conditions. Results. When assessing the quality of life of employees of a furniture production company, it is established that the quality of life depends on the class of working conditions. There was a significant decrease in quality of life indicators for those working in harmful working conditions corresponding to class 3.1, according to the SF-36 questionnaire scales responsible for mental health (social functioning, emotional functioning, mental health). When working in harmful working conditions, classified as class 3.2, these indicators tended to decrease not only on the scales of the SF-36 questionnaire, which are responsible for mental health, but also for the physical state of the body (role functioning, General health). At the same time, the dependence of quality of life indicators on the length of service in certain conditions of the labor process was studied. Thus, in the first two years of working in harmful working conditions (class 3.1, 3.2), there was no decrease in the quality of life of furniture production workers. However, when working for more than two years in similar working conditions, there was a significant decrease in the values of indicators of the quality of life of the subjects. Conclusions. It is proved that the longer the work experience in unfavorable working conditions, the lower the quality of life of furniture production workers.Noise as the main production factor in furniture factories, which leads to a decrease in the quality of life.
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Yu, Wei-hsin, and Janet Chen-Lan Kuo. "Going the extra mile at work: Relationships between working conditions and discretionary work effort." PLOS ONE 18, no. 8 (2023): e0288521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0288521.
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Despite the implications of work effort for earnings inequality, rigorous and comprehensive analyses of how work conditions affect people’s tendency to exert extra work effort are rare. Using two waves of data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, this study examines how individuals’ discretionary work effort—i.e., effort in excess of what is required—changes with their work time, the tangible and intangible rewards from their jobs, and the social contexts of their occupations. Results from fixed-effects models show that frequently working in teams is associated with both women’s and men’s reported discretionary effort. Women also express a greater tendency to exert extra work effort when they work full time instead of part time and when their employers offer paid maternity leave, but less so when their occupations are male-dominant or require confrontations with people. Racial and ethnic minorities’ discretionary work effort changes in response to collaborative and competitive occupational environments somewhat differently from Whites. In addition, Black women’s tendency to exert excess work effort is less tied to their time spent on their jobs than White women’s. Beyond uncovering gender and ethnoracial differences, this study also underscores the need to consider the ways in which social aspects of work contribute to workers’ motivation and effort.
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ÇAĞLAYAN MAZANOĞLU, Emine Seda. "“A lot of blood gets lost here” : Class Struggle and Ideology in The Kitchen." Gaziantep University Journal of Social Sciences 22, no. 1 (2023): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21547/jss.1133069.
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Arnold Wesker’s The Kitchen (1957) presents the world of labour where the two social classes, the capitalist class and the working class, with hierarchies between each other and among themselves, clash, which ends with the exploitation of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie. The harsh working conditions at the restaurant, the changing pace of work, little time given by the employer to the employees to rest and socialise, and the dehumanising aspect of labour are presented through the relationships between the two social classes and also among the working class people. Hence, the aim of this paper is to argue that the relationship between the capitalist class and the working class based on labour and production and the working class people’s submission to the practices of the ruling class in The Kitchen can be analysed through the Marxist concepts of class conflict and ideology, respectively. Accordingly, it will be demonstrated that class conflict is seen not only between the bourgeoisie, the owner of the capital, and the proletariat, the agent of production, but also among the members of the proletariat of different nationalities, which is expressed through racial hatred. Furthermore, it will be displayed that the employees of the restaurant not only consciously accept the economic conditions under which they work but also reveal their cultural/artistic tastes during short breaks that are set by the employer, which shows that both work and leisure are controlled by the capitalist class.
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Tilly, Louise, and Noëlle Gérôme. "Prospectus for International Colloquium on Tradition and the Working Class." International Labor and Working-Class History 42 (1992): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900011194.
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Tradition is understood as a subset of a central historical concern: social and cultural discontinuities in time and space. The historical study of social tradition is an important contribution to knowledge; it seeks to understand the ways in which groups (states, classes, communities, families) formalize, symbolize, and interpret the past—and how such visions shape the ways in which people interpret, accept, or resist present conditions and influence behavior in the future.
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Osmonov, S., G. Bekmurzaeva, and A. Kurbanova. "Government Without Class Society Socialism." Bulletin of Science and Practice 11, no. 3 (2025): 408–12. https://doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/112/50.
Full textAbstract:
In Europe, the Vienna system of international relations contributed to the peaceful coexistence of European countries, so industrial and social problems acquired an internal character. They reflected the peculiarities of industrial development, which naturally determined the nature of production relations. Industrial labor was very difficult, and the conditions for its implementation left much to be desired. The wages of workers were low, social guarantees were insignificant, legal protection was nominal, due to which contradictions grew between industrialists striving to obtain maximum profit, and workers who did not have the opportunity to improve their living conditions. Social unrest began, which grew into an uprising, in particular, French weavers in Lyon, Silesian weavers in Germany, the Chartist movement was spreading in England. The workers' actions were spontaneous, there was no systematic organization - no goals were set, tasks were defined momentarily. The aggravated social situation in Europe was analyzed by K. Marx and F. Engels. They saw in the workers' movement the force that was capable of resisting violence and exploitation by the bourgeoisie, provided it was organized. In the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" they substantiated the role of the working class in the struggle for its rights and freedoms. Marx and Engels believed that under the leadership of the Communist Party the working class was capable of carrying out radical changes not only in the sphere of labor relations but also in the social structure as a whole.
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Rahkonen, O. "Job control, job demands, or social class? The impact of working conditions on the relation between social class and health." Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 60, no. 1 (2006): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.2005.035758.
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