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1
Layfurov, Alexey. "World is peace." Thesis, Konstfack, Institutionen för design, inredningsarkitektur och visuell kommunikation (DIV), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:konstfack:diva-7667.
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Kanemoto, Emi. "Rhetorical Complexity of Advocating Intercultural Peace: Post-World War II Peace Discourse." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1573829203404354.
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Allen, Richard C. "World peace and nationalism: the irreconcilability of institutionalized and legally buttressed means of maintaining world peace with nationalism." University of California, 2013.
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Pretorius, Joelien. "The democratic peace as an approach to world peace in the information era." Pretoria : [S.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02282006-101347.
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Nze, Samuel Onyenachi. "Barack Obama and world peace, a rhetorical inquiry." Thesis, Wichita State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/3318.
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The thesis, entitled Barack Obama and World Peace: A Rhetorical Inquiry, is a qualitative
research paper that appraises President Obama's commitment to global peace, through a thematic
analysis of a cross section of his speeches. Against the background of Mr. Obama's receipt of the
2009 Nobel Peace Prize, the thesis evaluates in five chapters Mr. Obama's merit as an icon of
global peace by seeking a possible rhetorical vision of peace emerging from a cross section of his
speeches, and consequently establishing a possible justification for his receipt of the Nobel Prize,
using the Fantasy-theme method of rhetorical criticism. The thesis concludes that there is a
rhetorical vision of peace emerging from a cross section of President Obama's speeches, and that
he may consequently be called an icon of global peace, deserving of having won the Nobel Prize.Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, The Elliott School of Communication.
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Miner, Zachary W. "A kind of peace| The real world of firearms owners." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10140831.
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This dissertation addresses the topics of stigma and legal consciousness through close examination of the attitudes and life experiences of legal gun owners in upstate New York. Based in the symbolic interactionist tradition, and using a grounded theory approach, this project explores data gathered from participant-observation sessions, and semi-structured interviews with 37 participants. Analysis of this data reveals that respondents highlight safety, responsibility, skillful operation, and fun as the primary values they associate with the ownership and use of firearms. Additionally, in a departure from previous research in this area, respondents reported few individual experiences of social stigma, and engage in very few stigma management techniques surrounding their ownership and use of firearms. However, respondents do experience negative outcomes surrounding their engagement with the political realm, leading to perceptions of disadvantage, especially in state-level politics. Using Ewick and Silbey’s theory of legal consciousness as a framework, respondents’ accounts reveal how their perceptions of the political process as a whole are best viewed using the “with the law” perspective, whereas their attitudes about New York State politics specifically are better described using the “against the law” perspective. These research findings can be applied more broadly to gain understanding about the nature of stigma and its effects on individuals and groups, as well as the conditions under which groups feel engaged with, or disconnected from, legal and political processes.
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Sinelnyk, Kateryna Olehivna, and Катерина Олегівна Синельник. "The role of Switzerland in ensuring world peace and security." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51635.
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1. Trachsler, D. (2012). Representing foreign interests: Rebirth of a Swiss tradition? CSS AnalysisinSecurityPolicy, 108, р. 1–4.
2. Graf A., Lanz D. Conclusions: Switzerland as a paradigmatic case of smallstate peace policy? // Swiss Political Science Review. – 2013. – Vol. 19, № 3. – P. 35– 39.
3. The Chairmanship Interlaken Recommendations // Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe [Electronic resource]. – URL : https://www. osce.org/cio/118146 (accessed : 11.03.2021)
4. Finaud M. Can Geneva become again the city of disarmament? // UN Special. – 2018. – № 6. – P. 8–9.
5. Shveytzer, V. Y., Stepanov, A. I. (2009). The specificity of neutrality. In:
V. Y. Shveytzer (еd.), Alpine states and the Benelux in a changing Europe. Moscow, VesMirpub., l p. 144–164. (InRuss.).During the Cold War, the Swiss Government adhered to the traditional understanding of security, which was limited to the military and political sphere. The concept of the common defense, which was officially adopted in 1973, provided fora build-up of military capacities of the state in order to prevent attempts to put pressure on the Confederation through intimidation, protect its national interests and pull back possible armed attacks that threatened its security. In subsequent years the international situation has evolved considerably. The priority of the modern Swiss peace policy is the new conflict prevention as well as the prevention of recurrence or deterioration of existing ones. Neutral Switzerland is in demand as a patron power: in particular, it represents the mutual interests of Georgia and Russia, which have not had direct diplomatic relations since 2008. Swiss diplomats also serve as intermediaries. Thus, M. Ambühl promoted the signing of the Zurich Protocols (2009), which marked the beginning of the normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey. Another area of good offices is promoting dialogue, in which a third party provides only logistical support, not taking part in the negotiation process itself. In 2004, Bürgenstock (canton of Nidwalden), and in 2016–2017 - Mont Pelerin (canton of Vaud), Geneva and Crans-Montana (canton of Valais) have become platforms for exploring ways to resolve the Cyprus conflict between Greece and Turkey
Під час холодної війни швейцарський уряд дотримувався традиційного розуміння безпеки, яке обмежувалося лише військово-політичною сферою. Концепція спільної оборони, яка була офіційно прийнята в 1973 р., передбачала нарощування військового потенціалу держави з метою запобігання спробам тиску на Конфедерацію шляхом залякування, захисту її національних інтересів та відкликання можливих збройних атак, які загрожувала його безпеці. У наступні роки міжнародна ситуація значно змінилася. Пріоритетом сучасної швейцарської мирної політики є запобігання новим конфліктам, а також запобігання повторенню або погіршенню існуючих. Нейтральна Швейцарія затребувана як держава-покровитель: зокрема, вона представляє взаємні інтереси Грузії та Росії, які не мали прямих дипломатичних відносин з 2008 року. Швейцарські дипломати також виступають посередниками. Так, М. Амбюль сприяв підписанню Цюріхських протоколів (2009 р.), Що поклало початок нормалізації відносин між Вірменією та Туреччиною. Ще однією сферою добрих послуг є сприяння діалогу, в якому третя сторона надає лише матеріально-технічну підтримку, не беручи участі в самому процесі переговорів. У 2004 р. Бюргенсток (кантон Нідвальден), а в 2016–2017 рр. - Мон Пелерин (кантон Во), Женева та Кран-Монтана (кантон Вале) стали платформами для вивчення шляхів вирішення кіпрського конфлікту між Грецією та Туреччиною
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Haynie, Jeannette. "The Women and Peace Hypothesis in the Age of Nancy Pelosi: Can Female Leaders Bring About World Peace?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1399.
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The women and peace hypothesis suggests that women are more likely than men to choose peace and compromise over violent conflict, whether as ordinary citizens or as government leaders. I test this concept by analyzing the percent of women in the parliaments and executive cabinets of 93 nations over a 31-year-period, comparing these figures to the presence of violent interstate conflicts for each country-year. Controlling for wealth, democratic status, national capabilities, military expenditures, and contiguity, I find moderate support for the women and peace hypothesis. This support continues when democratic system type is interacted with the measured office. While women do not affect a nation’s likelihood of violent conflict to the same degree that other, well-documented predictors do, the effect of women in higher office is nonetheless still significant.
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Kaczka-Valliere, Jeanne Marie. "Coventry's mission for peace and reconciliation since the Second World War." Thesis, Coventry University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424484.
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Nilsson, Anders. "Peace in our time : towards a holistic understanding of world society conflicts /." Göteborg : PADRIGU, Dept. of Peace and Development Research, Göteborg Univ, 1999. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/304065420.pdf.
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Vakharia, Vanessa. "Peace, love, and pi : imagining a world where Paris Hilton loves mathematics." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28788.
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This thesis is a conceptual piece that explores how incorporating marketing theory and notions of cool into the realm of mathematics education may help to prevent qualified female students from self-selecting out of mathematics. It begins by exploring current perspectives on the problem of female attrition in educational and career trajectories involving math. Focusing on girls from Toronto, Ontario, who generally see themselves as part of the mainstream culture, this thesis speculates as to how these girls understand mathematics and their relationship to mathematics. The central purpose of this research is to understand whether these girls choose not to pursue math beyond the compulsory level because they are selecting courses to construct their identity on the basis of cool, using the same evaluation process they would when selecting products for consumption.
Drawing extensively on literature, this thesis presents a novel perspective with which to view female disinterest in mathematics. This conceptual framework is then illuminated with participants’ data obtained through qualitative methodology to provide an experiential account of the conceptual. Grounding the empirical data atop the conceptual brings to life the interconnection of perspectives of scholars such as Walkerdine, Mendick, Demetriou, and Gladwell, illustrating how femininity, consumerism, and mathematics comprise our socially constructed reality. This thesis argues that treating math as a consumer good by marketing it accordingly might give rise to increased mathematical participation and enthusiasm by this particular segment of girls who rely on identity marketing for many of their consumption decisions. Finally, this argument is illuminated by a sample marketing plan that provides a practical example of how the ideas emergent from this study might applied. In conclusion, this thesis addresses the limitations and controversies that arise from the use of marketing as a means to promote education, the challenges of unfixing and subverting femininity, and the macro level possibilities that are opened up with the help of a micro level nudge in a different direction.
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Glover, Margaret. "Images of peace in Britain : from the late nineteenth century to the Second World War." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249642.
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From 1816 onwards, British peace campaigners used a variety of art, artefacts and spectacle to advertise their aims and indicate their presence. This historical review examines issues surrounding the production and display of visual peace propaganda by national and local organizations, and by individual members including artists. The focus is on the period 1900 to1940, although earlier and later material is included. Many of the themes and issues are still current today. The aims of this research were diverse and therefore this thesis adopts a variety of approaches, drawn from peace history, art history and ephemera studies. The perspective wherever possible is that of the campaigners themselves, including perceived successes and failures. Aesthetic qualities and iconography are also addressed however, particularly when examining the work of professional artists. Chapter 1 uncovers the history of Quaker peace posters produced for national and local use, including the images and messages on them, how they were displayed, and by whom_ Chapters 2 and 3 analyse issues surrounding the indoor and outdoor campaigning of the lively peace movement of the 1930s, which from the middle of the decade was centred on the Peace Pledge Union. Examples of governmental, public and private censorship appear, arising from such diverse activities as wearing a white poppy or displaying a peace poster. Included are descriptions of peace shops, amateur and professional peace exhibitions, poster parades and the work of selected cartoonists. Chapters 4 and 5 examine the peace images and organizational involvement of two artists of national importance whose lives spanned the period covered. Joseph E.Southall, a Quaker tempera artist, was involved with socialism. Eric Gill, sculptor, engraver and typographer, helped to found Pax, the first organization for Catholic pacifists, and was on Peace Pledge Union national committees. The Conclusion states that the majority of campaigning activities took place at local rather than national level. Designs and images were produced by both amateur and trained artists and were therefore of varying quality. There was a preferred avoidance of war images — yet difficulty in establishing an iconography of peace, at a time when the use of allegorical personifications was declining. Volume 2 contains approximately five hundred illustrations.
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Dennis, Harold Edward Brokaw. "How We Saved The World [Score]." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/254225.
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Music CompositionD.M.A.
A monograph on the musical composition How We Saved the World, a multimedia musical drama written by the author, describes in detail the history of the writing of the piece, its context within his development as a composer, its context within our times, the writing and structure of the libretto, the characters and character types within the piece, their relationships with one another, the music of the piece and its construction. The two hour long composition requires 44 performers to stage: 14 singers, 8 dancers, and a conducted 21 piece orchestra. In addition to traditional acoustic instruments (winds, brass, percussion, strings) the orchestra includes electric guitars, drum set, and audio and video laptop performers. How We Saved the World is situated in a future time and begins with the premise that the world has been saved. Human beings have found a way to live in peace and harmony with one another and with the ecology of our planet Earth. We, the participants in the performance are sharing among ourselves the story of how human culture changed from the destructive, unsustainable practices and consciousness of the past. The libretto is included as an appendix. The score and all of the audio files needed to perform the piece are included as supplementary material.
Temple University--Theses
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Dennis, Harold Edward Brokaw. "How We Saved The World [sound recording]." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/254226.
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Music CompositionD.M.A.
A monograph on the musical composition How We Saved the World, a multimedia musical drama written by the author, describes in detail the history of the writing of the piece, its context within his development as a composer, its context within our times, the writing and structure of the libretto, the characters and character types within the piece, their relationships with one another, the music of the piece and its construction. The two hour long composition requires 44 performers to stage: 14 singers, 8 dancers, and a conducted 21 piece orchestra. In addition to traditional acoustic instruments (winds, brass, percussion, strings) the orchestra includes electric guitars, drum set, and audio and video laptop performers. How We Saved the World is situated in a future time and begins with the premise that the world has been saved. Human beings have found a way to live in peace and harmony with one another and with the ecology of our planet Earth. We, the participants in the performance are sharing among ourselves the story of how human culture changed from the destructive, unsustainable practices and consciousness of the past. The libretto is included as an appendix. The score and all of the audio files needed to perform the piece are included as supplementary material.
Temple University--Theses
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Esnouf, Guy Nicholas. "British Government war aims and attitudes towards a negotiated peace, September 1939 to July 1940." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1988. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-government-war-aims-and-attitudes-towards-a-negotiated-peace-september-1939-to-july-1940(b7fc8578-d161-48ce-bd5c-b0d8374a2551).html.
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Robak, Kazimierz. "In Poland World War I ended in 1923." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001119.
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Gregory, Adrian M. "Armistice Day, 1919-1946." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272402.
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Christodoulou, Eleni. "The politics of peace education in Cyprus." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6030/.
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The focus of this thesis is \(resistance\) \(to\) \(peace\) \(education\) in the conflict-ridden island of Cyprus. Departing from the premise that education, and in particular antagonistic historical narratives immersed in demonised articulations of the Other, have obstructed the transformation of the conflict, I attempt to uncover what is crippling constructive dialogue and critical thinking when it comes to peace education in the Greek-Cypriot community and bring forward ways to improve this. In particular, I analyse negative hegemonic discourses over potential changes to history textbooks that not only distort the objectives of peace education, but also exacerbate existing fears and insecurities. These nationalist discourses present changes associated with peace education as a betrayal and threat to the nationalist struggle, a process I argue constitutes the \(securitization\) of peace education. Through the ‘politics of peace education’ framework, I show how within a particular community, institutions and discourses both constitute and are constitutive of, asymmetric power relationships that act as impediments to peace education. I expose and interrogate the conditions of possibility that ensure resistance to peace education is not only reproduced, but is also successful through the exercise of asymmetrical power relations.
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Morrison, Caroline. "World without War: A study of women's involvement in the peace movement 1914-1939." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242893.
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Dennis, Harold Edward Brokaw. "How We Saved the World: A Multimedia Musical Drama." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/254032.
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Music CompositionD.M.A.
A monograph on the musical composition How We Saved the World, a multimedia musical drama written by the author, describes in detail the history of the writing of the piece, its context within his development as a composer, its context within our times, the writing and structure of the libretto, the characters and character types within the piece, their relationships with one another, the music of the piece and its construction. The two hour long composition requires 44 performers to stage: 14 singers, 8 dancers, and a conducted 21 piece orchestra. In addition to traditional acoustic instruments (winds, brass, percussion, strings) the orchestra includes electric guitars, drum set, and audio and video laptop performers. How We Saved the World is situated in a future time and begins with the premise that the world has been saved. Human beings have found a way to live in peace and harmony with one another and with the ecology of our planet Earth. We, the participants in the performance are sharing among ourselves the story of how human culture changed from the destructive, unsustainable practices and consciousness of the past. The libretto is included as an appendix. The score and all of the audio files needed to perform the piece are included as supplementary material.
Temple University--Theses
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Le, Cornu Daryl John. "Bright hope British radical publicists, American intervention, and the prospects of a negotiated peace, 1917 /." View Thesis, 2005. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20060123.103228/index.html.
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Le, Cornu Daryl John. "Bright hope : British radical publicists, American intervention, and the prospects of a negotiated peace, 1917." Thesis, View Thesis, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/801.
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This dissertation is about a group of influential British publicists on the left-wing of the Liberal Party known as Radicals. The focus is on the year 1917 during the First World War and the Radical publicist’s belief in the necessity of a negotiated settlement as an essential ingredient to achieving a just and lasting peace. These publicists also believed that the United States could play a unique role in mediating an end to the war and reforming the international system. Radical publicists tirelessly campaigned for a revision of Allied war aims and were convinced that alliances, the arms race, secret diplomacy, imperialism and militarism, played a large part in the outbreak of war and its prolongation. They believed that when the peace settlement came, it should not be a peace of vengeance but a just peace that addressed these flaws in the international system. The Radical publicists looked increasingly to the American President Wilson for leadership, while Wilson was drawn to the Radical publicist’s progressive internationalist ideas, particularly the concept of a league of nations. The Conclusion examines the reason for the failure of the Wilsonian strategy to achieve a just and lasting peace in 1919, but points to the enduring legacy of the Radical publicist’s ideas about creating a stable world order. This dissertation finishes by looking at contemporary commentators who advocate an approach to world order in the tradition of the Radical publicists of the First World War
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Elshelmani, Saad A. "The new world order and its impact on the Arab Israeli peace process (1991-1999)." Thesis, Durham University, 2000. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4323/.
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This thesis examines the impact of the New World Order on the Arab-Israeli peace process. It argues that, since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the old bipolar World Order has disappeared and a new unipolar one has emerged. The United States of America, as the only remaining single superpower, has enjoyed a great degree of influence and a kind of hegemony in international affairs. Its military superiority and economic, technological and diplomatic strength, in the absence of any competing power, have given it the upper hand to pursue its own policies and its own interests. This American unipolarity and hegemony are clearly demonstrated in the Middle East peace process. The United States' unipolarity on the international level and its hegemony on the regional level have allowed it to pursue policies to resolve the Arab- Israeli conflict. Regional states, released from the constraints or protection of the patron- client relationships fostered under the bi-polar Old World Order, have adjusted their own policies to take into account this New World Order. A neo-realist understanding of this has been developed which assesses this process in terms of international and regional balance of power and "rules of the game”. This method had been used to understand the reasons for and nature of the Arab- Israeli peace negotiations that started at Madrid in 1991 and developed in Oslo in 1993. The thesis argues that these negotiations were in fact a single process which was the direct result of this American-led New World Order. Whether through direct or indirect American involvement or through the indirect or direct acknowledgement by regional actors of the nature of the New World Order, American interests and preferences have been strongly reflected in the peace process.
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Nelson, Craig Doyle. "Nuclear Bonds: Atoms for Peace in the Cold War and in the Non-Western World." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1237397691.
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Le, Cornu Daryl John, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Bright hope : British radical publicists, American intervention, and the prospects of a negotiated peace, 1917." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_LeCornu_D.xml, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/801.
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This dissertation is about a group of influential British publicists on the left-wing of the Liberal Party known as Radicals. The focus is on the year 1917 during the First World War and the Radical publicist’s belief in the necessity of a negotiated settlement as an essential ingredient to achieving a just and lasting peace. These publicists also believed that the United States could play a unique role in mediating an end to the war and reforming the international system. Radical publicists tirelessly campaigned for a revision of Allied war aims and were convinced that alliances, the arms race, secret diplomacy, imperialism and militarism, played a large part in the outbreak of war and its prolongation. They believed that when the peace settlement came, it should not be a peace of vengeance but a just peace that addressed these flaws in the international system. The Radical publicists looked increasingly to the American President Wilson for leadership, while Wilson was drawn to the Radical publicist’s progressive internationalist ideas, particularly the concept of a league of nations. The Conclusion examines the reason for the failure of the Wilsonian strategy to achieve a just and lasting peace in 1919, but points to the enduring legacy of the Radical publicist’s ideas about creating a stable world order. This dissertation finishes by looking at contemporary commentators who advocate an approach to world order in the tradition of the Radical publicists of the First World WarDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Curran, Jennifer. "To make war unthinkable : the Woman's Peace Party of New York, 1914-1919 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0026/MQ34176.pdf.
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Markiewicz, Sarah [Verfasser]. "World Peace through Christian-Muslim Understanding : The Genesis and Fruits of the Open Letter "A Common Word Between Us and You"." Göttingen : V&R Unipress, 2016. http://www.v-r.de/.
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Morrison, Janet Rachel. "Cycles of protest in the post-war British peace movement." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/101133.
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The purpose of this paper is to describe and explain the dynamics of the post-war British peace movement. This examination will account for, and link the two distinct phases of activity which encompassed at their peaks, the periods of 1958 to 1960, and 1981 to 1983. The defence issue declined in salience in the intervening years and was largely ignored.
The paper sets out to account for these cycles of protest by determining four key factors; the creation of a potential clientele, the symbolic meaning of the movement, the catalytic historical events and the incentives for mobilisation. Three theories are used to explain these elements. Inglehart's 'Post-Materialism' thesis is utilised to explain the presence of a potential clientele in terms of a new value orientation that is emerging among post-war generations due to the unprecedented affluence experienced in their formative years. Parkin's case study of the first phase of the movement provides the symbolic protest element, that explains the salience of the peace movement to these post-materialists. It also suggests that the clientele's interest in the issue lasts as long as the issue is significant and that as soon as it declines other issues claim their attentions and energies. The final vital element is explained by adapting Olson's cost and benefit 'Collective Action' theory to this non-economic case. This theory suggests that the prominent peace movement organisation, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, provided and distributed vital selective incentives that motivated the existing clientele into protest activity. However, once the costs of non-achievement of policy goals add to the costs of protest activity (which are being raised by the radicalisation of tactics) and the organisation becomes inefficient at distributing these selective goods, the incentive to participate is removed and activity begins to decline.
The combination of these three theories with the impact of historical atmosphere and a catalytic event creates a coherent explanation of the movement in both phases.M.A.
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Vathakou, Eugenia. "International crisis and peace processes as autopoietic systems in world society : examples from Greek-Turkish relations." Thesis, University of Kent, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404513.
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Morley, Craig. "Rome and the Sasanian Empire in the fifth century A.D. : a necessary peace." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2025143/.
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Since Ardashir’s victory over the Parthians in A.D 224 to his successors’ eventual defeat at the hands of the Arabs in 651 the Roman and Sasanian Empires had been bitter and deadly rivals. Throughout Late Antiquity the Roman-Sasanian relationship was dominated by competition; a constant battle for imperial prestige, military supremacy, cultural influence and economic advantage. In the course of their relationship Ctesiphon, the Sasanian capital, was sacked by Roman forces, the Roman emperor Valerian was captured and taken prisoner, Julian the Apostate was killed by Sassanian forces in his infamous campaign of 363, and the great Roman city of Antioch had been captured and razed. Yet in this seemingly never-ending imperial struggle the fifth century stands out as a period of unprecedented peace between the imperial rivals. It is the aim of this thesis to analyse what made the fifth century a unique period of peace. This thesis seeks to expand on current scholarship on the fifth-century Roman-Sasanian relationship, which has focused on the investigation of specific and individual events, by taking a more holistic approach. In this regard, all aspects of the relationship, military conflicts, frontier zones, barbarian threats, religious issues, economic considerations and the development of diplomatic contacts, will be analysed in order to identify what pushed the two empires towards a peace and, more importantly, how this peace was maintained in the face of old hostilities and traditional antagonism. Viewing the Roman-Sasanian relationship as merely one part of the wider late antique world, not as something unique and separate, will also be a key component of this investigation. Central to the aim and approach of this thesis is the use of political realism, a theory for understanding international relations, to reveal the motivations and pressures that both empires faced in this period that pushed them towards peace. In this regard, it will be argued that the Roman and Sasanian overriding desire and goal of ensuring their own safety and security in an anarchic world in the face of the new and dangerous threats posed by the ascendant Huns, Hephthalites and Vandals was the underlying motivation behind the fifth-century peace. It was the threat posed by these groups that forced a shift in Roman-Sasanian relations towards the accommodation that both needed to survive the turbulent fifth century. As such, it was these new threats that stimulated the development of imperial diplomacy in the fifth century that allowed the two empires to mediate their traditional casus belli and maintain peace throughout this period. This diplomatic development allowed them to reach new and innovative diplomatic solutions to their problems in the frontier zones of Arabia and Armenia.
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Daffern, Thomas Clough. "Towards a transpersonal history of the search for peace during post world war two era 1945-2001." Thesis, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.536782.
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Davies, Jack M. "A very haven of peace : the role of the stately home hospital in First World War Britain." Thesis, University of Kent, 2017. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/61547/.
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This thesis examines the role of the stately home hospital during the First World War. It assesses the social and cultural importance of these institutions, as well as the place that they, and their patients, held within wartime society. It argues that the establishment of a hospital in a stately home communicated a high level of patient care, reminding people all over the Empire how much Britain valued the sacrifices of its wounded. However, some members of the soldiery misinterpreted the value bestowed upon them by their status as war heroes. Consequently, the stately home hospital became a site of physical and emotional clashes between the wounded and the medical authorities. By placing these medical establishments in their social, cultural, political, and imperial contexts, this thesis delineates the myriad of ways that the space of the stately home hospital affected the experience of wounding and how a number of different people interacted with the institution and utilised it for many different purposes. The domestic nature of these private residences meant that they straddled the military and civilian spheres, which convoluted the position of the wounded soldier, the medical staff, and ancillary workers within. In addition, the space was home to a variety of non-military personnel who presented the wounded with a variety of different opportunities that transcended normal military spaces. This thesis explores these opportunities to discuss the important position stately home hospitals held within First World War Britain. Due to the historic role of the stately home in British social, cultural and political life, the experience of recovering within these walls was socially loaded. This thesis argues that the establishment of hospitals in these buildings was an important statement to the wounded and their families.
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Jonsson, Magnus E. "Global Justice and Perpetual Peace - The Case for a World Government? : A Critique of Torbjörn Tännsjö´s ‘Global Democracy – The Case for a World Government’." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Philosophy, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-16988.
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The problems of the world today are global and thus we must act on a global level to solve them. We need to establish a perpetual and global peace and we also need to create global justice. How is this to be done? In 2008 the philosopher Torbjörn Tännsjö tried to provide an answer on these questions in the book Global Democracy – The Case for a World Government. In his book Tännsjö argues for an institutional cosmopolitan approach, trying to convince us that a world government would guarantee both a global and perpetual peace, as well as global justice. In this thesis I will present Tännsjö´s main argument and then share my thoughts and give my critique on them.
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Bartha, Dezso. "TRIANON AND THE PREDESTINATION OF HUNGARIAN POLITICS: A HISTORIOGRAPHY OF HUNGARIAN REVISIONISM, 1918-1944." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3914.
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This thesis proposes to link certain consistent themes in the historiography of interwar and wartime Hungary. Hungary's inability to successfully resolve its minority problems led to the nation's dismemberment at Trianon in 1920 after World War I. This fostered a national Hungarian reaction against the Trianon settlement called the revisionist movement. This revisionist "Trianon syndrome" totally dominated Hungarian politics in the interwar period. As Hungary sought allies against the hated peace settlements of the Great War, Hungarian politics irrevocably tied the nation to the policies of Nazi Germany, and Hungary became nefariously assessed as "Hitler's last ally," which initially stained the nation's reputation after World War II. Although some historians have blamed the interwar Hungarian government for the calamity that followed Hungary's associations with Nazi Germany, this thesis proposes that there was little variation between what could have happened and what actually became the nation's fate in World War II. A new interpretation therefore becomes evident: the injustices of Trianon, Hungary's geopolitical position in the heart of Europe, and the nation's unfortunate orientation between the policies of Nazi Germany and Bolshevik Russia predestined the nation to its fate in World War II. There was no other choice for Hungarian policy in World War II but the Axis alliance. The historian of East Central Europe faces a formidable challenge in that the national histories of this region are often contradictory. Hungarian historiography is directly countered by the historical theories and propositions of its Czech, Serb, and Rumanian enemies. By historiographical analysis of the histories of Hungary, its enemies among the Successor States, and neutral sources, this thesis will demonstrate that many contemporary historians tend to support the primary theses of Hungarian historiography. Many of the arguments of the Hungarian interwar government are now generally supported by objective historians, while the historiographical suppositions of the Successor States at the Paris Peace Conference have become increasingly reduced to misinformation, falsification, exaggeration, and propaganda. The ignorance of the minority problems and ethnic history of East Central Europe led to an unjust settlement in 1919 and 1920, and by grossly favoring the victors over the vanquished, the Paris Peace Treaties greatly increased the probability of a second and even more terrible World War.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Sciences
History
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Flessati, Valerie. "PAX : the history of a Catholic peace society in Britain 1936-1971." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3801.
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In 1936 the founders of PAX aimed at 'resistance to modern warfare on grounds of traditional morality'. Believing that 'just war' criteria could no longer be met, they called themselves pacifists. Although most members were Roman Catholic Pax did not claim to be a 'Catholic society' because the RC Church at that time took an opposing view, particularly of conscientious objection. Church authorities attempted to censor Pax literature and instructed clergy to resign from the society. Pax supported conscientious objectors during the Second World War. When membership declined afterwards it continued to publish the Pax Bulletin and to provide a forum where Catholics could debate theological and practical questions of war and peace. By the 1960s Pax had gained some distinguished sponsors and a branch in the United States - support which enabled it to influence debate at the Second Vatican Council in 1965. The Council endorsed the right to conscientious objection. In 1971 Pax merged with Pax Christi, the international Catholic peace organisation which began in France in 1944/45. This is the first detailed historical study of the Roman Catholic element in the British peace movement. The story of Pax demonstrates the part that even a small pressure group can play in changing public opinion through patient work. Eventually, despite apathy and opposition, Pax helped bring the RC Church to a recognition of the right to conscientious objection and played a crucial role in the development of a more widespread peace movement within the Church
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Yang, Jiling. "In Search of Martha Root: An American Baha'i Feminist and Peace Advocate in the Early Twentieth Century." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/wsi_theses/11.
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Martha Root (1872-1939) was an exceptional religious and spiritual activist, a leading figure in the international women's peace movement, and a new organism of a new world in the early twentieth century. This thesis represents Martha Root from three aspects: the early life of Martha Root, her four world teaching trips from 1919 to 1939, with a focus on her peace advocacy, and an investigation into her gender awareness and identity construction by reflecting on Tahirih the Pure, Iran's Greatest Woman, Martha Root's only book.
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O'Connell, Kaete Mary. "Weapon of War, Tool of Peace: U.S. Food Diplomacy in Postwar Germany." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/574976.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation examines U.S. food diplomacy in occupied Germany. It argues that the origins of food aid as an anti-communist strategy are located in postwar Germany. Believing a punitive occupation was the best insurance against future conflict, Allied leadership agreed to enforce a lower standard of living on Germany and did not allow relief agencies to administer aid to German civilians. Facing a growing crisis in the U.S. Zone, President Truman authorized food imports and permitted voluntary agencies to operate in 1946. This decision changed the tenor of the occupation and provided the foundation to an improved U.S.-German relationship. It also underscored the value of American food power in the emerging contest with the Soviet Union. Food served as a source of soft power. It bridged cultures and fostered new relationships while reinforcing notions of American exceptionalism. Officials recognized that humanitarian aid complemented foreign policy objectives. American economic security was reflected in their abundance of food, and the dispersal of this food to war-torn Europe, especially a former enemy, made a strong statement about the future. As relations with the Soviet Union soured, policymakers increasingly relied on American food power to encourage German embrace of western values. Occupation officials portrayed food relief as an expression of democratic ideals, emphasizing the universality of Freedom from Want and focusing on well-nourished German children as the hope for future peace. American food fostered the spread of liberal democracy but its dispersal also contained communism. This work bridges diplomatic history and food studies to investigate the consequences and significance of the transnational food exchange. Food aid had layered political, cultural, and emotional implications. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the role of compassion in diplomacy and the symbolism inherent in food to demonstrate the lasting political currency of humanitarian aid. Paying close attention to the food relationships that emerge between Germans and Americans allows one to better gauge the value of U.S. food aid as a propaganda tool. Food embodies American power; it offers a medium for understanding the experience and internalization of the occupation by Americans and Germans alike. Food aid began as emergency relief in 1946, reflecting the transition from a punitive to rehabilitative occupation policy. Recognizing Germany’s need for stability and self-sufficiency Military Government officials then urged economic recovery. Food aid was an important piece for German economic recovery, with supporters emphasizing Germany’s potential contribution toward European recovery. The positive press generated by the Marshall Plan and Allied airlift of Berlin contributed to the growing significance of propaganda in the emerging Cold War. Food relief was both good policy and good public relations, providing a narrative that cast the United States as a benevolent power in a rapidly changing world. Food aid to Germany underscored America’s humanitarian obligations, conscripted emotion into the Cold War, and swayed public opinion on the home front and with the former enemy.
Temple University--Theses
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Zafra-Davis, Pola. "Towards a negarchical peace : security threats and the production of negarchy and organizational resilience in the contemporary world." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/7dccb8a2-d264-4624-b50e-e45b0b8e2062.
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This thesis examines cooperation trends in Post-Cold War security organizations through a development of Deudney's Republican Security Theory (RST) and the notion of resilience. Neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are the default theories in explaining the interactions among states inside an organization. While neoliberal institutionalists argue that organizations exert a strong influence on cooperation, and arise from a need for it, neorealism sees the organization as ephemeral and a reflection of great power interests which ultimately undermine cooperation. The two mainstream theories, crucially, provide contradictory structural explanations for cooperation when applied to multiple regions. I argue that this because both adopt the flawed assumption of immutable international anarchy and thus fail to appreciate that a new ordering principle, negarchy, is emerging. By searching for negarchy, I consider the organizational characteristic of resilience. Resilience is an organization's ability to sustain cooperation after exogenous shocks. I argue that the operation of security organizations in Europe, Eurasia and South America is best explained by reference to environment and ordering principles. RST provides tools that are useful in providing an alternative logic for cooperation based on changes in ordering principles, governance, the material environment and the desire for security and liberty. While RST is a promising alternative for explaining cooperation, it has not yet been utilised to explain the Post-Cold War security environment. In light of this, I modify RST in order to take into account non-state actors as sources of violence, as well as extra-regional powers encroaching on a geographic security sphere. I also introduce a macrostructural and microstructural model that incorporates exogenous shocks and the emergence of negarchy through the detection of the anarchy-interdependence and hierarchy-restraint problematiques. I conclude that negarchy is present in varying intensity in three regional security spheres. This allows us to account for the dynamics of organizational cooperation patterns.
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Ravndal, Ellen Jenny. "A force for peace : expanding the role of the UN Secretary-General under Trygve Lie, 1946-1953." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4524630e-0f72-4169-b3e3-c53d250a3424.
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The UN secretary-general plays an important political role in world politics, yet the UN Charter describes him merely as "the chief administrative officer of the Organization". How did such a development come about? The existing narrative tends to emphasise the contribution made by Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nation's second secretary-general from 1953 to 1961. This thesis argues that there are two problems with this narrative. First, it overlooks the precedents set under the first UN secretary-general, Trygve Lie, who was in office from 1946 to 1953. Second, it places too much emphasis on the personal role played by Hammarskjöld, and fails to adequately consider the importance of institutional factors. The main empirical contribution of this thesis is to highlight the importance of precedents set during the first years of the UN's existence while Lie was secretary-general. Through his active stance on political issues in relation to Iran, Palestine, Berlin, Chinese representation, and Korea, as well as his consistently strong defence of the UN's unity and principles, Trygve Lie succeeded in carving out space for the secretary-general to act autonomously on political issues, which later secretaries-general could build on. The thesis' main theoretical contribution is to emphasise the importance of institutional factors in the development of the UN secretary-general's political role. In a conceptual framework based on institutionalism, the thesis explains how the UN secretary-general should be understood to play a 'role' within the 'institution' of the United Nations, and how this makes change of the role and the institution possible. Furthermore, through an examination of the founding of the United Nations and early expectations for the role of the secretary-general, the thesis shows that the institution of the United Nations had been set up from the start in such a way that it not only allowed for an expansion of the office of UN secretary-general, but also made such an expansion likely. The body of the thesis demonstrates how this process played out over time, by examining Lie's activities as secretary-general, and offering a historical narrative of several episodes where the institution 'pulled' to expand the office, just as much as, or even more than, Lie 'pushed' for the same outcome.
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Kajom, David Haji. "The "Decade to overcome violence" programme of the World Council of Churches and Peace in Nigeria : a theological assessment." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71859.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation has been motivated by the prevailing trends of violence in Nigeria and the detrimental effects on human dignity as understood from a theological perspective. The call for peace building by the Decade to Overcome Violence (DOV) programme of the World Council of Churches (WCC) is an important attempt to address the issue of violence which should be taken seriously by the Christian church in Nigeria in its own efforts to address this problem. The increasing deteriorating relations and persistent inter-religious, socio-economic, political and cultural violent strife constitute primary contributing factors that threaten peace in Nigeria. For a long time, this concern has necessitated careful, honest and sincere revisiting. This research which is based on the DOV is motivated by the framework of the global human community which has been marked by numerous structures of violence, injustice, oppression and discrimination causing suffering to millions of men, women and children. Violence, whether physical, structural, psychological or in other forms, is shown to be a denial and abuse of life. Affirming human dignity, the basic rights of people and their integrity, shows that justice is vital to lasting peace and that the denial of the dignity of others serves as motivation for and usually also constitutes the first casualty of any form of violence. Violence, therefore, reaches beyond physical harm to the violation of the personhood of the other. Victims of violence referred to in this study are mostly the innocent and the powerless whose dignity is being violated by religious, social, economic and political structures. Nigerian history testifies to such denials of human dignity through the deplorable and persistent violence in the country. Furthermore, the world is responding to this situation, and similar situations elsewhere, with growing concern and determination. Since 2001, the World Council of Churches has been addressing violence in many different ways. It has generated significant alliances and measures to prevent violence and educate people on peacemaking, by declaring 2001-2010, the Decade to Overcome Violence. Through the DOV, the WCC has declared prevention of violence a public and organisational priority, thus, requesting all member states to establish violence prevention programmes within their ministries. One of the questions posed at the onset of the programme is whether it is possible to eradicate violence completely and establish world peace within a decade. However, the initiative does not actually claim that it would overcome all forms of violence. At the end of the Decade, violence might still be witnessed, but by participating in this global movement for peace, the churches would have become sensitised to situations of violence within and around them and would have been sufficiently motivated to participate in the task of healing the brokenness around them. The desire and aspiration to overcome the spirit, logic and practice of violence in a Christian and ecumenical spirit, however, is rooted in the gift and promise that Christ made to his disciples: “My peace I give you”, and “blessed are the peacemakers…” (Matthew 5:9). Against this background, engaging Hans Küng’s work becomes consequential, since a number of key implications for the Nigerian church and society have emerged in the attempt to consider Küng’s Christology of peace as a framework. Küng’s work is employed as the basic framework of this research as he provides us with a Christology of active non-violence and an ideology of peace. He presents us with a historical Jesus who demonstrated peace building and reconciliation in his ministry. Therefore, if the Christian tradition wants to contribute to peace in the contemporary world, then it needs to rediscover the radical non-violence of its founder and take seriously his disclosure of God. For Küng, peace can only have its root in the world (and that includes Nigeria), if it is established through radical humanism, transcendence, love and obedience.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die motivering vir hierdie tesis het ontstaan in die heersende tendens van geweld in Nigerië en die nadelige impak wat dit het op menswaardigheid, soos verstaan vanuit `n teologiese perspektief. Die oproep vir vrede deur die Dekade om Geweld te Oorkom (DGO) programme van die Wêreldraad van Kerke (WVK) is `n belangrike stap in die poging om die kwessie van geweld aan te spreek. Dit moet ernstig opgeneem word deur die Christelike Kerk in Nigerië en deel vorm van die kerk se pogings om hierdie probleem aan te spreek. Die toenemend verslegtende verhoudings en volgehoue inter-religieuse, sosio-ekonomiese, politiese en kulturele geweldadige worstelinge vorm deel uit van die bydraende faktore wat vrede in Nigerië bedreig. Hierdie bekommernis is al vir `n geruime tyd een wat versigtige, eerlike en opregte aandag nodig het. Hierdie navorsing is gebaseer op die DGO en is geinspireer deur die raamwerk van die globale menslike gemeenskap wat gekenmerk word deur verskeie strukture van geweld, onreg, onderdrukking en diskriminasie – wat lei tot die lyding van miljoene mans vroue en kinders. Geweld, of dit nou fisies, struktureel, sielkundig of in ander vorme gepleeg word, kan gereken word as `n miskenning en mishandeling van lewe. Deur menswaardigheid te bevestig, die basiese regte van mense en hulle integriteit, word daar gewys dat geregtigheid van kardinale belang is om volhoubare vrede te vestig. Die ontneming van hierdie waardigheid gewoonlik as `n motivering en eerste stap in die ontstaan van enige vorm van geweld beskou. Geweld strek daarom verder as fisiese skade en sluit ook in die skending van die menslikheid van ander. Slagoffers van geweld in hierdie studie is meestal die onskuldiges en magteloses wie se waardigheid aangetas is deur religieuse, sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke strukture. Nigeriese geskiedenis wys dat hierdie ontneming van menswaardigheid uit in die betreurenswaardige en aanhoudende geweld in die land. Die wêreld reageer op hierdie situasie, en soortgelyke situasies in ander lande, met groeiende bekommernis en vasberadenheid. Die Wêreldraad van Kerke het sedert 2001 geweld op verskeie maniere aangespreek. Dit het betekenisvolle alliansies en maatstawwe in plek gesit om geweld te voorkom en om mense op te lei in die sluit van vrede, onder meer deur 2001 – 2010 as die Dekade om Geweld te Oorkom te verklaar. Deur die DGO het die Wêreldraad van Kerke die voorkoming van geweld as `n openbare en organisatoriese prioriteit verklaar, en daardeur alle lidstate versoek om voorkomingsprogramme vir geweld binne hulle bedienings in plek te stel. Een van die vrae wat aan die begin van die programme gevra word, is of dit moontlik is om binne `n dekade geweld geheel en al uit te wis en wêreldvrede te vestig, alhoewel die inisiatief nie aanspraak maak daarop dat dit alle vorme van geweld sal oorkom nie. Aan die einde van die dekade mag daar moontlik steeds’ geweld voorkom, maar deur deelname aan hierdie globale beweging vir vrede, word kerke gesensitiseer oor situasies van geweld binne en rondom hulle en word hulle genoegsaam gemotiveer om deel te neem aan die taak om die gebrokenes rondom hulle te genees. Die begeerte en aspirasies om die gees, logika en praktyk van geweld te oorkom in `n Christelike en ekumeniese gees, is gegrond op die gawe en belofte wat Christus aan sy dissipels gemaak het: “My vrede gee ek vir julle” en “geseend is die vredemakers....” (Matteus 5:9). Die bestudering van Hans Küng se werk, veral sy Christologie van vrede, is gevolglik belangrik, aangesien dit `n aantal sleutel implikasies inhou vir die Nigeriese kerk en samelewing en `n raamwerk bied vir vrede. Küng se werk word aangebied as die basiese raamwerk vir hierdie navorsing, aangesien hy `n Christologie bied van aktiewe nie-geweldadigheid en `n ideologie van vrede. Hy bied `n historiese Jesus aan wat vredemaking en versoening in sy bediening gedemonstreer het. Daarom, as die Christelike tradisie iets wil bydra tot die bereiking van vrede in die kontemporêre wêreld, dan moet dit die radikale nie-geweldadigheid van sy stigter herbesoek en sy openbarings van God ernstig opneem. Volgens Küng kan vrede slegs in die wêreld bewerkstellig word (en dit sluit Nigerie in) as dit gevestig word deur radikale humanisme, voortreflikheid, liefde en gehoorsaamheid.
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Boynton, Virginia Ruth. "Surviving adversity: the United States section of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom during World War II." The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399559427.
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Kendall, Eric M. "Diverging Wilsonianisms: Liberal Internationalism, the Peace Movement, and the Ambiguous Legacy of Woodrow Wilson." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1323399909.
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Cohrs, Patrick O. "The unfinished transatlantic peace order after World War I : Britain, the United States and the Franco-German question, 1923-1925." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391010.
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Inagamov, Behzod. "JAPANESE INTERNAL INFLUENCES ON FOREIGN POLICY AFTER THE WORLD WAR II." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113620.
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This dissertation focuses on Japanese policy as a whole, internal and external policy priorities and objectives, in order to illustrate the role, and analyze the level of effectiveness of conducted foreign policy tools. This paper explores some of the reasons and factors of conducted internal and external policy tools. Therefore, it shows how effective and in timely manner reaction of Japanese to state's internal policy, has influenced and played a key role during the country recovery and restoration. Moreover, proper policy objectives not only have restored the country but also made Japan one of the most advanced world centers. Japan is in a number of the advanced countries of the world, participating in modern world political process which dynamics has the general laws and the tendencies of development connected with transformation of the Pacific Rim into the center of global activity of the leading countries of the world. Changes in global scale, aftermath of the World War II affect the significant characteristic of foreign policy, official and economic diplomacy of Japan towards peace and security advocating country.
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Kartal, Kazim. "Tracing The Evolution Of Un Peacekeeping: Peacebuilding, Internal Conflicts And Liberal Restructuring." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12607607/index.pdf.
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Peacekeeping, which was born as an innovation of the United Nations system in an ad hoc way, has transformed in the post-Cold War. In the post-Cold War era, the number of peacekeeping operations increased, new tasks were introduced and the end goal of the operations has changed. Besides, the prevailing understanding of UN peacekeeping has transformed thereby leading us to use the terms peacebuilding and peace operations rather than mere peacekeeping. While during the Cold War era, peacekeeping meant to supervise the ceasefire after interstate conflicts, in the post-Cold War era, peace operations have been mostly utilised in internal conflicts with a view to bring sustainable peace in the lands of internal conflicts. Furthermore, while during the Cold War era, peacekeeping mainly concerned peace/security and sovereignty upon the conflictshuman security and socio-economic development have been embedded into the agenda of peace operations in the post-Cold War era. This thesis offers two dynamics based on a normative change as the underlying cause behind this transformation. In the post-Cold War era, international norms have changed and brought a new parameter: internal conflicts are to be responded. Based on this normative change, the first dynamic is related with the challenge, which internal conflicts pose for peace operations, and the second dynamic is the rise of liberal internationalism, which tends to organise domestic realms of the states.
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Brown, Jacob Alexander. "America's Moral Responsibility?: The Debate over American Intervention in the Near East after WWI." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/591530.
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HistoryM.A.
After the First World War, there was widespread support for U.S. intervention in the Near East to assist Christian minorities in the region, but the Wilson administration and the U.S. Senate took little action. The Armenian cause in particular was foremost in the minds of Americans. Many Americans felt the United States had a moral responsibility to help Near Eastern Christians. For many observers, American interest coupled with the opportunity for increased participation in Near Eastern affairs made it seem likely that the United States would emerge from the peace process as a major influence in the Area. However, this was not the case, and proposed initiatives that would increase American participation in the area were either ignored or rejected. There was broad interest in getting more involved in the Near East, but no consensus on how to do so. Some favored an American mandate over Armenia, while others wanted a larger American mandate over Armenia, Constantinople, and Anatolia, and others sought to avoid mandates altogether and instead preferred sending direct aid to Armenia and the Near East. By the time it seemed clear that American intervention in the Near East would only happen along the terms favored by those seeking to limit American costs and responsibility, the solidification of isolationist sentiment in the United States, antagonized by the long League of Nations debate, and changing circumstances in the Near East made a dramatic increase in U.S. influence in the region unlikely. The debate over American intervention in the Near East provides insight into larger discussions about American imperialism and its relationship to humanitarianism, American isolationism in the interwar years, and the partisan atmosphere of American postwar politics.
Temple University--Theses
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Humphries, David. "Peace and Mind: Religion, Race, and Gender among Progressive Intellectuals and Activists." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08062007-121143/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. Ian Fletcher, committee chair; Jared Poley, Hugh Hudson, committee members. Electronic text (110 [i.e. 105] p.) : digital, PDF file. Pages 18, 45, 76, 77 and 95 blank. Description based on contents viewed Jan. 16, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-110).
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Erdmann, Martin. "Building the Kingdom of God on earth : the churches' contribution to marshal public support for world order and peace, 1919-1945." Thesis, Brunel University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298694.
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Weinbren, Daniel John. "The 'Peace Arsenal' scheme : the campaign for non-munitions work at the Royal Ordnance Factories, Woolwich, after the First World War." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1990. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/8710/.
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Following the Armistice many Arsenal workers wanted to retain their well-paid employment. There was a well established community; there was little comparable work in the locality and accommodation was difficult to find elsewhere. In order to secure peacetime production at the Arsenal, the labour movement in Woolwich organised a campaign which drew in traders, councillors, ex-Servicemen and clerics. The effect of this was to aid the integration of the local labour movement into the national constitution which was being reconstructed at the time. Central aspects of this new constitution were an increase in the integration of representatives of labour and industry in the government, and a new role for the Labour Party. The reconstruction of the constitution involved a degree of economic and legal coercion, and the transmission of government propaganda. These were all orchestrated at national level. The new order also included the accommodation of the working class, which had become more assertive during the war. This meant that social stability could not simply be imposed; the new order had to involve the absorption of tensions and the encouragement of specific strands of working class tradition. The creation of common assumptions could not be done in Whitehall and Westminster alone, it required the active participation of the citizenry; a specific focus and contact with notions generated from within the working class. That the creation of the new order required these elements is shown through the particular circumstances of the causes, course and consequences of the 'Peace Arsenal 1 campaign. The campaign involved the chief architects of the new order, private armaments companies, the Cabinet and the civil service. It also it involved parochial notions derived from the experiences of Arsenal workers.
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Gregory, Andrew G. ""They look in vain" : British foreign policy dissent and the quest for a negotiated peace during the Great War with particular emphasis on 1917 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ30142.pdf.
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