Journal articles on the topic 'Worksop Abbey'

This paper draws attention to an unrecognised group of six pin-hinged, clamped, early medieval chests with gothic arcading in East Kent, England. It provides dendrochronological dates for four of the chests and systematic evidence concerning their construction, decoration and ironwork, including the specific type of lock originally fitted. Comparisons are made with pin-hinged, clamped chests made in some other counties and abroad at roughly the same time. The carved façades contrast with the plain façades of the thirteenth-century chests in Westminster Abbey. The group has the earliest dendro-dated examples thus far of gothic arcading on English clamped chests as well as other distinctive features, suggesting that the chests are the product of a workshop that developed with a degree of independence from other workshops. Their likely origin in Canterbury and a hypothesis about their use are discussed, and topics are identified for future research. This paper aims to provide a solid one-county base for the comparative study of pin-hinged, clamped chests elsewhere in England.

AbstractCommunity gardens, as previous research has found are as much about growing the community and the individuals involved, as gardening itself. The study of Green Synergy's community garden initiatives within Lincoln's relatively deprived Abbey Ward provided an exceptional case study in which to review the inter-relationship of impact both at a community and individual level. The social element of community gardening in building connections between social and natural capital is explored, and how community gardens can provide a ‘counter-narrative’ to perceptions of place and individual well-being.The qualitative research approach which included observation, interviews, a focus group and workshop was designed to reflect the wide scope of the projects and generate both individual and communal reflection on the projects. The themes that emerged open up a further understanding of the multiple dynamics arising from the collaborative creation of ‘green spaces’ in providing bonding and bridging social capital within communities, together with challenging narratives of individual and community capacity. In so doing, it adds to existing research evidence on the diverse community connections, spaces and products that community gardening engenders.

The Benedictine Abbey of St. Michael in Rudine near Požega is an archaeological site known for more than a hundred years. The first explorations were done in 1906 and 1907 and ever since then Rudina has been explored in a stop and start manner. The archaeological site consists of two basic units: the monastery with a three-aisle, three- apse church, a cloister with the accompanying monastic buildings, and a small aisleless church with a rounded apse some fifty metres to the West. A considerable body of architectural sculpture has been found at the site, but the most important finding is a series of twenty heads, of which nineteen are brackets. This figural sculpture is mainly described in the literature as rustic work without a solid link to sculpture in the immediate area. In spite of all this, the Rudina sculptures are an extremely important cultural phenomenon as the largest group of Romanesque sculptures in Continental Croatia on record. Still, this sculpture has not been studied as completely as it deserves to be. This paper mentions the possibility that the figural stone sculpture of the Benedictine monastery in Rudina was made by a local workshop, it also raises the question of possible influence on that sculpture within the Lands of the Crown of St. Stephen, but indirectly also in Western Europe. Special emphasis is placed on the possible ways (or media) that these influences could have been adopted and on the potential connection to Western Europe and the Pannonian basin.

The Benedictine Abbey of St. Michael in Rudine near Požega is an archaeological site known for more than a hundred years. The first explorations were done in 1906 and 1907 and ever since then Rudina has been explored in a stop and start manner. The archaeological site consists of two basic units: the monastery with a three-aisle, three- apse church, a cloister with the accompanying monastic buildings, and a small aisleless church with a rounded apse some fifty metres to the West. A considerable body of architectural sculpture has been found at the site, but the most important finding is a series of twenty heads, of which nineteen are brackets. This figural sculpture is mainly described in the literature as rustic work without a solid link to sculpture in the immediate area. In spite of all this, the Rudina sculptures are an extremely important cultural phenomenon as the largest group of Romanesque sculptures in Continental Croatia on record. Still, this sculpture has not been studied as completely as it deserves to be. This paper mentions the possibility that the figural stone sculpture of the Benedictine monastery in Rudina was made by a local workshop, it also raises the question of possible influence on that sculpture within the Lands of the Crown of St. Stephen, but indirectly also in Western Europe. Special emphasis is placed on the possible ways (or media) that these influences could have been adopted and on the potential connection to Western Europe and the Pannonian basin.

This article comprises a study and edition of the Cronica de Anglia, a significant but neglected history of England from AD 162 to 1125 whose importance lies chiefly in its connections to other accounts of the period. Though it is uniquely preserved in a late twelfth-century manuscript from Rievaulx Abbey, close reading confirms that it was composed between 1125 and 1137, not in the north of England but in the West Midlands, almost certainly at Worcester Cathedral Priory. If it is not the work of the priory's foremost historian, John of Worcester (d. after 1143), then it was almost certainly produced under his direction. Not only are its contents closely related to his Chronica chronicarum and Chronicula, they also shed new light on John's interests and the ways in which he and his helpers compiled and edited their histories. Turning to another purpose materials used in John's other works, Cronica de Anglia arranges them in order to speak to questions about the relative antiquity and status of the kingdom's bishoprics, churches, and monasteries — a concern not otherwise prominent in this corpus. This chronicle also sheds precious light on the immediate reception of William of Malmesbury's histories of the English, especially the first edition of Gesta pontificum Anglorum. Carefully suppressing dangerous nuances in William's reportage, Cronica de Anglia betrays John's anxiety to avoid becoming entangled in Malmesbury's campaign against the king's chief minister, Bishop Roger of Salisbury (1102–39). The article concludes with the first complete edition of the text.

Jan Zapolski (1619–1689) herbu Pobóg w 1643 r. został opatem cysterskiego opactwa w Lądzie; wcześniej był kanonikiem katedry krakowskiej i sekretarzem króla Władysława IV. W 1661 r. kapituła cysterskiej prowincji wybrała go wikariuszem generalnym i komisarzem Polskiej Prowincji Cystersów, pełnił ten urząd przez 28 lat – do śmierci. W styczniu 1651 r. opat Zapolski podpisał z architektem Tomassem Poncinem kontrakt na remont i rozbudowę gotyckiego klasztornego kościoła w Lądzie. Konflikt z niesumiennym architektem i proces sądowy zatrzymały tę inwestycję. W 1679 r. Zapolski zdecydował się wznieść w Lądzie nowy kościół według planów królewskiego architekta Giuseppe Simone Bellottiego. Do 1687 r. zbudowano prezbiterium i transept nowego kościoła. Sklepienia udekorowały stiuki wykonane przez włoskich sztukatorów według projektu Bellotiego, w prezbiterium ustawiono stalle – dzieło warsztatu brata Bartłomieja Adriana. Prawdopodobnie w 1687 r. powstał portret Jana Zapolskiego, na którym opat trzyma plan nowego kościoła w Lądzie. Autorem portretu jest prawdopodobnie cysterski malarz Łukasz Latkowski. Portret ten stał się wzorem dla innych wizerunków: portretu trumiennego Zapolskiego (1689); jego wizerunku w Sali Opackiej klasztoru (1722); portretu opata Mikołaja A. Łukomskiego (1747). Summary: Jan Zapolski (1619–1689) of the Pobóg coat of arms in 1643 became the abbot of the Cistercian abbey in Ląd; previously he was a canon of the Krakow cathedral and secretary of King Władysław IV. In 1661 the Cistercian chapter of the province elected him vicar general and commissars of the Polish Cistercian Province, he held this office for 28 years – until his death. In January 1651 abbot Zapolski signed a contract with the architect Tomasso Poncino for the renovation and expansion of the Gothic monastery church in Ląd. The conflict with the unscrupulous architect and the lawsuit stopped this investment. In 1679 Zapolski decided to build a new church in Ląd according to the plans of the royal architect Giuseppe Simone Bellotti. Until 1687 the presbytery and the transept of the new church were built. The vaults were decorated with stuccoes made by Italian stucco makers according to the design of Bellotti (figs. 3–4); stalls were placed in the presbytery - the work of the workshop of brother Bartholomew Adrian (fig. 5). Probably in 1687 a portrait of Jan Zapolski was created (fig. 2), on which the abbot holds a card with a plan for a new church in Ląd. The author of the portrait is probably the Cistercian painter Łukasz Latkowski. This portrait became a model for other images: the coffin portrait of Zapolski (1689; fig. 8), his image in the Abbey Hall (Sala Opacka) of the monastery (1722; fig. 9); portrait of abbot Mikołaj A. Łukomski (1747; fig. 10).

Scholars have proposed Milan, Pisa and/or Bologna as possible locations for the copying of the inner gatherings (II–IV) of the manuscript Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, α.M.5.24 (Mod A) and have argued that some of the compositions might have originated in the circle of Archbishop of Milan Pietro Filargo. Yet evidence based on Mod A's repertory and the scant biographies of its composers is insufficient for determining the manuscript’s origin. To solve this problem, I look at Mod A as a cultural artifact, attributing its illumination to the Master of 1411, an illuminator active in Bologna from 1404 to 1411, or to his assistant, both associated with the manuscript workshop of the Olivetan abbey of San Michele in Bosco, on the outskirts of medieval Bologna. The Master of 1411 might have been Giacomo da Padova, an illuminator documented there between 1407 and 1409. Iconographical analysis shows that the illuminator of Mod A possessed considerable knowledge of Paduan culture before the fall of the ruling Carrara family in 1405. This knowledge is apparent in his use of an astrological allusion to Carrara heraldry in his decoration of the song Inperial sedendo. His illumination of a Gloria by Egardus with the figure of Saint Anthony of Padua implies a familiarity with Padua's musical institutions. Mod A may have been illuminated when the papal entourage of John XXIII visited San Michele in Bosco in the fall of 1410, although further compositions were added after the illuminator had finished his work. This conclusion invites scholars to consider afresh the social context that might have fostered the compilation of the repertory in the inner gatherings of Mod A.

The Museum of Applied Arts (Iparművészeti Múzeum) at Budapest houses an embroidered Gothic antependium which belonged to the church of St Chrysogonus, which was the seat of the Benedictine Abbey at Zadar. At an unspecified time, the antependium became part of the collection of Zsigmund Bubics, an art historian, collector and the bishop of Košice in present-day Slovakia from 1887 to 1906, and was donated to the Museum of Applied Arts in 1909. It measures 94 by 190 cm. The majority of the antependium’s surface is filled with the figures of saints set beneath three pointed, Gothic arches. The central field is occupied by the enthroned Virgin with the Christ Child, in the left field is St Chrysogonus and in the right St Benedict. In the upper section of the antependium one can see the busts of two saints who might be identified as St Gregory the Pope and St Donatus. Along the lateral edges of this triptych-like antependium are vertical borders, at the centres of which are niches with two small standing female saints who wear crowns (St Scholastica and St Anastasia). To the left of the Virgin’s throne is the figure of a donor depicted kneeling with his hands clasped in prayer, which has unfortunately not been provided with an inscription. It is clear, however, that he is wearing the Benedictine habit with a somewhat over-emphasized hood falling down his back. The Benedictine donor might be identified as one of the abbots of the monastery of St Chrysogonus. It is suggested in the article that this may have been John de Ontiaco (Joannes de Onciache) from the bishopric of Lyon, who was the abbot of the monastery of St Chrysogonus from 1345 to 1377. The author argues that the antependium was produced in a weaving workshop in Venice during the late 1360s or early 1370s, on the basis of comparisons with similar contemporary painted and embroidered artworks. Based on the iconographic programme which was depicted on the antependium, but also on the information found in archival records, the author proposes that the antependium was made for the altar of St Chrysogonus which stood in the north apse of the abbey church. Although it has not been established when the antependium left Zadar, based on the similarities between the crimson satin fabric, which replaced the original surface on which the embroidery was applied, on the antependium from the Church of St Mary at Zadar, and the antependium from the Church of St Chrysogonus, it is stated that both interventions were made in the Benedictine Convent of St Mary at Zadar during a short period of time in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This is also understood as evidence that at that time the antependium from the Church of St Chrysogonus was still being carefully kept at Zadar.

AbstractThe Egmond Gospels, a much cherished manuscript in the Netherlands, have provoked a wealth of publications, descriptions, commentaries, catalogue entries etc. Most noted are the two dedication miniatures representing count Thierry of Holland (d. 988) and his wife Hildegard, offering the Evangeliary to the abbey of Egmond. The MS is now in the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, cod. 76 F I. In the present article an attempt has been made to describe the colour programme of these two miniatures more accurately with the help of a stereomicroscope and the Munsell Color Atlas. Some suggestions have been made about the pigments which were probably used. A new date for the miniatures has been proposed, taking into consideration their historical context and their iconography. The most likely period is from 974 to 980. In this period double portraits are being introduced in the West, in the Ottonian world. An incentive for this new style was undoubtedly the arrival of the Byzantine princess Theophano who married Otto II in 972. In the Byzantine world imperial double portraits were very common. After the death of her father-in-law Otto I, in 973 and the official recognition of her co-rulership in 974, her role became more prominent, and may have stimulated the making of Western double portraits, if not as propaganda then at least to imitate Byzantine court life. Egbert, son of Thierry II and Hildegard, became chancellor of the Reich in 976 and archbishop of Trier in 977. He played an important role in Ottonian art as a patron and promoter, in which Byzantine influence is clearly discernible. Iconographical elements in the Egmond Gospels, such as the proskynesis, the disproportion between donors and 'authorities', the symmetry, the double portrait etc. betray influence from Byzantine iconography. Byzantine influence, indirectly via the Ottonians, was thus an active force in the execution of these miniatures, wherein Egbert is likely to have played an active role, even if the artist and the workshop are unknown.

AbstractSix tapestries depict the resistance of Zeeland's Sea Beggars to the Spaniards during the Eighty Years' War. Between 1572 and 1576 the fight for freedom was waged in the Scheldt delta. In 1591 the Estates of Zeeland ordered the first tapestry, a representation of the battle of Bergen op Zoom, from Francois Spierinx, a weaver in Delft. When it arrived in 1595, the Estates decided to have a series of tapestries made for the Prinsenlogement, or royal apartments, in Middelburg Abbey. The five tapestries were woven in the De Maecht workshop in less than ten years. Four of them, representing naval engagements, were designed by Hendrick Cornelisz. Vroom: The Battle of Rammekens, The Battle of Lillo, The Battle of Zierikzee and The Battle of Den Haak. The fifth, the Arms Tapestry, was woven after a design by Carel van Mander. Lord Charles Howard of Effingham, Earl of Nottingham (1536-1624) ordered from Spierinx a series of ten tapestries depicting the English victory over the Spanish Armada. These tapestries, which had hung in the House of Lords since 1650, were destroyed in a fire at the Houses of Parliament in 1834. Vroom based his designs for the Armada tapestries on maps by Robert Adams, engraved by Augustine Ryther. Compared with the Armada series, the composition of the Zeeland tapestries is fluent and vigorous. Vroom had actually visited Zeeland and spoken with eye-witnesses such as Joos dc Moor. The silhouettes of the towns are rendered in detail. Lord Thomas Howard ordered The Last Fight of the Revenge, dated 1598, from the De Maecht workshop in Middelburg. This fairly unknown tapestry, in a private collection since 1934, was on show at the Armada exhibition in the National Maritime Museum at Greenwich in 1988. It was erroneously presumed to have been woven by Spierinx in Brussels. Spierinx, however, came from Antwerp, and moved to Delft in 1591. In view of the dating and an art-historical comparison, an attribution to the Dc Maccht workshop is more likely. Hendrick Vroom designed The Revenge. It bears a marked resemblance to the Zierikzee and Den Haak tapestries in the Zeeland series; the border, too, is similar. Wool, silk, gold and silver thread were used. The latter were costly materials and rarely used in North Netherlandish tapestry production. The tapestry may have been ordered to commemorate Sir Richard Grenville's valiant action. On August 31 1591 Admiral Howard led his fleet to the Azores, off Pico island. His intention was to intercept a Spanish treasure fleet on its return voyage from the West. However, the English were taken by surprise by Armada ships. Howard ordered the retreat, but Grenville, vice-admiral and commander of the Revenge, ignored these orders. He engaged in battle with the attackers, was wounded and died on the Spanish flagship. The composition, a bird's-eye view, of the Revenge tapestry, bears a strong resemblance to the Zierikzee (1599-1603) and Den Haak (1600-1602) tapestries, both of which were woven under the supervision of Hendrick de Maecht, Jan de Maecht's successor. The borders of the tapestries woven in Middelburg echo Spierinx's Bergen op Zoom. The colours in the Bergen op Zoom tapestry are bright and soft, the figures are plastic and the surround merges harmoniously with the representation. Unfortunately this cannot be said of the Zeeland borders. Various alterations in the border of the Revenge mar the harmony and symmetry. The word 'Anno' and the year in the top corners are in the wrong order. In view of the woven rendering of the composition, the use of dark colours and the rather clumsy borders, The Last Fight of The Revenge is more likely to have come from Hendrick de Maecht's studio than from Jan de Maecht's. The latter's products are distinguished by the use of lighter colours and more accurate weaving, as is particularly evident in De Battle of Rammekens and to a lesser extent in The Battle of Lillo.

Michael Lucas Leopold Willmann (1630–1706) was born in Königsberg (now Kalinin grad in Russia), where his first teacher was Christian Peter, a well -off guild painter. After years of journeys of apprenticeship and learning in the Netherlands, the young artist returned to his homeland, after Matthias Czwiczek’s death in 1654 probably hoping for the position of the painter at the court of Great Elector Frederick William (1620–1688).What served to draw the ruler’s attention to himself was probably the lost painting, described by Johann Joachim von Sandrart as follows: ‘the Vulcan with his cyclops makes armour for Mars and a shield and a spear for Minerva’. The failure of these efforts led the future ‘Apelles’ to emigrate to Silesia, where he created a family painting workshop in Lubiąż (Leubus), and following the conversion from Calvinism to Catholicism, he became a Cistercian painter, creating famous works of art in religious or secular centres of Crown Bohemia. What connects him to Prussia is another painting of great importance in his career, the little -known ‘Apotheosis of the Great Elector as a Guardian of Arts’ from 1682. The successor to Great Elector Frederick III (1657–1713) was crowned in 1701 as the ‘king of Prussia’. The ceremony required an appropriate artistic setting, which prompted many artists to flock to Königsberg, including a Dutchman from Leiden, the painter Justus Bentum, a pupil of Gottfred Schalken, who reached the capital of the new kingdom together with his son Philip Christian. After studying from his father, Philip Christian Bentum (ok. 1690 – po 1757) followed in the footsteps of the famous Willmann, and went on a journey, from which he never returned to Prussia. He went first to imperial Prague, where he collaborated with Peter Brandl and converted to Catholicism, following which he travelled to Silesia. After 1731, he took part in the artistic projects of Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz–Neuburg of Wrocław (Breslau) and Abbot Constantin Beyer, who completed the project begun by Freiberger and Willmann: the extension and decoration of the Cistercian Abbey in Lubiąż. It was there that he made the largest in Europe canvas -painted oil plafond of the Prince’s Hall and completed his opus magnum: covering all the library walls and vaults with painting. Those pro -Habsburg works were finished two years before the death of Emperor Charles VI (1685–1740) and the military invasion of Silesia by Frederick II Hohenzollern (1712–1786), great - -grandson of the Great Elector. The fate of the artists mentioned in the title was intertwined with Königsberg and Lubiąż. Both converts set off for the professional maturity from the Prussian capital via Prague to Silesia. They can be compared by the Dutch sources of their art and a compilation method of creating images using print ‘prototypes’. Their inner discrepancy can be seen in the choice of these patterns, as they followed both the Catholic Rubens and the Protestant Rembrandt Van Rijn. They were connected with the provinces playing a key role in Central -European politics: here the Hohenzollerns competed for power in Central Europe with the Habsburgs. They were witnessesto the game for winning Silesia, and even took part in it by creating propagandistic art. Both of them worked for Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz–Neuburg (1664–1732), associated with the Emperor, a kind of the capo di tutti capi of the Counter -Reformation in Silesia. Bentum eagerly imitated selected compositions of his predecessor and master from Lubiąż, and I think he even tried to surpass him in scale and precision. The artistic competition with Willman is visible in the paintings of the library in Lubiąż. There, he presented an Allegory of Painting, which shows the image of Willmann carried by an angel, while the inscription praising the qualities of his character calls him ‘Apelles’. The work of both painters, who took their first steps in the profession as Protestants in Königsberg, but became famous through their work for Catholics, provides an interesting material for the analysis of the general topic of artistic careers on the periphery of Europe, the relationship between the centres and the periphery, as well as for two stages of re -Catholisation in Silesia treated as an instrument of power. It was usually pointed out how much separates the two painters, but no one has ever tried to show what unites them. The comparison of the sources, motifs, and outstanding achievements of both of them, especially in Lubiąż, gives a more complete picture of their activity deeply immersed in the politics of their times. This picture is not as unambiguous as it has been so far, highlighting the political and propaganda aspects of their career spreading out between the coastal Protestant north and the Catholic south. The drama of their lives took place in Silesia, where the multiple dividing lines of Europe intersected. The idea of narrating the parallel fates of two artists with great Politics in the background (as in he case of Plutarch’s ‘Parallel Lives’) came to my mind years ago when I curated the Exhibition ‘Willmann – Drawings. A Baroque Artist’s Workshop’ (2001, National Museum in Wrocław, in cooperation with Salzburg and Stuttgart). The present paper was to be included in the volume accompanying that project initiated by Andrzej Kozieł (Willmann and Others. Painting, Drawing and Graphic Arts in Silesia and Neighbouring Countries in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. A. Kozieł, B. Lejman, Wrocław 2002), but I withdrew from its publication. I am hereby publishing it, thanking Małgorzata Omilanowska for her presence at the opening of this first great exhibition of mine in 2001, as well for the excellent cooperation with my Austrian, Czech, German, and Polish colleagues. This text, referring to the topic of our discussions at the time – as on the event of the above -mentioned exhibition I spoke at a press conference in Stuttgart’s Staatsgalerie, where the curator of the German exhibition was Hans Martin Kaulbach, exactly two days after the attack on WTC.

Abstract Background Management of patients (pts) with primary central nervous system lymphoma (PCNSL) and those with secondary CNS involvement by diffuse large B cell lymphoma (DLBCL) present a therapeutic challenge. There is no clear standard of care but traditionally initial treatment of PCNSL involves induction with intravenous high-dose methotrexate (HD-MTX) followed by consolidation including whole brain radiation therapy (WBRT), cytarabine, or autologous stem cell transplant. This approach has been associated with significant toxicities, especially the risk of cognitive dysfunction with WBRT. Treatment of secondary CNS involvement by DLBCL may depend on the extent of concomitant systemic disease, but HD-MTX is often the backbone of therapy. We report results of our institutional approach in pts with PCNSL and secondary involvement of the CNS by DLBCL using a prolonged course of rituximab, temozolamide, and HD-MTX (RTM) without consolidation. Methods We conducted a retrospective cohort study describing outcomes of pts with PCNSL or secondary CNS DLBCL who were treated on the RTM protocol. Eligible pts are treated with rituximab 375 mg/m2 on day 1 in combination with HD-MTX 8 g/m2 (days 1 and 15) and temozolamide 150 mg/m2 (days 1-5) in 28-day cycles. HD-MTX is administered with leucovorin rescue and adjusted for creatinine clearance. Initial response assessment is usually after 2 cycles with brain MRI. Once a complete response (CR) has been achieved, the day 15 HD-MTX is omitted from future cycles. Pts typically complete a total of 6-12 cycles, at the discretion of the clinician, without further planned consolidation. Descriptive and survival analyses using the Kaplan-Meier methodology were performed (STATA 13). The primary endpoints, overall survival (OS) and progression free survival (PFS) were estimated from the date of the first treatment with RTM to death, progression, or date of last follow-up. A log-rank test was utilized to compare OS/PFS between pts with PCNSL versus secondary CNS DLBCL. A Cox proportional hazard analysis was performed to evaluate the effect of patient level variables on OS. Clinical response was evaluated using International Workshop on Response Criteria for PCNSL (Abrey, J Clin Oncol 2005). Results We identified 46 pts who received RTM at our institution between 2009 and 2014. Twenty-seven (59%) pts had PCNSL and 19 (41%) pts had secondary CNS DLBCL. The median age at diagnosis was 61 years (range 21-85) with 50% males. Treatment was well tolerated. Two (4%) pts discontinued treatment prematurely and 7 (15%) pts required a dose reduction in HD-MTX due to toxicity. Toxicities included transaminitis, acute renal failure, infection, fatigue, and cytopenias. In pts with PCNSL, all received RTM as their initial treatment. Best response to therapy in this group was as follows: 19 (70%) had a CR, 3 (11%) had PR, 3 (11%) had SD and 2 (7%) had PD. The overall response rate was 81%. All patients with secondary CNS DLBCL had received prior systemic therapy with rituximab, cyclophosphamide, doxorubicin, vincristine and prednisone. Best CNS response to therapy in this group was as follows: 7 (37%) had CR, 2 (11%) had PR, 1 (5%) had SD, and 9 (47%) had PD. The overall response rate was 47%. For the entire cohort, the median OS was 41 months (m) and median PFS was 8 m. Compared with secondary CNS DLBCL, patients with PCNSL had a significantly longer median OS (54 m vs. 5 m; p<0.01) (Figure 1). PFS was also significantly longer for pts with primary versus secondary CNS DLBCL (22 m vs. 2 m; p=0.02) (Figure 2). Univariate cox analysis demonstrated that sex and age did not impact OS but pts who were in a CR or PR at initial response assessment compared to SD or PD had a hazard ratio for OS of 0.12 (95% CI: 0.05 to 0.29, P<0.01). Conclusions In our cohort, pts with PCNSL had excellent outcomes using a prolonged course of the RTM regimen without the toxicities of consolidation with radiation or high dose chemotherapy. These outcomes did not translate to pts with secondary CNS DLBCL, which may be consistent with the different biology and aggressive nature of this subgroup in addition to the prior therapies received. Early response assessment is vital to assess prognosis pts as those who respond within 2 cycles of therapy have an improved OS. This data suggests that RTM without further consolidation is an acceptable alternative regimen for PCNSL. Future prospective studies are needed to validate our findings. Figure 1. Figure 1. Figure 2. Figure 2. Disclosures Ganetsky: Onyx: Speakers Bureau. Dwivedy Nasta:Millenium: Research Funding; BMS: Research Funding. Mato:Genentech: Consultancy; Pharmacyclics: Consultancy, Research Funding; Pronai Pharmaceuticals: Research Funding; Celgene Corporation: Consultancy, Research Funding; Gilead: Consultancy, Research Funding; TG Therapeutics: Research Funding; AbbVie: Consultancy, Research Funding; Janssen: Consultancy. Schuster:Gilead: Research Funding; Janssen: Research Funding; Hoffman-LaRoche: Research Funding; Celgene: Consultancy, Research Funding; Pharmacyclics: Consultancy, Research Funding; Genentech: Consultancy; Nordic Nanovector: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Novartis: Research Funding. Svoboda:Celgene: Research Funding; Seattle Genetics: Research Funding; Immunomedics: Research Funding; Celldex: Research Funding.

Within the Romanesque abbey church at St Albans (Hertfordshire), the vestiges of an earlier structure have been identified for the first time. A hitherto unrecorded feature in the transept, noted by the author in 2017, indicates that, at some stage, the nave lacked its existing arcade piers and instead had solid walls. The implications of this are considerable, calling for a thorough reassessment of the building’s history. For now, it is important to record the primary evidence, so as to make it available for further research. This article aims to provide a concise account of the evidence and a summary of what it might mean. According to the thirteenth-century chronicler, Matthew Paris, the existing church was begun in 1077 and completed in 1088. New evidence indicates, however, that the Romanesque building, with its aisled nave and presbytery, was preceded by a cruciform structure without aisles. The inference is that the existing building contains the fabric of this unaisled predecessor. The obvious conclusion – that it therefore represents the lost Anglo-Saxon abbey church – does not follow without question; as yet, excavation has yielded no conclusive evidence of an earlier church on the site. The critical diagnostic feature presented here for the first time adds substance to the view that the remodelling of unaisled buildings was not uncommon in the post-Conquest period, including large as well as minor churches, as identified long ago at York Minster and, more recently, at Worksop Priory.