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Journal articles on the topic 'World Peace Congress'
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1
Eisler, Riane. "Contracting or Expanding Consciousness: Foundations for Partnership and Peace." Interdisciplinary Journal of Partnership Studies 5, no. 3 (December 11, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24926/ijps.v5i3.1600.
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The Congreso Futuro (Futures Congress), sponsored by the President of Chile, was established in 2011 “as a bridge that connects ideas, people and views that change the world with our society.” The 2018 Futures Congress included 40 panels featuring 130 presenters. Riane Eisler gave two plenary speeches, both featuring a Consciousness focus. In the Master’s Closing of Congress Speech delivered on January 20, 2018 at the Salón Honor – Congreso Nacional (Honor Hall of the former National Congress) in Santiago, she summarized the partnership/domination paradigm as a model for understanding our history and our current societies. She concluded by describing four societal cornerstones (family relations, gender relations, economics, and language and narrative) that support domination or partnership systems.
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Ullrich, Weston. "Preventing ‘peace’: The British Government and the Second World Peace Congress." Cold War History 11, no. 3 (October 27, 2010): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682741003686123.
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Aznar Soler, Manuel. "Cultural Cold War and 1939 Republican Exile: the World Congress of Intellectuals in Defense of Peace (Wroclaw, 1948)." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.009.
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The cultural battle between the USA and the Soviet Union belongs to the chapters of the Cold War held by the two superpowers in the aftermath of World War II. This article studies how the intellectuals of the 1939 Republican exile took part in the Soviet Union-fostered World Peace International Committee of Intellectuals in Defense of Peace Council, which started with the participation of a delegation of Republican intellectuals in the World Congress of Intellectuals for Peace, held in Wroclaw (Poland) on August 25-28, 1948.
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Joya Valbuena, Daniela. "Women’s Peace Movements and Pioneers of Social Work at the Dawn of World War I." Trabajo Social, no. 19 (January 1, 2017): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/ts.v0n19.67475.
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Reseña del capítulo “Women’s Peace Movements and Pioneers of Social Work at the Dawn of World War I” de Gaby Franger en Peacebuilding-Gender-Social Work: International Human rights Dialogue: Celebrating the 100th Anniversary of the Women’s Peace Congress. Gaby Franger y Claudia Lohrenscheit (Editoras). Oldenburg: Paulo Freire Verlag. 2015, 31-48 pp.
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Handelman, Sapir, and Frederic S. Pearson. "Peacemaking in Intractable Conflict: A Contractualist Approach." International Negotiation 19, no. 1 (March 13, 2014): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341268.
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AbstractThis article presents a contractualist approach to peace and conflict studies that grows out of classical paradigms in the field. The contractualist approach proposes a solution to intractable conflicts through processes such as a public negotiating congress to transform conflicting parties into a large peacemaking community. The vision of an ideal congress is based on the multi-party talks that had operated in South Africa and Northern Ireland during the 1990s. The challenge is to establish a similar peacemaking institution in cases such as the Israeli-Palestinian dispute where ordinary citizens are at the center of the struggle. This article includes theoretical background, analysis of relevant case studies, and lessons from the Minds of Peace Experiment, a small-scale Israeli-Palestinian public negotiating congress that has held sessions in various locations around the world.
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Deery, Phillip. "The Dove Flies East: Whitehall, Warsaw and the 1950 World Peace Congress." Australian Journal of Politics & History 48, no. 4 (December 2002): 449–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00270.
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Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "WORLD WAR I AND THE PARADOX OF WILSONIANISM." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000548.
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One hundred years ago, on April 6, 1917, President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into the First World War. Four days earlier, in his war message to Congress, he gave his rationale for declaring war against Imperial Germany and for creating a new world order. He now viewed German submarine attacks against neutral as well as belligerent shipping as a threat to the whole world, not just the United States. “The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind,” he claimed. “It is a war against all nations.” He now believed that Germany had violated the moral standards that “citizens of civilized states” should uphold. The president explained: “We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.” He focused on protecting democracy against the German regime of Kaiser Wilhelm II. “A steadfast concert for peace,” he said, “can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.” Wilson called on Congress to vote for war not just because Imperial Germany had sunk three American ships, but for the larger purpose of a new world order. He affirmed: “We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundation of political liberty.”
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Ramsay, Rosalind. "Banished to a Greek island." Psychiatric Bulletin 14, no. 3 (March 1990): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.14.3.134.
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In October, public attention focused on psychiatrists gathering for the Eighth World Congress in Athens. Was psychiatry still being abused for political purposes in the Soviet Union (Bloch, 1990)? And were mental patients elsewhere being mistreated? At the Stadium of Peace and Friendship overlooking the Aegean Sea, delegates had the chance to meet and talk about these important issues concerning human rights and human dignity.
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Piachaud, Jack. "'Peace through Health': 16Th World Congress of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War." Medicine, Conflict and Survival 21, no. 1 (January 2005): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1362369042000315087.
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Mo, Ai. "Xu Beihong and the New China: thoughts centered on the paintingAt the World Peace Congress." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 435–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2016.1219536.
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NAZARYAN, GEVORG. "THE INQUIRY’S QUEST TO SOLVE THE ARMENIAN QUESTION: 1917-1919." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 16, no. 1 (February 20, 2018): 212–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v16i1.340.
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At the end of 1917 an official U.S. government body, known as The Inquiry, was created in order to prepare documents for the peace negotiations that were to follow World War I. The Inquiry was composed of around 150 academics and was directed by the presidential adviser Edward House. The suggestions made by the research body were incorporated into President Woodrow Wilson’s famous “Fourteen Points” which he delivered in the U.S. Congress on January 8th, 1918, defining the war aims of the United States during World War I and suggesting possible peace terms that would to follow the Great War. Point 12 of the “Fourteen Points” proclaimed that non-Turkish nations (which included Armenia) of the Ottoman Empire, should be given an opportunity for “autonomous development,” and accordingly The Inquiry was also tasked with defining the boundary of the future State of Armenia. In 1918 a number of reports were prepared by the research group which proposed the territory for the State of Armenia which extended from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, covering mostly Armenian Highland and the coastal areas of the above noted seas. Members of The Inquiry also suggested a union of the above noted territory with Eastern Armenia, a scheme that was officially presented in 1919 during the Paris Peace Conference by the American delegation.
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Shomer, Robert R. "The International Veterinary Academy on Disaster Medicine." Journal of the World Association for Emergency and Disaster Medicine 3, no. 2 (1987): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00029083.
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The International Veterinary Academy on Disaster Medicine had its genesis in Perth, Australia, when at the World Veterinary Congress in August 1983, Dr. Ole Stalheim extended an invitation to attend a meeting of a group under the label “World Veterinarians Against Nuclear War”. It had an auspicious beginning—we attracted some attention in the media, more indeed, than we had received during our early attempts at formation in the United States. It became apparent, however, that we were in effect replicating activities of other well-established and more financially secure groups—Physicians for Social Responsibility, the Society Against Nuclear Energy (SANE), etc. We needed greater participation to cope with “peace time” problems already confronting us as well, and it was evident that a larger veterinary audience would be reached and our services to the community enhanced if we broadened the commitment.
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Zaitsev, Aleksandr V. "GEORGI PIRINSKI SR. AND THE AMERICAN SLAV CONGRESS." History and Archives, no. 4 (2020): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2020-4-26-35.
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Georgi Pirinski Jr. is a prominent Bulgarian politician. He was Minister of Foreign Affairs and Chairman of the National Assembly. This article regards his father, Georgi Pirinski Sr., who was the Executive Secretary of the American Slav Congress (1944–1951) and Chairman of the Bulgarian Committee for Peace (1969–1972). An émigré from Bulgaria, he took a pseudonym in memory of his native land – the Pirin Macedonia. Rather soon, Pirinski became a prominent trade union leader. His influence on the situation in the world was the greatest, when he was actually the leader of the largest all-Slavic organization in America – the American Slav Congress (the ASC). As an executive secretary of the ASC, Pirinski Sr. determined the American and foreign policy of the organization; in particular, he spoke on behalf of the ASC from the rostrum of the US Congress. Being an illegal member of the Communist Party of the USA, he pursued a pro-Soviet policy inside the ASC which contributed to the schism and abolishment of the ASC; he himself after several arrests had to return to Bulgaria. At the end of his life he felt regret for his fanaticism. Looking at the career of his son, one would say that Georgi Pirinski Jr. learnt from his father’s mistakes and became so successful as a politician that he had to be stopped by semi-legal means.
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Pham, Vinh Phuc. "Process of normalizing the relation with China under the reform of foreign policy of The Communist Party of Vietnam (1986-1991)." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i1.553.
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At the 6th National Congress (from Dec. 5, 1986 to Dec. 18, 1986), the Communist Party of Vietnam pointed out a new policy of fundamental renovation for the whole country, among which foreign diplomacy was one issue. Particularly for China, the Communist Party of Vietnam aimed to accelerate the normalization process of Vietnam-China relationships. To successfully carry out the policy, Vietnamese Communist Party had been taking actions proposing negotiations to normalize relationships and to ease tensions between the two countries since 1986; however, China then did not want to. Until 1989, the world faced many changes. As a result, tense relationships between Vietnam and China were no longer suitable with the trends of peace and cooperation in international and regional relationships. China then continued peace talks with Vietnam, and in November 1991, the two countries set up normal relationships with each other.
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Aslanidis, Koula. "World congress of women forward 2000 without nuclear weapons! For peace, equality, development. Moscow 23–27 June." Australian Feminist Studies 2, no. 5 (December 1987): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.1987.9961574.
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Isard, Walter, and Keith Duncan. "A Thousand and One Ph.D. Dissertation Topics: The Summary of The 1988 Third World Peace Science Congress." Conflict Management and Peace Science 10, no. 2 (February 1989): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073889428901000204.
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shih, chih-yu. "breeding a reluctant dragon: can china rise into partnership and away from antagonism?" Review of International Studies 31, no. 4 (October 2005): 755–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006741.
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the rise of china became a popular subject in china comparatively recently, gaining prominence only in the last decade. for those in china who were used to understanding modern chinese history as a history of victimisation at the hands of imperialism, recognising such a return to the world stage was an uneasy shift. in the context of international concerns that china’s rise poses a threat to world peace or a contribution to the clash of civilisations, chinese narrators initially refused to portray a ‘rising china’ because this could easily lead to china becoming the target of a us-organised containment policy in the post-cold war era. shortly before the chinese communist party (ccp) outlined new policy directions at its fifteenth congress in 1997, leaders in beijing began to think about a way of describing china’s rise as unthreatening. yet this was a reluctant change because beijing was willing to acknowledge china’s rise only indirectly. what came out of the congress was the recognition of the necessity that beijing should frame its foreign policy to emphasise its relations with the other great powers more than those with the third world. accordingly, they decided that beijing should develop a distinctive strategy specifically to deal with the other great powers.
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Xiaochun, Zhao. "In Pursuit of a Community of Shared Future: China’s Global Activism in Perspective." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, no. 01 (January 2018): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500082.
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There has been an increasingly heated debate over the origins and prospects of China’s global activism since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held in late 2012. Some in the West view China’s proactive diplomatic posture as evidence of a rising power’s geostrategic ambition to become the next world hegemon. This article traces the intellectual pedigree and policy relevance of the concept of a “community of shared future for mankind” highlighted in President Xi Jinping’s work report to the 19th CPC National Congress in October 2017. Based on a sober assessment of global trends, and drawing inspiration from traditional Chinese wisdom and the Western civilization, this concept represents China’s vision of a more just, secure, and prosperous world in which China sees itself as an earnest builder of world peace, an important contributor to global development, and a staunch defender of international order. Concurrently, it also marks a transition of Chinese strategic posture from a “hide-and-bide” one to a global activist one. Under this vision, China’s diplomacy has taken on a new look over the past few years. Looking into the future, China is expected to play a more active role in leading international efforts to enhance global governance and exploring new models of cooperation for world development, while attempting to shoulder greater responsibilities as a major emerging power.
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Tsivatyi, V. "Diplomatic Receptions and Dilemmas of the New Diplomacy during the Thirty Years War (1618-1648): the Institutional Discourse." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-4.
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The article analyzes the events and consequences of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) for new European diplomacy and political and institutional development of Europe. Attention is focused on thediplomatic tools, national specifics and features of the negotiation process of European states during and as a result of the Thirty Years War. The outcome of the Westphalian Congress was an importantstimulus for further European socio-economic, security, political and diplomatic development. The practical achievements of the Westphalian Congress and the experience acquired by Europeandiplomacy in the first half of the 17th century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, which has not lost its relevance so far. The article describes theevents of the Thirty Years War of 1618-1648, the struggle for national sovereignty and the formation of national states, the signing of a peace treaty, the formation of a new permanent diplomacy and a system of international relations.
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Irwin, Julia F. "Teaching “Americanism with a World Perspective”: The Junior Red Cross in the U.S. Schools from 1917 to the 1920s." History of Education Quarterly 53, no. 3 (August 2013): 255–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12022.
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The involvement of the United States in World War I, from April 1917 to November 1918, marked a high point in the history of American internationalist thought and engagement. During those nineteen months, President Woodrow Wilson and his administration called on Americans to aid European civilians and to support Wilson's plans for a peacetime League of Nations, defining both as civic obligations; many responded positively. The postwar years, however, saw a significant popular backlash against such cosmopolitan expectations. In 1920, Congress failed to ratify the Treaty of Versailles and rejected U.S. participation in the League. A growing chorus for 100% Americanism and immigration restriction, meanwhile, offered evidence of a U.S. public that was becoming more insular, more withdrawn from the world. Yet such trends were never universal. As scholars have begun to acknowledge, many Americans remained outward looking in their worldviews throughout the period, seeing engagement with and compassion for the international community as vital to ensuring world peace.
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Soutou, Georges-Henri. "Was there a European Order in the Twentieth Century? From the Concert of Europe to the End of the Cold War." Contemporary European History 9, no. 3 (November 2000): 329–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003027.
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This study attempts to explain how in the twentieth century the concept of a European order which had evolved from the European balance of the nineteenth century, but with an added democratic dimension after 1919 and 1945, played a role in international relations, despite the two world wars which almost put an end to it; how it helped to sustain the concept of a minimum of European solidarity, despite numerous national and ideological conflicts; and how, at the start of a new century, this concept may again be significant for a continent that has not had a similar opportunity to establish a lasting peace since the Congress of Vienna. The concept of a European order may in particular serve as a way of accommodating Russia, which has no real prospect of becoming a member of the European Union.
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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Langhorne, Richard. "Reflections on the significance of the Congress of Vienna." Review of International Studies 12, no. 4 (October 1986): 313–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113877.
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The Final Act of Congress of Vienna was signed on June 9, 1815. More accurately, because of Napoleon's escape and the consequent battle of Waterloo, the Vienna settlement was completed with the signature of the second Treaty of Paris on November 20s 1815. There is thus no doubt that last year marks the 170th anniversary of the settlement. There is equally no doubt that in many ways 1815 has come to seem very remote. There are no great historical arguments in progress about it, nor does it seem to attract any great interest from the students of international relations, unless their attention is actually drawn to it. So it may be as well to remember that the Vienna settlement has generated much more substantial debate at other times. Very soon after its making, it began to be said that the settlement represented a failed attempt to control, at worst, or suppress, at best, the two doctrines that were to be the political foundation of the 19th century: liberalism and nationalism. By the end of the century this attitude had intensified. In any case, the immense social and political changes which were moulding the modern state structure were beginning to create a new kind of international environment in which the ‘unspoken’ as well as deliberate assumptions of 1815 were less relevant. Approved or not, in practical terms, the settlement remained as a basis for the conduct of international politics until 1914, and thus was the obvious point of departure for discussion about the new settlement which would have to be made when the First World War ended. It is not surprising therefore to find that part of the British preparation for the Paris Peace Conference, which were made by the Political Intelligence Department of the Foreign Office, was a study of the Congress of Vienna by C. K. Webster. It is a somewhat routine piece, and his treatment of the subject was much better based and wider ranging in his monumental study of British foreign policy under Lord Castlereagh. It contained, however, one conclusion which may have had an important effect on the way in which the 1919 settlement was arrived at. Webster said that it had been an error on the part of the allies to have permitted the French to be present at Vienna because of the successful attempt by Talleyrand to insert France into the discussions of the other great powers. It has of course been subsequently felt that one of the cardinal respects in which Vienna was more, sensible than Versailles was precisely in that the French were included and became in effect joint guarantors of the agreement. Whether anything fundamental would have been different had the same been done for the Weimar republic is open to question, but there can be no doubt that the circumstances at the time and afterwards would have been greatly easier had the agenda of post-war international politics not had to include the status of Germany as a first item.
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Andi, Azhari, and Ezi Fadilla. "MENYIKAPI PLURALISME AGAMA PERSPEKTIF AL-QUR’AN." ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/esensia.v17i1.1277.
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Nowadays, the discourses of religion pluralism is one of the frequently-discussed issue among muslim. This case appears along with the emergence of books, works, writings in the mass media, congress, seminars, discussions, and dialogue which are focusing on the religion pluralism. One of the factors causing the emergence of this discourse is a number of conflicts that happened among different religious adherents which was often began by an excessive truth claim. The discourse presented in this paper aims to create harmony life and peace among different religion adherents. Al-Qur’an both admits the existence of other religions and commands its followers to live in harmony as well as respect each other. Islam is “rahmah lil ’ālamīn”, but yet the reality that happens in muslim world is not in line with the ideality. So the question arises in our minds; where is Islam as rahmah lil ’ālamīn? the fact is there are still many muslim who can’t wisely face the plurality as it has been taught by the Qur’an. So how is the Qur’anic guidance to face the plurality? Based on this reason, this article would like to discuss on the Qur’anic guidance in facing the religion pluralism using descriptive-analysis method.
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Bunga, Dewi. "Legal Response to Cybercrime in Global and National Dimensions." PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 01 (April 2019): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a4.
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Cybercrime is a serious crime in the era of globalization. This crime employs sophisticated technology and anonymity. It is fast, crosses states’ borders, and has a wide impact. Cybercrime causes both material and immaterial losses. It even threatens world peace and security. The legal issue in this research is to discuss the international response to cybercrime, the substance of the Convention on Cybercrime, Budapest, 23.XI.2001, and Indonesia's position in the Convention on Cybercrime. The international response to cybercrime is done by holding international meetings at the United Nations Congress to discuss efforts to prevent cybercrime. Convention on Cybercrime, is the first provision for regulating cybercrime. The substance of the Convention on Cybercrime consists of material criminal law, procedural law, corporate responsibility, international cooperation and so on. Indonesia's position in the Indonesia Convention on Cybercrime is not to ratify the Convention on Cybercrime, but adopts the provisions of the Convention on Cybercrime on the Law Number 11 of 2008 on Information and Electronic Transactions and the Law Number 19 of 2016 on the Amendment of the Law Number 11 of 2008 on Information and Electronic Transactions. The criminal acts provided for in the Information and Electronic Transaction Law in Indonesia are wider than those stipulated in the Convention on Cybercrime.
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Bunga, Dewi. "Legal Response to Cybercrime in Global and National Dimensions." PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 01 (April 2019): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a4.
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Cybercrime is a serious crime in the era of globalization. This crime employs sophisticated technology and anonymity. It is fast, crosses states’ borders, and has a wide impact. Cybercrime causes both material and immaterial losses. It even threatens world peace and security. The legal issue in this research is to discuss the international response to cybercrime, the substance of the Convention on Cybercrime, Budapest, 23.XI.2001, and Indonesia's position in the Convention on Cybercrime. The international response to cybercrime is done by holding international meetings at the United Nations Congress to discuss efforts to prevent cybercrime. Convention on Cybercrime, is the first provision for regulating cybercrime. The substance of the Convention on Cybercrime consists of material criminal law, procedural law, corporate responsibility, international cooperation and so on. Indonesia's position in the Indonesia Convention on Cybercrime is not to ratify the Convention on Cybercrime, but adopts the provisions of the Convention on Cybercrime on the Law Number 11 of 2008 on Information and Electronic Transactions and the Law Number 19 of 2016 on the Amendment of the Law Number 11 of 2008 on Information and Electronic Transactions. The criminal acts provided for in the Information and Electronic Transaction Law in Indonesia are wider than those stipulated in the Convention on Cybercrime.
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Bednarz, Piotr. "Afera Grimma-Hoffmanna. Szwajcarski przypadek samowolnej misji parlamentarzysty w polityce zagranicznej." Przegląd Sejmowy 2(163) (2021): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2021.16.
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The years of the First World War were also a difficult period for Swiss society. Its political polarization came out particularly sharply in the face of the political crises that occurred at the time. One of the most serious was the so-called Grimm-Hoffmann affair of June 1917. The leader of the Swiss socialist milieu, one of the better-known parliamentarians, Robert Grimm, who went to Stockholm to attend the socialist congress and then to Petrograd, turned out to be a secret agent of the head of the Political Department of the Swiss government, Arthur Hoffmann. Robert Grimm’s mission was to probe the new Russian government about the possibility of a separate peace between Russia and Germany. This exposed unlawful action, undertaken without the agreement of the government, led to an international scandal, as the actions of R. Grimm and A. Hoffmann were contrary to Switzerland’s policy of neutrality. At the same time, there was an intensified press campaign in the country against A. Hoffmann, ending with his resignation. The arguments used by the public in their attacks on A. Hoffmann, clearly show that the Swiss society did not tolerate the actions of parliamentarians that went against the customs of a democratic state.
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Callahan, Kevin J. "The International Socialist Peace Movement on the Eve of World War I Revisited: The Campaign of "War against War!"and the Basle International Socialist Congress in 1912." Peace Change 29, no. 2 (April 2004): 147–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.2004.00287.x.
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Ahmad, Harem Hasan, Ribwar Khalid Mustafa, and Ibrahim Ali Salim. "The Eisenhawer Doctrine (1957): The Impact on Arabic Countries and The Soviet Union Attitude." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 4 (December 7, 2020): 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(4).paper13.
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Following the end of World War II, and emerging of a vacuum after the withdrawal of British and French forces from some of the Middle East countries in the region, creating fear in Western countries, particularly the United States, that the Eastern Bloc, in particular Russia, would seek to fill the vacuum and spread the idea of leftism and communism in the region. For this reason, the United States has made every effort to confront the idea of communism and establish a foothold in the region among its policies. To this end, then US President Harry Truman announced his country's new policy in the context of the Truman project on the Middle East in (1945). Following Harry Truman, when Eisenhower assumed power as the new US president in (1953), he put forward the new policy of his country named Eisenhower’s Dwight in Congress in order to confront Russian politics and infiltrate communist thought in the area. There were several items in his project that emphasized the cooperation of Middle Eastern countries, especially in the economic and military fields.
The Eisenhower’s Dwight has had a variety of reactions from countries in the region, especially Arab countries. Some have accepted it from the very beginning. Some also expressed opposition to the project. There were also countries that initially opposed the Eisenhower project, but after a period of time following US efforts and pressure, eventually endorsed the project and became a fan of the US. As a result of these political divisions in the region, several political and military alliances between the countries of the Middle East Were formed. The idea of Nasser and the idea of Arab nationalism come to life at this time. Although originally favored by the Eastern Bloc, especially Russia, it also partially weakened the notion of communism and was about to cause tension between proponents of these two ideas. This situation had nothing in fact to do other than destabilizing the political state and the occurrence of several coups in order to change the regime of some of Middle Eastern countries, besides the long sovereignty of some Arab rulers.Regarding the Soveit Union attitude towards the Eisenhower’s doctrine, it can be seen that,the Soveit Union ctitisized by the Soviet authorities from internal and external the SoveitUnbion.For instance the The Soveit Union attempted to gain extermal allies among the Middle Middle Eastren countries to convince them this doctrine is a part previous imperliams that supported by Westren countries.Finally,in the United Nation,The Soveit attempted to make a campaign to remove this doctrine as it mention a therat of world peace.
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Mencel, Marian. "China Against the Decision of the Versailles Treaty – May 4 Movement. The State of China's International Environment and Changes in the System of International Relations in the Far East Region." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XVII (May 1, 2021): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.9105.
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Decisions made after World War I at the Paris Peace Conference had serious political consequences on a global scale. In Europe, new state entities disintegrated and created, the balance of power of the main po-wers changed, with the United States of America taking the first posi-tion. A bipolar system of international relations developed gradually. It reached its final form after World War II. Under the influence of the idealistic vision of the world of American President, Woodrow Wilson, the League of Nations was created. It was a universal international organization the main task of which was to ensure the "territorial integrity and political independence” of its members and to supervise the implementation of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, regulating the global principles of international political and economic relations. They were expressed by W. Wilson in the so-called "14 points", announced in Congress on January 8, 1918. However, China was not among the beneficiaries of the "new world order" despite the fact that the Middle Kingdom participated in the war on the side of the Entente countries. The decisions made during the Paris conference were against China's raison d'état. For this reason, the country was still an economic base for strengthening its position as superpowers, especially Japan, which had been granted the rights to German concessions in China. The public protest resulted in the revolutionary May 4 Movement, which spread from Beijing to all major cities of the Republic of China, revealing the new face of Chinese society. The 100-year anniversary of these events gives rise to considerations aimed at determining the proper causes of the outbreak of the May 4 Movement and its impact on shaping internal social relations and changes occurring in the social and political space in China. The consi-derations presented in this lecture focused mainly on a synthetic appro-ach to the issue of changes occurring in the international environment, especially the policy of the powers towards China and phenomena obse-rved in Chinese society, resulting in the May 4 Movement. The material, published in subsequent volumes of "Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywi-stość", is presented in four parts, due to the need to analyse a wide range of factors influencing the shaping of the social movement in China. In the first part, an attempt was made to indicate the conditions of the state of China's international environment and changes in the system of international relations in the Far East region in the period preceding the outbreak of World War I until its end. The changes observed in the Chinese political and economic system under the pressure of external factors and reactionary internal phenomena will be presented in the following part of the lecture. The third part will focus on the analysis of the phenomena occurring in Chinese society, especially in the context of the creation of civil society and the rejection of the Confucian tradition under the influence of liberal, socialist ideology and communism, of which the May 4 Movement was a consequence. The conclusion will involve an attempt to show the influence of the May 4 Movement on the socio-political phenomena seen during the rule of the Communist Party of China.
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Nicholls, David. "Richard Cobden and the International Peace Congress Movement, 1848–1853." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1991): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385989.
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Between 1848 and 1853 a series of major peace congresses was held—in Brussels (1848), Paris (1849), Frankfurt (1850), London (1851), Manchester (1853), and Edinburgh (1853). This midcentury period was one of great confidence and optimism in the likely success of the cause. Indeed, reading the reports of the congresses today, one is struck by the at times naive overoptimism of many delegates. This may in part have been the product of the millenarian atmosphere of the period. However, it has to be said that the congresses were also characterized by a strong sense of the practicality of their proposals and the steady progress toward their goal that implementation of such proposals would achieve. Above all, the efflorescence of the peace movement in the short six years around the midcentury was the product of a class confidence, of a momentary triumphalism that inspired a section of the bourgeoisie to believe that the scourge of war could be eradicated at last.The nineteenth-century peace movement effectively began with the establishment toward the end of the Napoleonic Wars, independently and virtually simultaneously, of peace societies in the United States and Britain. They were dominated by men of religion, particularly Quakers, and for a quarter of a century their work was essentially that of proselytizing the peace cause through publicity, petitions, and lecture tours. In connection with the last, the London Peace Society sent emissaries on tours of continental Europe in the early 1840s to spread the peace message.
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Aaslestad, Katherine B. "Serious Work for a New Europe: The Congress of Vienna after Two Hundred Years." Central European History 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000357.
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Given the current challenges to European unity, in particular Russian aggression in Ukraine and dissent in the European Union over economic policy toward Greece, Europeans should remember that, two hundred years ago, they celebrated together a long-awaited peace, as their statesmen collaborated on a lasting settlement to solve territorial questions and ensure international stability. Revisiting the Congress of Vienna, however, is not an exercise in nostalgia. New works on the Congress underscore the critical international stakes in 1814 and 1815, following two decades of war and revolution, and reveal the complexity of the negotiations, political goals, and the unsettled nature of postwar Europe. The Congress was so successful in solving the existential problems of Europe that Europeans would not fight a comparable war against each other for another century—until the Great War in 1914. The challenges that Europe faced in the twentieth century suggest, in fact, that the type of collaborative diplomacy developed at the Vienna Congress remains essential to limit conflict.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919-1940)." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 261–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950261m.
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The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY?s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic?s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.
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Casals, Neus Torbisco, and Idil Boran. "Interview with Iris Marion Young." Hypatia 23, no. 3 (September 2008): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2008.tb01211.x.
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Originally, the idea of interviewing Iris Marion Young in Barcelona came about after she accepted an invitation to give a public lecture at the Law School of Pompeu Fabra University in May 2002. I had first met Iris back in 1999, at a conference in Bristol, England, and I was impressed deeply by her personality and ideas. We kept in touch since then and exchanged papers and ideas. She was very keen to come to Spain (it seems that her mother had lived some years in Mallorca) and she finally travelled to Barcelona with her husband and daughter in spring 2002.The lecture, which she entitled “Women, War, and Peace,” was meant to be the closing session of a course on Gender and the Law, and was also part of a series of seminars annually organized by the legal philosophy department (the Albert Calsamiglia Seminar). Her work was quite well-known among several Catalan philosophers and political scientists and professor Angel Castiñeira—who, at the time, was the director of Idees (Ideas), a Catalan journal published by the Centre d'Estudis de Temes Contemporanis (Center for the Study of Contemporary Issues)—suggested that she could give a second lecture, which they would publish together with an interview I could prepare. She accepted both proposals, and I started to think of a questionnaire for the interview while I was at Queen's University in Canada earlier that year. Idil Boran, a philosopher and good friend who did her doctorate at Queen's, offered to help me with this endeavour, since she also admired Iris as both a scholar and a person. Together we prepared the questions and sent them to her once she was back in Chicago, as there was not time to conduct the interview in person while she was in Barcelona.In fall 2002, she sent some answers to our questions, but the document was unfortunately incomplete. She was busy at the time, so we didn't want to pressure her to finish the interview. Eventually, the editors of Idees decided to publish the manifest about the war in Iraq subscribed by a large number of American Intellectuals together with fragments of Iris's (antiwar) lectures and an article that she wrote together with Daniel Archibugi, “Envisioning a Global Rule of Law.”1 The interview was thus left unpublished. Both Idil and I thought it would be worthwhile to publish it somewhere else, but, for one reason or another, Iris didn't have the time to complete it and we kept postponing the project. At some point, she said that the questions she left unanswered were too complex or challenging to give a short or quick answer, and that she would need to reflect on them to provide detailed responses.Later, we learned she was ill and we didn't feel it was right to insist on those questions being answered. The issue came up again when she accepted to participate as a keynote speaker at the World Congress of Legal Philosophy held in Granada in June 2005. She then said she would come first to Barcelona (where she and Nancy Fraser had been invited to a workshop by the Catalan Women Institute) and suggested we could sit in a cafe and talk about the issues left out in those unanswered questions. Unfortunately, she had to cancel this trip because of her medical treatment, and I did not have the privilege of sharing time with her again. The following series of questions and responses are the product of this rather extended interview process.Neus Torbisco Casals
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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT, and BENEDICT CARTON. "ALBERT LUTHULI'S PRIVATE STRUGGLE: HOW AN ICON OF PEACE CAME TO ACCEPT SABOTAGE IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 59, no. 1 (March 2018): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000718.
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AbstractIn December 1961, Albert Luthuli, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), arrived in Oslo to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Journalists in Norway noted how apartheid crackdowns failed to poison the new laureate's ‘courteous’ commitment to nonviolence. The press never reported Luthuli's acceptance that saboteurs in an armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe (MK or Spear of the Nation), would now fight for freedom. Analyzing recently available evidence, this article challenges a prevailing claim that Luthuli always promoted peace regardless of state authorities who nearly beat him to death and massacred protesting women, children, and men. We uncover his evolving views of justifiable violence, which guided secret ANC decisions to pursue ‘some kind of violence’ months before his Nobel celebration. These views not only expand knowledge of ‘struggle history’, but also alter understandings of Luthuli's aim to emancipate South Africa from a system of white supremacy that he likened to ‘slavery’.
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Максимов, С. "Pease Based on Human Rights: XXVIII World Congress on Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy." Philosophy of Law and General Theory of Law, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21564/2227-7153.2019.1.186560.
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Anderson, Douglas Firth. "“More Conscience Than Force”: U.S. Indian Inspector William Vandever, Grant's Peace Policy, and Protestant Whiteness." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 9, no. 2 (April 2010): 167–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003923.
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William Vandever (1817–1893) served as a U.S. Indian inspector from 1873 until early 1878. A lawyer by profession, Vandever had been a Republican congressman from Iowa and a Civil War officer. (Later, he would return to Congress, representing California.). While serving with the Indian Office, he became a critic of the militarization of federal Indian policy, so much so as to be reprimanded and not reappointed. His experience enables a reconsideration of President U.S. Grant's peace policy in at least two areas. First, as one of a new group of Office of Indian Affairs officials, Vandever provides a view of federal Indian policy from the middle level of the federal bureaucracy during the 1870s. His case especially illustrates his bureau's attempts to centralize civilian management of Indian reservations. Second, Vandever's policy criticisms, though they assumed white American “civilization” as normative, more immediately arose from his religious perspective. Although he lost his post, Vandever serves to highlight the privileged role of white Protestantism during Grant's peace policy. He exemplified a set of racialized religious sensibilities that were important at the time and that could be termed Protestant whiteness.
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Roberts, Adam. "United Nations for a Better World. Edited by J. N. Saxena et al. [New Delhi: Lancers Books. 1986. 313 pp. RS250/$30] - Peace and Security: Justice and Development—Report of a Congress Held on the Occasion of 40 Years United Nations. Edited by K. C. Wellens. [The Hague: Asser Instituut. 1986. 99 pp. No price quoted]." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 38, no. 2 (April 1989): 443–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/38.2.443.
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Woodson, Dorothy C. "Albert Luthuli and the African National Congress: A Bio-Bibliography." History in Africa 13 (1986): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171551.
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Seek ye the political kingdom and all shall be yours.No minority tyranny in history ever survived the opposition of the majority. Nor will it survive in South Africa. The end of white tyranny is near.In their Portraits of Nobel Laureates in Peace, Wintterle and Cramer wrote that “the odds against the baby born at the Seventh-Day Adventist Mission near Bulawayo in Rhodesia in 1898 becoming a Nobel Prize winner were so astronomical as to defy calculation. He was the son of a proud people, the descendant of Zulu chieftains and warriors. But pride of birth is no substitute for status rendered inferior by force of circumstance, and in Luthuli's early years, the native African was definitely considered inferior by the white man. If his skin was black, that could be considered conclusive proof that he would never achieve anything; white men would see to that. However, in Luthuli's case they made a profound mistake--they allowed him to have an education.”If there is an extra-royal gentry in Zulu society, then it was into this class that Albert John Luthuli was born. Among the Zulus, chieftainship is hereditary only for the Paramount Chief; all regional chiefs are elected. The Luthuli family though, at least through the 1950s, monopolized the chieftainship of the Abasemakholweni (literally “converts”) tribe for nearly a century. Luthuli's grandfather Ntaba, was the first in the family to head the tribe and around 1900, his uncle Martin Luthuli took over.
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Bendler, Bruce. "James Sloan: Renegade or True Republican?" New Jersey History 125, no. 1 (July 5, 2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njh.v125i1.1020.
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This paper examines the political career of James Sloan of Gloucester County, New Jersey. Sloan was instrumental in organizing the Democratic Republican party in Gloucester County, and he represented New Jersey in the United States House of Representatives from 1803 to 1809. Sloan was born into a Quaker family, but he supported the Whig cause in the American Revolution and faced disciplinary action from his Quaker meeting for doing so. Later, he would gravitate toward Methodism, but he never seemed comfortable in any religious organization. Historian Carl Prince called Sloan an “anomaly” in New Jersey politics. Sloan’s career certainly did manifest anomalous behavior. He criticized his party after it took control of the state legislature in 1801, viewing its implementation of republican principles as insufficiently zealous. As a member of Congress, he broke with the Jefferson administration over the Embargo. After leaving Congress, he coalesced with New Jersey Federalists in opposition to the War of 1812, helping to elect a “peace ticket” in that year. This paper examines Sloan’s role in state and national politics in the very early nineteenth century. Specifically, it points out some of the tensions within the Democratic Republican party, especially among those who were displeased with the domination of the “Virginia Dynasty.” Sloan led efforts to challenge this domination and to offer alternatives to the New Jersey electorate.
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Ramčilović, Zećir. "Demographic changes after Berlin congress (1878) in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.72.
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The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.
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Fox, Robert. "The dream that never dies: the ideals and realities of cosmopolitanism in science, 1870–1940." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 16 (December 18, 2017): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543702xshs.17.004.7705.
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In the half-century before the Great War, collaborative international ventures in science became increasingly common. The trend, manifested in scientific congresses and attempts to establish agreement on physical units and systems of nomenclature, had important consequences. One was the fear of information overload. How were scientists to keep abreast of the growing volume of books, journals, and reports? How were they to do so in an era without a common language? Responses to these challenges helped to foster new departures in cataloguing, bibliography, and an interest in Esperanto and other constructed languages. By 1914, the responses had also become involved in wider movements that promoted communication as a force for peace. The Great War dealt a severe blow to these cosmopolitan ideals, and the post-war reordering of international science did little to resurrect them. A “national turn” during the 1920s assumed a darker form in the 1930s, as totalitarian regimes in the Soviet Union, Italy, Germany, and Spain associated science ever more closely with national interests. Although the Second World War further undermined the ideal of internationalism in science, the vision of science as part of a world culture open to all soon resurfaced, notably in UNESCO. As an aspiration, it remains with us today, in ventures for universal access to information made possible by digitization and the World Wide Web). The challenge in the twenty-first century is how best to turn aspiration into reality.
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Fox, Robert. "Marzenie, które nigdy nie umiera: ideały i realia kosmopolityzmu w nauce w latach 1870–1940." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 16 (December 18, 2017): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543702xshs.17.005.7706.
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In the half-century before the Great War, collaborative international ventures in science became increasingly common. The trend, manifested in scientific congresses and attempts to establish agreement on physical units and systems of nomenclature, had important consequences. One was the fear of information overload. How were scientists to keep abreast of the growing volume of books, journals, and reports? How were they to do so in an era without a common language? Responses to these challenges helped to foster new departures in cataloguing, bibliography, and an interest in Esperanto and other constructed languages. By 1914, the responses had also become involved in wider movements that promoted communication as a force for peace. The Great War dealt a severe blow to these cosmopolitan ideals, and the post-war reordering of international science did little to resurrect them. A “national turn” during the 1920s assumed a darker form in the 1930s, as totalitarian regimes in the Soviet Union, Italy, Germany, and Spain associated science ever more closely with national interests. Although the Second World War further undermined the ideal of internationalism in science, the vision of science as part of a world culture open to all soon resurfaced, notably in UNESCO. As an aspiration, it remains with us today, in ventures for universal access to information made possible by digitization and the World Wide Web). The challenge in the twenty-first century is how best to turn aspiration into reality.
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O'Sullivan, Michael. "A Hungarian Josephinist, Orientalist, and Bibliophile: Count Karl Reviczky, 1737–1793." Austrian History Yearbook 45 (April 2014): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000611.
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Amid the preparations for the abortive Russo-Ottoman peace talks at Fokschan in April 1772, Anton Wenzel Kaunitz instructed the Austrian Internuntius in Istanbul, Franz Maria Thugut, to elect a colleague to accompany him to the congress. Kaunitz, eager to maintain Austria's unique relationship with both belligerent parties, suggested two young orientalists, Bernhard von Jenisch and the Hungarian noble Karl Reviczky as suitable companions. In character with many thirty-somethings in the Habsburg bureaucracy in the 1770s, Thugut, Jenisch, and Reviczky were fluent in Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman Turkish and possessed an exceptional knowledge of Ottoman affairs. As members of the Austrian embassy to the Ottoman Porte, they had each spent long sojourns in Istanbul. The recruitment and education of such men had been one of Kaunitz's priorities since the 1750s. Thugut knew both candidates well, especially Jenisch, an old chum since their student days at the Oriental Academy in Vienna. Despite Reviczky's recent successes as a translator of an Ottoman treatise on government and some ghazals by the Persian poet Hafez, Thugut did not share Kaunitz's esteem for the young noble, explaining that Reviczky “is as ingenious as he is faint-hearted; he turns pale at the mere mention of plague and would take objection to travel over the channel with sharp winds.”
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Vicente, Gil M. "Manuel Carlos Tan Jr., M.D. (1947-2012)." Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery 27, no. 1 (June 29, 2012): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v27i1.561.
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La Bamba…. Oh CAROL…. VOLARE…. The songs are still there but the singer is gone. Yes, during entertainment time in the local as well as in the ASEAN ENT Congresses, these songs reverberated as the leader of the band started rolling up the stage. There was so much energy, so much fun when Manny’s voice delivered the songs. These signature songs will remain in our memory as Manny finally sings the Swan Song.
I have known Manny ever since I joined our fraternity in the UP College of Medicine. During the rites, he was fond of using a stick to hit the palmar soles…. and when hit hard … OMG…… it is very painful. That was one of the most dreaded stations of the ceremonial rites. When my turn came, he asked me if I have gone through his famous stick trick, I answered “NOT YET, PO”. For being honest I was just given a slight pat…. NAKALUSOT ako in short.
Just after residency in 1988, Manny and I were both representing the Philippine delegation in Jakarta. During one of our free nights, we were joined by our great beloved mentor, Dr. Mariano Caparas. All night long till the wee hours of the morning, we stayed in Dr. Caparas’ hotel room. The discussion revolved just in one interesting topic and that was all about the nose. It was at that time that the term “the crazy NOSE” was coined. At 4 am, Dr. Caparas went to sleep happy. I went home crazy and Manny just can’t help but become nosy.
Encounters like this became more often when I became more involved in the society. He was an upcoming President and I was an upcoming officer. Every time he visited Manila from Davao, he would usually call me and we go out to have dinner and then drink a bottle or two. We would talk on different topics starting with our dreams for the society, our activities in the future, about politics and about our research works. He was fond of telling me stories on innovative things he did in Davao most specially when confronted with difficult situations. His mind was a creative mind that aimed for basic rationality and utmost practicality.
We were both involved deeply in the society when he was both President of the society and the President of the upcoming ASEAN ENT Congress in 1998. I was the President of the upcoming INTERTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM of INFECTION and ALLERGY of the NOSE (ISIAN) in 1999. For both of us it was an uphill challenging battle, an experience where we would gain friends as well as lose some. We carried crosses that were as big as you can imagine. We were able to survive the true test of mental and physical stress…. And that was because we both believe in perseverance…. perseverance and perseverance. Our bullheadedness was transformed to superior workmanship and leadership par excellence.
Years passed by and history tells us that money matters in the ASEAN Congress in Davao got a little bit mystifying. The controversy turned a bit uncontrolled. One President after another, each tried their best to settle the issue once and for all but in vain. And finally, when my time came as President of the society in 2008, I was able to convince Manny to finally turn over the controversial pot of the decade. That became one of the top stories of the history of the society. The drama took place and the memory lingers on.
Manny indeed made a mark in our history. The songs he sang, the words he spoke, the dreams he foretold and the drama he created…. these are some of many things Manny managed to make while on earth. May he rest in PEACE.
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Berman, Carolyn Vellenga. "“AWFUL UNKNOWN QUANTITIES”: ADDRESSING THE READERS IN HARD TIMES." Victorian Literature and Culture 37, no. 2 (September 2009): 561–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150309090342.
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Charles Dickens was lionized in the early 1850s for his political powers as a novelist, journalist, and reformer. A December 1850 review of David Copperfield in Fraser's Magazine affirmed that the so-called “Boz” has done more, we verily believe, for the promotion of peace and goodwill between man and man, class and class, nation and nation, than all the congresses under the sun . . . . Boz, and men like Boz, are the true humanizers, and therefore the true pacificators, of the world. They sweep away the prejusdices of class and caste, and disclose the common ground of humanity which lies beneath factitious social and national systems. Such tributes to his political powers must have been gratifying to a writer who had begun his career as a parliamentary reporter. They proclaimed the power of the writer in an age of print, bearing out Thomas Carlyle's sense that “Printing . . . is equivalent to Democracy . . . . Whoever can speak, speaking now to the whole nation, becomes a power, a branch of government, with inalienable weight in law-making.” Fraser's elaborated on this idea by linking Dickens's uncanny ability to “introduce” characters to one another to his ability to “introduce” such characters to readers of different ranks. “Men like Boz,” the reviewer explained, “introduce the peasantry to the peerage” and “the grinder at the mill to the millionaire who owns the grist” (700).
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Kravchenko, S. A., and A. V. Shestopal. "Philosophy and Sociology Studies." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(38) (October 28, 2014): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-5-38-151-158.
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Philosophy and Social science school of MGIMO has received both nationwide and international recognition. The traditions of the school were laid by two highly respected scientists and science managers, George P. Frantsev, who was the rector MGIMO during the crucial period of its early years, and Alexander F. Shishkin, who was the founder and head of the Department of Philosophy. The former belonged to one of the best schools of antic history studies of the Petersburg (Leningrad) University. Frantsev made a great contribution to the restoration of Russian social and political science after World War II. After graduating from MGIMO, he worked at the Foreign Ministry of USSR, and then served as a rector of the Academy of Social Sciences and chief-editor of the journal "Problems of Peace and Socialism" in Prague. He consistently supported MGIMO scientists and recommended them as participants for international congresses and conferences. Shishkin was born in Vologda, and studied in Petrograd during 1920s. His research interests included history of education and morality. He was the author of the first textbook on ethics in the postwar USSR. Other works Shishkin, including monograph "XX century and the moral values of humanity", played a in reorienting national philosophy from class interests to universal moral principles. During thirty years of his leadership of the Department of Philosophy, Shishkin managed to prepare several generations of researchers and university professors. Scientists educated by Shishkin students consider themselves to be his "scientific grandchildren". The majority of MGIMO post-graduate students followed the footsteps of Frantsev in their research, but they also were guided by Shishkin's ideas on morality in human relations. Philosophy and Social science school of MGIMO played an important role in the revival of Soviet social and political science. Soviet Social Science Association (SSSA), established in 1958, elected Frantsev as its president, and G.V. Osipov as a deputy president. A year later Osipov became president and remained so until 1972.
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"The Third World Peace Science Congress." Journal of Conflict Resolution 31, no. 4 (December 1987): 738. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002787031004010.
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Levy, Sheldon. "Abstracts. Sixth World Peace Science Congress, Tinbergen Institute, Amsterdam Netherlands, May 24-26, 1999." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 5, no. 2 (January 1, 1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1554-8597.1023.
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"Abstracts of Papers Presented At the Fourth World Peace Science Congress Rotterdam, The Netherlands, May 18-20, 1992." Conflict Management and Peace Science 12, no. 2 (February 1993): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073889429301200204.
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