Academic literature on the topic 'World political process'
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Journal articles on the topic "World political process"
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Mukazhanova, A. Zh, and Y. T. Darzhibayev. "World charismatic leaders in the political process." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 72, no. 4 (2020): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-4.1728-8940.04.
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Charisma is a special ability that can attract people's attention, control the crowd, and even impose its own opinion and ideological principles. Charisma is synonymous with leadership. Only born leaders can reach dizzying heights. A common feature of many charismatic people is the ability to master the art of speech perfectly. Simply put, all charismatic people are great speakers. A leader, like advertising, is the driving force behind progress and every process. He must be able to speak publicly.
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McLaughlin, Bryan, John A. Velez, and Joshua A. Dunn. "The political world within: how citizens process and experience political narratives." Annals of the International Communication Association 43, no. 2 (2019): 156–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2019.1597635.
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Герасіна, Людмила Миколаївна. "CONCEPT AND TENDENCIES TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE WORLD POLITICAL PROCESS." Bulletin of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University. Series: Philosophy, philosophies of law, political science, sociology 2, no. 37 (2018): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21564/2075-7190.37.133320.
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Wang, Jenn-hwan. "World city formation, geopolitics and local political process: Taipei's ambiguous development." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 28, no. 2 (2004): 384–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0309-1317.2004.00525.x.
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Echeverri-Gent, John. "Persistent High Inequality as an Endogenous Political Process." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 04 (2009): 633–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509990059.
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At the same time that the world has reached unprecedented prosperity, issues of economic inequality have attained great political salience. In the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, there are major differences in opinion regarding the responsibility of the United States and other wealthy countries and what the proper response should be. In July 2008, the Doha round of negotiations at the WTO broke down after developing countries could not reach an agreement with wealthy countries on agricultural trade. The IMF is under pressure to reform its governance to provide better representation to middle-income and poor countries. And development experts admonish the world about the growing gap between the world's affluent countries and “the bottom billion” (Collier 2007). It used to be that economic-development strategies would target economic growth and “let the rising tide lift all ships.” Now, there is growing concern that growth be inclusive in order to make optimal use of societal resources and mitigate the political volatility that results when substantial segments of societies are excluded from the benefits of development.
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Choi, Gyoung-Gyu. "China's Accession into the World Trade Organization." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, no. 1 (2000): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15107.
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This paper outlines the process of China's accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO) with special focus given to the negotiations between the United States and China, and the European Union (EU) and China. Various economic and political issues behind the scene explain why the US refused to accept China into the WTO for the last 14 years. The economic and political changes in America coupled with the economic and political changes in China placed the two countries in a position where a U.S-China bilateral agreement could be made. The EU acted as a free rider in these negotiations such that it achieved most of its objectives from the conclusion of the Sino-US negotiation. Moreover, the EU could have topped China's concession to the US if it had taken advantage of the opportunity right before the PNTR vote carne to the US Congress.
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Parfinenko, A. "“THE RUSSIAN WORLD” ON THE BUDVA RIVIERA: TOURISM AND FOREIGN POLICY PROCESS IN THE MONTENEGRO." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 142 (2020): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.142.1.27-40.
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The article is devoted to the study of the role and place of tourism in the transformation of the foreign policy course of post-Yugoslavian Montenegro. The focus is on the impact of Russian tourism on key directions and foreign policy problems of the country. The work is based on the concept of transnationalism. Within this approach, global tourist flows are considered as a kind of transnational social space, in which the tourist is always an actor, performing various social actions related to interaction with the different environment. The publication reveals a historical retrospective of geopolitical presence of Russia in the Western Balkans. The cultural, investment and tourism components of Russia's influence on the social and political life of post-Yugoslavian Montenegro are highlighted. Principal indicators of tourism development in the country, the contribution of Russian tourism to the total volume of international tourist arrivals are investigated. Significant politicization of the tourist process in Montenegro is claimed. In mono-dependent on international tourism economy of Montenegro, tourism has influenced the politically-motivated rethinking of the traditions of relations with Serbia, Russia and the West. It has become a factor in the electoral struggle in the society and affected the transformation of Montenegro's geopolitical landmarks. The publication analyzes Russia's attempts to destabilize the country's political situation in the context of its accession to NATO. First of all, by exploiting Montenegro's dependence on Russian investment and tourist flows, the application of information warfare technologies. Culture and tourism are said to be an important component of the new concept of sovereignty, where demonstration of openness and a new European identity have underpinned Montenegro's geopolitical transformation – from the Balkans to the country that has come close to the EU. At the same time, Montenegro's example reflects the increasing political and economic importance of tourism in the world political processes and ensuring international political interaction.
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Carpenter, Daniel. "FDA Transparency in an Inescapably Political World." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 45, S2 (2017): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110517750617.
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Transparency requires more than disclosure of data. It requires a mechanism and policy for conveying information to the public. In order for the aims of the excellent report of the FDA Transparency Working Group to be realized, a publicity initiative will need to accompany the plan of action. The FDA will need to actively convey information about the evidence concerning benefit-risk profiles of drugs, sometimes pointing out misleading claims by manufacturers or sponsors. In other cases, the FDA will need to make available its procedures, including possible conflicts of interest, not only in drug approval, but also in guidance documents and in rulemaking. Transparency as a process of letting the public see into the agency should be accompanied by a proactive strategy of distributing information about the products regulated by the agency.
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Korotkova, Olga A., and Svetlana A. Osipova. "Secession Tendencies of the Modern Process of State Formation." Social’naya politika i sociologiya 20, no. 1 (2021): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17922/2071-3665-2021-20-1-107-115.
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An analysis of some of the events taking place in the modern socio-political environment shows that the processes of state formation, the preconditions for which were laid down in the 20th century, are acquiring new impulses and continuation in the modern world. At the same time, the political technologies used in the construction of new states are diverse, but the most common form of the state formation process in the modern world is secession.
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Hirsch, Herbert. "Attention to Process Blinds Political Scientists to Real Causes of World Problems." PS: Political Science & Politics 33, no. 04 (2000): 747–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500063150.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "World political process"
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Emens, J. D. "A FUNCTIONAL APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING PANEL DYNAMICS IN THE W.T.O. DISPUTE SETTLEMENT PROCESS." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1140809808.
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Seiler, Steven Jerome. "A Theoretical Critique of the Western Biases in the Political Process Theory of Social Movements." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42246.
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The purpose of this study is to contribute to the construction of a theoretical framework for empirical examination of social movements in Third World countries. Political process theory, currently a dominant perspective on social movements, is the most promising starting point for such a research program; however, it has inherent Western biases, which severely limit its explanatory power for examining Third World social movements. Specifically, I contend that political process theory's understanding of the relationship between the state and social movements, as well as its assumptions about the dynamics of political opportunity structures, inadequately capture the complexities of the Third World social movements. Therefore, as the basis of a larger project, I critique the western biases inherent in the theoretical framework of the political process theory, focusing exclusively on Doug McAdamâ s contributions to this approach. I employ a hermeneutic method, since it provides a useful means for engaging in discourse with texts. I conclude that McAdamâ s views on political opportunity and the state reflect a Eurocentric reading and understanding, in large part because his analyses have been based on democratic states.Accordingly, some of the political process theory's key shortcomings for Third World applications are that it overemphasizes the analytic and practical importance of the electoral system, and that its logic is rooted in unrealistic assumptions of inherently stable political structures and institutionalized democratic processes.<br>Master of Science
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Ljung, Johanna. "Protecting Women to Protect the World? : A critical examination of the `Women and Peace´ thesis through process tracing in the case of Kenya." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384101.
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Despite the number of decades dedicated to research the causes of conflict, an answer has yet to be found. The theoretical discussions to date have in large been blind to the implications of gender. However in 2009, in spite of gender’s general dismissal as ultimate cause, five professors joined together and formulated the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis. It argues, with the statistical significance to show, that women’s physical security greatly effects state security. To explain how women’s physical security affects state security the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis use, amongst other theories, the controversial choice of evolutionary biology and psychology. The purpose and aim of this study has its point of departure within that choice; it aims to critically examine the statements of the ‘Women and Peace' thesis that are based in evolutionary biology and psychology, and social learning theory. It has done so by conducting a process tracing in the case of Kenya, with the help of a theoretical framework derived from segments of the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis. The findings in this study represents a first step towards the essential empirical research for it to be possible to decide wether there is causality and not just covariation behind the statistical significance presented in the 2009-study. In this case, the findings largely corroborate the initial skepticism towards evolutionary theory, while also concluding that social learning theory shows signs of having some explanatory power to it. This study argues that, if found to be empirically accurate, the results of the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis have the potential to completely change the universal strategies used for peacebuilding today. Therefore this study argues that it should not be dismissed, but developed to a state where it is less dependent of evolutionary theory due to its issues with measurement and causality.
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Cherland, Kelsey. "The Development Of Personal Status Law In Jordan & Iraq." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/865.
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This thesis explores the historical development of personal status law, which governs a person’s marriage, divorce, and custody rights. It is significant because it is part of a framework that has defined women’s rights for centuries. I will argue that personal status law is a patriarchal framework that has been reinforced over time, leading up to the creation of nation-states in the Middle East. As such, this is the “institution” of personal status that will be traced using historical institutionalism theory. In this thesis I will argue that personal status has undergone a critical juncture, or crucial moment of potential to change, in both Jordan and Iraq’s founding, and that this has consequentially affected personal status law development and responses to the women’s movement throughout the 20th century in both countries. This thesis briefly reviews the role of women’s rights and the development of law in pre-Islam era, Islam and the Qur’an, and the Ottoman Empire in order to describe the institution of personal status law. Next, I review the history of Jordan and then Iraq and identify the critical juncture of personal status in historical context. In each chapter I will also explore the matter of de facto, or what women’s rights are like in practice, as an example of the institution at work in the patriarchal protection paradox.
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Weaver, Kimberly. "International Society Cosmopolitan Politics and World Society." Scholar Commons, 2010. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3701.
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How does the international system move from an anarchic system driven by power to a global community driven by the needs/wants of the community at large? Jürgen Habermas utilizes the tenets of his Communicative Action Theory to underline the importance of communicatively based repertoire in the international system between and among states and non-state actors and the citizens themselves. How does arguing and reasoning among states and international institutions bring together legitimization and order? My research aims to analyze the movement of the international system from anarchy towards a global civil society. In doing so, I will examine Communicative Action Theory in International Relations, in particular the development of legitimization processes in international politics, the role of state sovereignty and its effect on the legitimization process of non-state actors. I argue that underdeveloped legitimization processes at the international level consist of fragile consensus building mechanisms that explain why disagreement can and often does lead to violence. However, I also contend that the international system is moving toward a more developed global civil society.
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Vicente, Tainá Dias [UNESP]. "A aproximação entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia e o processo de negociação do acordo nuclear civil (2008)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/128174.
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000786856.pdf: 1216745 bytes, checksum: b504031a4ac0dfc529dbd1e9d3a05232 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil<br>This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred
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Sachs, Rafael Salmazi 1990. "O texto digital como processo e a política como regime de enunciação : um estudo de mashups multimodais nas Jornadas de Junho." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269452.
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Orientador: Marcelo El Khouri Buzato<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T03:43:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2015<br>Resumo: Esta dissertação teve como objetivo mais amplo gerar inteligibilidades acerca da relação entre a cultura digital e a ação política na contemporaneidade, a partir da articulação, no campo da Linguística Aplicada, entre a noção de linguagem digital como processo e o conceito de política como regime de enunciação, que objetiva traduzir em um os interesses de muitos. Como contexto para o estudo, escolheram-se os eventos das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, caracterizadas tanto pela emergência repentina de massivos protestos de rua no Brasil, quanto pela publicação, em sites de redes sociais, de uma grande quantidade de remixes e mashups contendo enunciados políticos a respeito. Compõem o corpus empírico da pesquisa 88 textos verbovisuais desse tipo, publicados no Facebook entre junho e julho de 2013. Entendidos como frutos de percursos de desmontagem e remontagem, e, portanto, de desressemiotização, esses textos foram analisados com base na articulação (proposta como objetivo teórico do trabalho) entre as categorias da Semiótica Social para a multimodalidade e as da Teoria Ator-Rede para translações. Como objetivo empírico, buscou-se descrever os significados representacionais e os percursos de constituição das montagens do corpus, em relação ao regime de enunciação da política. As perguntas de pesquisa foram duas, a saber: (1) quais foram os principais actantes mobilizados nos remixes estudados, e em que tipo de processos semióticos tais actantes apareceram com maior frequência?; e (2) quais foram algumas das operações de ressemiotização empregadas nas desreestabilizações sucessivas das diferentes versões de Brasil e realidade brasileira constituídas nesses textos? Os resultados elencaram as figurativizações mais comuns e os processos representacionais mais frequentes no corpus, em que os manifestantes, a nação brasileira, os políticos e a grande mídia foram os principais actantes representados, em geral, através de processos atributivos simbólicos. Destacou-se, nesse levantamento, a figura do gigante de pedra se levantando no Rio de Janeiro, empregada por muitos como representação unificada do Brasil e dos interesses múltiplos em atuação nas Jornadas. A partir dessa figura, descreveram-se ainda os processos de negociação de affordances para constituição de alguns dos textos analisados, e sua relação com as disputas pelo significado dos acontecimentos das Jornadas de Junho, e pela definição que era "ser brasileiro" no momento dos protestos. Como conclusão, os dados refletem a necessidade de buscar caminhos para compreensões menos deterministas da relação entre política, tecnologias digitais e sociedade, e modos de formação cidadã, no âmbito das mídias digitais, que viabilizem a compreensão de enunciados políticos como fruto de enredamentos semióticos sempre articulados em disputas de interesse, mesmo quando se pretendem neutros<br>Abstract: The main goal of the present study is to suggest ways of understanding the relation between digital culture and contemporary political action, based on the connection, drawn in the field of Applied Linguistics, between the notion of digital language as process and the concept of politics as a regime of enunciation which aims to translate the interests of many into one. The events of the June Journeys in 2013 were taken as context for the study, since they included not only the sudden emergence of massive protests on Brazilian streets, but also the publishing, on social network sites, of large amounts of remixes and mashups containing political statements on that regard. Seen as the outcomes of disassembling and assembling trajectories, and therefore, of deresemiotization trajectories, those texts were analyzed in the light of an articulation (also presented as a theoretical objective of this work) between Social Semiotics studies on multimodality and Actor-Network Theory principles for the understanding of translations. As empirical objectives, this work aimed to describe the representational meanings and the assembling trajectories of the texts in the corpus, in relation to the political regime of enunciation. The research questions were two: (1) what were the main actants mobilized in the remixes in the corpus, and in which kind of semiotic processes those actants appeared more often?; and (2) what were some of the resemiotization operations used for the continuous derestabilizations of different versions of Brazil and Brazilian reality represented in those texts? Results enroll the most frequent figurativizations and the most usual representational processes in the corpus, in which the demonstrators, Brazilian nation, politicians and mass media were the main actants, and were depicted, in general, through symbolic attributive processes. In that enrollment, the image of a stone giant rising in Rio de Janeiro was prominent, for it was used by many as a unified depiction of Brazil as a whole and of the multiple interests acting during the Journeys. From that picture, the results described the processes of negotiation of affordances for the composition of some of the analyzed texts, and their relation to the disputes for the meaning of the June Journeys events, and for what meant "to be Brazilian" then. As a conclusion, data reflects the need of pursuing less determinist ways of understanding the relation among politics, digital technologies and society, as well as the need for ways of citizenship education, regarding digital media, that address the understanding of political statements as outcomes of semiotic entanglements which are always connected to interests in dispute, even when allegedly neutral<br>Mestrado<br>Linguagem e Sociedade<br>Mestre em Linguística Aplicada
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Wallis, James. "Commemoration, memory and the process of display : negotiating the Imperial War Museum's First World War exhibitions, 1964-2014." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21869.
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This thesis explores the key permanent and temporary First World War exhibitions held at the Imperial War Museum in London over a fifty year period. In so doing, it examines the theoretical, political and intellectual considerations that inform exhibition-making. It thus illuminates the possibilities, challenges and difficulties, of displaying the 'War to End All Wars'. Furthermore, by situating these displays within their respective social, economic and cultural contexts, this produces a critical analysis of past and present practices of display. A study of these public presentations of the First World War enables discussion of the Museum’s primary agendas, and its role as a national public institution. In considering this with the broader effect of generational shifts and the ever-changing impact of the War’s cultural memory on this institution, the thesis investigates how the Imperial War Museum has consistently reinvented itself to produce engaging portrayals of the conflict for changing audiences.
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Gomes, Kelly da Rocha. "Unasul : mais do mesmo? As dimensões do processo de integração sul-americano /." São Paulo : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93740.
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O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares<br>Banca: Flávia de Campos Mello<br>Banca: Marcelo Passini Mariano<br>Resumo: Os processos de integração regional sul-americano são resultado demodelos de integração intergovernamental dos quais a questão supranacional nãovem obtendo grande espaço. As dificuldades em se oferecer concretudes aosprocessos foram significativas, uma vez que os países envolvidos, nãodemonstravam comprometimento com iniciativas que não fossem autocentradas e aofato dos modelos de integração privilegiarem questões materiais. Ao longo dosanos os processos têm avançado com baixo aprofundamento e o ritmo não seadequou às necessidades da região, ou seja, atenuar as assimetrias estruturaise políticas dos Estados nacionais. Muito destes obstáculos devem-se a situaçõesinternas críticas, a principal delas a baixa institucionalização, que nãoproduz mecanismos capazes de absorver as demandas nacionais o que por sua vezreduz os estímulos para o aprofundamento das políticas institucionais dasorganizações construídas. Com o intuito de transformar este cenário regional ealicerçado por um novo paradigma integracionista sul-americano, surge a Uniãodas Nações Sul-americanas (UNASUL), um projeto que busca criar um espaçoregional integrado no âmbito político, social, ambiental e infraestrutura, masque ainda é um projeto de estrutura institucional em construção<br>Abstract: The south american regional integration processes are the results of models of intergovernmental integration in which the supranational issue has not been getting great space. The difficulties in offering concretudes procedures has been significant, since the countries involved have not demonstrated commitment to initiatives that are not self centered and due to the fact that the models of integration prioritise economic issues. Over the years, the processes have advanced with low depth and the pace has not adapted to the needs of the region, reducing the structural imbalances and politicians of the States. Much of these barriers are due to critical internal situations, being the main one the reduced institutional capacity, which does not produce mechanisms capable of absorbing the national demands that allow to reduce the motivation for the depth of institutional policies of built organizations. With the intention of changing this regional scenery and anchored by a new south american integrationist paradigm, comes the Union of South American Nations (UNASUL), a project that seeks to create a regional space integrated into the political, social, environmental and infrastructural, but that is still under construction<br>Mestre
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Vicente, Tainá Dias. "A aproximação entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia e o processo de negociação do acordo nuclear civil (2008) /." Campinas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/128174.
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Orientador: Sebastião C. Velasco e Cruz<br>Banca: Oliver Stuenkel<br>Banca: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil<br>Abstract: This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred<br>Mestre
Books on the topic "World political process"
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1947-, Ettin Mark F., Fidler Jay W, and Cohen Bertram D, eds. Group process and political dynamics. International Universities Press, 1994.
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Institut mezhdunarodnogo rabochego dvizhenii︠a︡ (Akademii︠a︡ nauk SSSR), ed. The Working class in the world revolutionary process. Nauka, 1988.
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Joe, Dodd, ed. World class politics: Knoxville's 1982 World's Fair, redevelopment and the political process. Sheffield Pub. Co., 1988.
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Rugh, William A. The Arab press: News media and political process in the Arab world. 2nd ed. Syracuse University Press, 1987.
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Kisaichi, Masatoshi, ed. Popular movements and democratization in the Islamic world. Routledge, 2006.
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Norbu, Dawa. Culture and the Politics of Third World Nationalism. Taylor & Francis Inc, 2003.
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Rugh, William A. The Arab press =: Al-Ṣiḥāfah al-ʻArabīyah : news media and political process in the Arab world. 2-ге вид. Syracuse University Press, 1987.
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Vincent, Durac, ed. Civil society and democratization in the Arab world: The dynamics of activism. Routledge, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "World political process"
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Yang, Guangbin. "“History of World Politics”: The Evolution Process of World Political System." In The Historical Dynamics of Chinese Politics. Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1392-1_7.
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Jahn, Egbert. "The Present Clash of Religious Communities and Regional Civilisations in the Global Civilising Process." In World Political Challenges. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47912-4_8.
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Petrović, Miloš. "Dynamic Regional Political Concepts and the European Integration Process." In Russia and Serbia in the Contemporary World: Bilateral Relations, Challenges and Opportunities. Institute of International Politics ; Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_ru_sr.2020.ch11.
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Bhattacharya, Debasis. "Changing Paradigms of Strategic Political Process in Public Policy Formulation and Governance." In Democracy and Public Policy in the Post-COVID-19 World. Routledge India, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003142003-8.
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Alper, Sinan, Onurcan Yilmaz, and S. Adil Saribay. "How Do Cognitive Styles Influence Political Attitudes? A Joint Consideration of Dual-Process Model and Construal Level Theory." In Identity in a Changing World. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38270-4_6.
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Ceci, Giovanni Mario. "The First G6 Summit Takes Place at Rambouillet. 15–17 November 1975. Emergence of an International Governance of Globalization?" In Security, Conflict and Cooperation in the Contemporary World. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-82146-2_15.
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Abstract This chapter seeks to understand to what extent different Italian actors—political leaders, political parties and public opinion—grasped the historic nature of the Rambouillet summit (15–17 November 1975) as a major way-stage in the process of globalization and attempts to govern it.
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Wathne, Sophia. "Social Movements Prefiguring Political Theory." In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98798-5_8.
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AbstractAdding to the growing literature on social movements as knowledge and theory creators, this chapter wants more social movement research to focus on the content of the political theories created by social movements, as an outcome of their morality. This chapter argues that prefigurative social movements create political theory through the interplay of their internal and external communication, their organization, and in their discussions of how and why to change the world: They are prefiguring political theory through their cognitive praxis. The chapter demonstrates how the literature on prefigurative social movements and Ron Jamison and Andrew Eyerman’s concept of cognitive praxis, combined with a decolonial feminist approach to knowledge and theory, provides space for the political theory of social movements within social movement literature. This theory is inherently political as it is aimed to be a (temporary) guide toward the kind of world the movements want to see and argues why the world should look like that.The chapter briefly outlines how a Cartesian approach to science prevents us from viewing theory based on lived experience as theory, even though all theory is based on lived experience, and thereby explains why we have not taken the knowledge and theory created by social movements seriously for so long. To recognize social movements as political actors, we need to engage with the concepts, policy proposals, critiques, or new institutions that they are creating, and not only the mechanics around creating them. Consequently, we need to recognize social movements as the authors of the knowledge and theory they create and not take credit for “discovering” it. Lastly, from a decolonial approach, we should recognize that social movement research is relational and that the research process should involve the social movements themselves to make sure they also benefit from it, and view them as colleagues who are sharing their knowledge with us. Moving away from the more Cartesian view of science requires a decolonization of the entire research process, and in particular rethinking what this means in terms of authorship, ownership, and credit.
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Attinà, Fulvio. "Order is what states make of it. Interregnum, world-scale problems, and multilateralism." In Studi e saggi. Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-595-0.15.
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The present chapter assumes that using multilateralism to address world-scale problems has an impact on the future of world politics and may be the game-changer of the world political order. In the first section, attention is drawn to the establishment of the present world order, the multilateral institutions and policies that have been the cornerstone of such order, and the current order transition process. Based on the research knowledge about the ongoing world climate policymaking process, the second section explains the persistent role of multilateral policymaking as the way of responding to the problems that are widespread over the entire planet and are inherent to the structure of the world polity of the sovereign states.
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Formigoni, Guido. "The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. 1 August 1975. Détente in Europe as an Opportunity to Overcome Cold War Divisions." In Security, Conflict and Cooperation in the Contemporary World. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-82146-2_13.
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Abstract International détente was designed as a project to preserve bipolarism, but in Europe it also expressed instances of changing relations between the blocs, and even the hypothesis of a slow termination of the Cold War (foreshadowing major domestic consequences). This chapter studies the widespread perception in Italy of the new framework of international relations and the subsequent political elaboration by the governing centre-left majority and the political opposition, to both Left and Right. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, 1973–1975) was a decisive step in this process.
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Ashworth, Peta, and Elliot Clarke. "Climate Change—Does the IPCC Model Provide the Foundation for a Potential Global Technology Assessment Framework?" In Technology Assessment in a Globalized World. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10617-0_7.
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AbstractThis chapter explores the structure, practises and methods of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) as a legitimate scientific institution and its interplay with the global political decision-making forum of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). By examining the successes and shortfalls of the IPCC process and comparing these with Technology Assessment (TA) theory and practice, we investigate whether such an institutionalised process of co-design between governments and researchers could serve as a potential global TA model. We identified four central challenges including: (a) a lack of impact through initiating action based on current government commitments, (b) the pursuit of consensus-based and situated knowledge, (c) reporting inaccuracies leading to mistrust, and (d) accessibility of information across different scales. We suggest there is potential for each of these deficiencies to be addressed using existing analytical and impact TA frameworks, resulting in more authentic and accepted outcomes from a global governance perspective. Highlighting that this may also help to build trust in science advice at the country and community level. By applying a critical lens to the IPCC process as one potential global TA model, we argue that with the addition of grassroots participatory TA, alongside traditional governance and reporting frameworks, there is potential to deliver holistic solutions on a range of global challenges.
Conference papers on the topic "World political process"
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Trukhin, A. S., R. V. Lesovik, and Ya S. Allakham. "Evolution of Political Process in Gulf." In Proceedings of the International conference "Economy in the modern world" (ICEMW 2018). Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icemw-18.2018.80.
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Morozova, O. "EPIDEMICS OF 1918 AND THE POLITICAL FATE OF THE ZEMSTVO INTELLIGENTSIA." In Man and Nature. Socio-natural interaction in the world-historical process. LLC MAKS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m1958.s-n_history_2020_43/150-154.
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Raheem, Luqman, and Nasir Durid. "The impact of the regional factor in the democratic transition A comparative study between the experiences of Spain 1975 and Iraq 2003." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp126-148.
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The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.
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Sharif, Amin, and Hewa Ahmed. "The future of the Saudi Political System in Light of Internal Variables." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp195-231.
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Saudi Arabia enjoys a privileged position in the Middle East by virtue of its strategic position, and because of its political, economic and religious factors, as the Saudi political system was established in 1744 in accordance with a political-religious agreement between the Al Saud and the religious institution represented by the Wahhabi da'wa (Salafism), and continued to receive its legitimacy and support from it, tribalism also took an important aspect in maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity. In the importance of future studies that address topics related to Saudi domestic and external affairs, notably the issue of reform. The reform trends in Saudi Arabia coincided with its opening to the world specifically western countries in the early 1990s, and increased elitist and popular calls for reform, as well as a number of structural causes that reinforced the alliance between the political and religious institution that clearly controlled the social, political and civil life of the Kingdom. This study is concerned with the reform process in the Saudi political system by showing the future scenes of that process, and then relying on internal variables, and the study tries in the framework of its problem to answer a key question: where is the Saudi political system going in light of internal variables. The hypothesis of the study in the context of future studies is based on an optimistic scene that supports the success of the reform process in Saudi Arabia, and another pessimistic scene that believes that the political system in the Kingdom will remain the same, if not turn into a worse state than it is now.
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KUZNETSOVA, N. Yu. "LINGUISTIC MEANS OF EXPRESSING POLITICAL IDENTITY IN GERMAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In СЛОВО, ВЫСКАЗЫВАНИЕ, ТЕКСТ В КОГНИТИВНОМ, ПРАГМАТИЧЕСКОМ И КУЛЬТУРОЛОГИЧЕСКОМ АСПЕКТАХ. Chelyabinsk State University Publishing House, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.47475/9785727119631_50.
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The article examines the linguistic means of updating political identity in German political discourse. Identity refers to the ability of an individual to consider himself part of the socio-cultural world. One of the forms of identity is political identity, i.e. an individual’s involvement in political processes, acceptance or rejection of any political position. Political identity is most clearly and fully revealed in the process of political communication, namely in political discourse, the content of which includes speech acts operating in the political space. Language in political discourse is considered as a means of expressing one’s point of view, as well as a tool for influencing the addressee and shaping his political position. Using the material of political articles from German media, linguistic means of actualizing political identity are identified and analyzed, namely personal pronouns, explicit and implicit opposition, ergonyms and metaphor. These grammatical and lexical means allow the addressee to express his political identity, as well as influence the addressee in order to form his political identity.
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Saeed, Nawsherwan. "Is the constitution the problem in front of the democratic transition in Iraq?" In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp171-183.
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Nearly 17 years after the US invasion, Iraq ranks first in the list of the most corrupt and least stable countries in the world. The state of instability and rampant corruption in Iraqi society since 2003 made some critics blame the constitution itself as the main obstacle to the country's democratic transition. For them, the hasty method of drafting the constitution, the absence of Iraqi constitutional expertise, and the lateral representation of Sunni Arabs are among the factors that have contributed to the precarious situation in Iraq over the past years. Likewise, critics argue that the ambiguity and ambiguity in some constitutional articles hindered its application. Amid these readings, the October revolution erupted on October 1, 2019 in Baghdad and the rest of the southern governorates of Iraq in protest against the deteriorating economic conditions of the country, unemployment, and the spread of administrative corruption. The demands of the demonstrators reached to change the constitution and amend the electoral law. Thus, the question posed in this paper is to what extent can the constitution really be an obstacle to the democratization process in Iraq? This paper discusses that the nature of Iraqi society as a deeply divided society, the absence of the previous democratic experience among the citizens, the weakness of the political culture of cooperation and tolerance among the political elites, and external interference are among the main obstacles to the democratic transformation in the country. Finally, the conclusion of the study is that despite all the criticisms and criticisms about the democratic experience in Iraq, the process of democratic transformation is slow in itself, and therefore it can be said that the process is still ongoing and has not failed yet.
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Shevchenko, Ekaterina, Mikhail Burda, Olga Nesterchuk, Sergey Popov, and Anna Krivova. "Positioning of the US President in the World Political Process: To the Question of Defining the Research Methodology." In VIII International Scientific and Practical Conference 'Current problems of social and labour relations' (ISPC-CPSLR 2020). Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210322.187.
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Čechmánek, Kristián. "Sustainable Development in the World of Lies." In 9th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2023.1.
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Is the process of sustainable development threatened by disinformation or is disinformation eligible to change the civilizational trajectory of the European Union´s paradigmatical endeavor towards a sustainable future? As the author believes, answering the question is vital in order to adapt to the situation of new threats that change the perception, cognition, and behavior of a wide range of participants in political, public, and civil life. In order to do that, the author scrutinizes the European Union´s major sustainable development policies on the one hand and various trends influenced by strong disinformation campaigns and hybrid threats towards them on the level of member states on the other hand. As the author shows, there are already observable tendencies, based on which it is possible to state a significant influence of disinformation on the sustainable development of the European Union. As the following article will point out, the social and political reality in the European Union indicate a possible paradigm shift where traditional knowledge-based sustainable development is challenged by disinformation narratives that make both European and global endeavor toward a sustainable future strongly aggravated.
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DVOINENKO, M. O. "THE POLITICAL VALUES OF THE GLOBALIST PROPAGANDA DISCOURSE." In FORTUNES OF NATIONAL CULTURES IN GLOBALIZATION CONTEXT: BETWEEN TRADITION AND THE NEW REALITY. Chelyabinsk State University Publishing House, 2024. https://doi.org/10.47475/9785727120088_168.
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The process of globalization in the modern world has acquired, in addition to the economic, a cultural dimension. In the context of cultural globalization, political propaganda plays an integral role in modern political communication, it is a way for political actors to convey their interpretation of reality and influence the public masses. The influence of globalist-type propaganda mainly occurs within the framework of left-liberal political discourse. Such a discourse forms stable discursive constructs expressed in the plots of the “culture of abolition”, the struggle for all new political rights, historical justice, etc., which is expressed in the formation of the subjectivity of these phenomena in the political and social space. Against this background, political resources are accumulating to wage an information war for values on the world stage.
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MATIEȘ-VERBUNCU (STOIAN), Isabella-Alice. "OUTCOMES OF GLOBALISATION IN THE PROCESS OF TRANSLATION." In Synergies in Communication. Editura ASE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/sic/2021/01.04.
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In the last decades of the 21st century, we have witnessed a substantial increasing of the phenomenon of globalisation which transcends geographical boundaries and dramatically affects technology and socio-economical development, and modern translation as well. Despite the fact English has become a world trade lingua franca, the changes made by the advent of globalisation may produce specific cultural linguistic, technological and political outcomes for the field of translation and translators. This paper proposes an attempt to grasp the relevance of globalisation and its fundamental and introspective role in the process of modern translation.
Reports on the topic "World political process"
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Scartascini, Carlos. The Institutional Determinants of Political Transactions. Inter-American Development Bank, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010982.
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Public policies are the outcome of the interaction among a variety of key political actors, each with its own preferences and incentives, who meet in different arenas and interact within the constraints of the institutions that frame their engagement. Therefore, to recognize the reasons behind the success or failure of any public policy it is necessary to understand the countrys political institutions and the policymaking process they in turn help shape. This document looks at a number of those key actors, institutions, and arenas, with the aim of examining the roles, incentives, and capabilities of each of the actors in the policymaking process, by drawing from an extensive literature in political science and political economy. Each of the actors is looked at individually but connected to the other actors by linking the impact of political institutions on their incentives to the features of the policymaking game. Hopefully, this document will provide researchers with the tools necessary to embark in the fascinating analysis of policymaking processes not only for Latin American countries but also for other parts of the world.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.
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This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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Nacif, Benito, Gabriel Negretto, Fabrice Lehoucq, Allyson Lucinda Benton, and Francisco Javier Aparicio. Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes, and Policy Outcomes in Mexico. Inter-American Development Bank, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011290.
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This paper uses a transaction-costs framework to link the policymaking process (PMP) and the outer features of public policies in Mexico. It shows how a highly secretive PMP, centralized around the presidency, fashioned nationalist policies that were stable, adaptable, coordinated and private-regarding for the urban-based corporatist pillars of the regime. When growth faltered in the late 1970s, however, this PMP was unable to adapt to economic volatility, although it remained dominant in an increasingly turbulent polity. The paper explains how unified government and corporatist control of the economy made a constitutionally weak president the envy of executives around the world, even at the cost of being unable to enact reforms with short-term costs for the corporatist pillars of the regime. The article also explains why democratization in the 1990s is giving rise to a less centralized and more open PMP that benefits larger shares of the population.
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Baker, Lucy. The Political Economy of South Africa’s Carbon Tax. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2022.017.
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The subject of carbon pricing is rising up the global policy agenda, as countries take action in the aftermath of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s Conference of the Parties 26 summit in November 2021. South Africa is the only country in sub-Saharan Africa to have enacted a carbon tax to date, and, globally speaking, was ahead of the curve when it started to consider its implementation at the start of 2010. With a historically energy-intensive and carbon-intensive economy as a core feature of its minerals-energy complex, South Africa is the world’s 14th largest emitter of greenhouse gases, and the largest emitter on the continent. Its electricity grid is the world’s most carbon-intensive, and its primary energy consumption is ranked 17th globally. While the country’s gross domestic product is the 30th highest in the world, it is also one of the most unequal. It has a legacy of socioeconomic and political exclusion, and marginalisation created by the apartheid history that has persisted in the decades since the democratic transition in 1994. This paper asks to what extent and in what way has South Africa’s political economy shaped the process and implementation of its carbon tax? In answering this question, the report explores and analyses the design and implementation of the tax; the key criticisms to which it has been subjected; the effectiveness of the tax, not least in light of the considerable allowances and exemptions that have been included in its design; the relationship between the carbon tax and other existing climate change policies; and the potential relevance of South Africa’s experience for other countries on the continent.
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Crispin, Darla. Artistic Research as a Process of Unfolding. Norges Musikkhøgskole, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.22501/nmh-ar.503395.
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As artistic research work in various disciplines and national contexts continues to develop, the diversity of approaches to the field becomes ever more apparent. This is to be welcomed, because it keeps alive ideas of plurality and complexity at a particular time in history when the gross oversimplifications and obfuscations of political discourses are compromising the nature of language itself, leading to what several commentators have already called ‘a post-truth’ world. In this brutal environment where ‘information’ is uncoupled from reality and validated only by how loudly and often it is voiced, the artist researcher has a responsibility that goes beyond the confines of our discipline to articulate the truth-content of his or her artistic practice. To do this, they must embrace daring and risk-taking, finding ways of communicating that flow against the current norms. In artistic research, the empathic communication of information and experience – and not merely the ‘verbally empathic’ – is a sign of research transferability, a marker for research content. But this, in some circles, is still a heretical point of view. Research, in its more traditional manifestations mistrusts empathy and individually-incarnated human experience; the researcher, although a sentient being in the world, is expected to behave dispassionately in their professional discourse, and with a distrust for insights that come primarily from instinct. For the construction of empathic systems in which to study and research, our structures still need to change. So, we need to work toward a new world (one that is still not our idea), a world that is symptomatic of what we might like artistic research to be. Risk is one of the elements that helps us to make the conceptual twist that turns subjective, reflexive experience into transpersonal, empathic communication and/or scientifically-viable modes of exchange. It gives us something to work with in engaging with debates because it means that something is at stake. To propose a space where such risks may be taken, I shall revisit Gillian Rose’s metaphor of ‘the fold’ that I analysed in the first Symposium presented by the Arne Nordheim Centre for Artistic Research (NordART) at the Norwegian Academy of Music in November 2015. I shall deepen the exploration of the process of ‘unfolding’, elaborating on my belief in its appropriateness for artistic research work; I shall further suggest that Rose’s metaphor provides a way to bridge some of the gaps of understanding that have already developed between those undertaking artistic research and those working in the more established music disciplines.
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Garay, Luis Jorge, Antoni Estevadeordal, and Robert Devlin. The FTAA: Some Longer Term Issues. Inter-American Development Bank, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008680.
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The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) process was launched during the Miami Summit of Heads of State in December 1994. It was the centerpiece of a broader hemispheric initiative of political and socio-economic cooperation among 34 countries of the Americas with the objective to negotiate a hemispheric free trade agreement by the year 2005. The preparatory phase began in January 1995 and formal negotiations were launched in April 1998. The creation of an FTAA would clearly be the most important chapter in the history of regional cooperation in the Western Hemisphere and mark a fitting culmination to a fast maturing trade policy framework in Latin America and the Caribbean. The FTAA process is the result of progressive globalization of the world economy and a profound transformation in the region based on: (i) structural economic reforms in almost all the countries directed at stimulating market activity and a better articulation with the world economy; (ii) the emergence, or strengthening, of democratic regimes almost everywhere and (iii) political commitments to foster peace and cooperation among neighbors with a history of rivalry and conflict. Regional integration has been a fundamental complementary tool for achieving these ambitious national objectives, which permeate the entire region. Latin America and the Caribbean have a long tradition of interest in regional integration. An intense amount of activity in this area emerged out of the Post-War period. However, the initiatives in the first three decades following the War inserted themselves in the prevailing state-led import substitution strategy of the time, itself to a large extent a product of "market skepticism" derived from the Great Depression. In the 1990s, however, a "new" regionalism emerged in Latin America and the Caribbean that conformed to the new national strategies for economic and political transformation and preparation for globalization.
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Moore, Mark, and Marla Spivack. The Way Forward in Analyzing National Educational Systems: A Re-Considered View. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-risewp_2022/110.
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Low- and middle-income countries around the world face a profound educational challenge. At stake in meeting this challenge is their ability to participate effectively in an increasingly interdependent global economy, society, and polity, and to meet many other goals set out in the International Declaration of Human Rights. Turning the current challenge into an important opportunity will, by definition, require significant improvements in the productivity of national education systems. Productivity changes on this scale require innovations at all three levels of the national systems: micro (classroom pedagogy), meso (school and district management), and macro (national politics and policy) levels. This paper sets out principles for designing a process initiated and supported at the national level that can animate, guide, and evaluate the varied innovations that will help national government meet their educational goals along a path that supports their economic, social, and political goals as well.
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Valencia, Alexis, Luis A. Arias, Luiz Arruda Villela, and Alberto Daniel Barreix. The Harmonization of Indirect Taxes in the Andean Community. Inter-American Development Bank, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008682.
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The approval of Decisions 599 and 600 on the Harmonization of Substantial and Procedural Aspects of Value Added Taxes and the Harmonization of Excise Type Taxes (VAT and selective taxes) by the Commission of the Andean Community is a notable victory for the Andean integration process and sets a precedent in the developing world. The Decisions amount to an agreement on how to design national laws on a modern and administratively coordinated VAT, as well as joint rules on excise taxes. These accords sprang from the political will of the Andean authorities working in this field, the countries¿ technical capacities, and the catalyzing role played by the political authority of the Andean Community¿s General Secretariat (GS), which received technical support from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). Representatives of the five member countries¿ Finance Ministries and Taxation Directorates participated actively and enthusiastically in these efforts. The process began with a background study commissioned using funds from an IDB regional technical cooperation project, followed by three negotiating rounds and eight meetings of experts and officials organized by the GS (With the financial and technical support of the IDB through the Special Initiative on Trade and Integration).
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Axford, Barrie. The Implications of Rising Multipolarity for Authoritarian Populist Governance, Multilateralism, and the Nature of New Globalization. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0031.
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What is it about the current phase of globalization that feeds on and is fed by the populist zeitgeist? In what follows I will tie the discussion of populism to the changing character of globalization, sometimes called the “new” globalization, though that label does less than justice to the overlapping nature of historical globalizations. The “new” globalization is both a description of the de-centered and multi-polar constitution of globality today and a reflex to safeguard against the roils of an ever more connected and turbulent world. It is a reminder that globalization has always been a multidimensional and contradictory process, moving to no single constitutive logic, and historically variable. The new globalization is the context for the current populist surge and, in turn, that surge is testimony to its emergence as a serious political force, perhaps as an embedded global script. In this same context the much-trumpeted failures of multilateralism are set against a burgeoning multipolarity which is itself an expression of the changing face of political modernity.
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Frohmann, Alicia, Jaume Ventura, Rainer Schweickert, et al. Euro-Latin Study Network on Integration and Trade (ELSNIT): 2nd Annual Conference. Inter-American Development Bank, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006622.
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The process of economic reform and trade liberalization in Latin America and the Caribbean, under way since the end of the 1980s, has brought about an increasing integration of the countries in the region into the world economy, both in terms of commercial and investment flows. At the same time, Latin American countries have been pursuing the process of deepening economic integration at the subregional level, negotiating trade liberalization at the regional and hemispheric level, as well as engaging in multilateral trade negotiations. Latin American countries are also negotiating cooperation and free trade agreements with other countries and regions of the world, both developing and industrial ones. These developments, as well the emergence of new powerful players on the international arena, such as China and India, represent opportunities but also enormous challenges for Latin America. In facing these challenges, the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are open to ideas, experiences and good practices that may contribute to their successful integration into an increasingly open and competitive international economy. In this regard, the rich European experience in the process of regional integration over the last decades that has brought about not only mutual trade liberalization, but also the establishment of joint institutions, a common currency as well as political cooperation and a strong component of solidarity among member countries could be of benefit for the region. Moreover, Latin America is an important market for the European Union as it positions itself in global competition and seeks partners for economic as well as political cooperation. With this in mind, in 2002, the Inter-American Development Bank, through the Special Office in Europe and the Integration and Regional Programs Department, through the Institute for the Integration of Latin America and the Caribbean (INTAL), launched the Euro-Latin Study Network on Integration and Trade (ELSNIT). The Network operates with the collaboration of partner European centers, leaders in research in the area of integration and trade. ELSNIT represents a platform for an exchange of ideas between European and Latin American experts, and ultimately a source of support for policy makers on both sides of the Atlantic. This publication provides an account of the main findings of the second cycle of activities of the Network during 2004/2005.