Academic literature on the topic 'World politics, 1995-2005'

In November, 1996, the Fifth Meeting of the Commonwealth Ministers Responsible for Women's Affairs recommended that member countries be encouraged to achieve a target of not less than 30 per cent of women in decision-making in the political, public and private sectors by the year 2005. This is an ambitious target for, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the proportion of women involved in politics world-wide declined from 12.1 per cent in 1985 to 11 per cent in 1995. The situation throughout Africa is especially bleak for, as the following table indicates, with the notable exceptions of Mozambique, Seychelles, South Africa, Eritrea and Uganda, most African countries fall well below the world average.

Memory culture and historical politics in today’s RussiaConsidering that other countries are still conducting their studies, it is too early to make conclusions and summarise the question of Russia’s memory culture and historical politics. However, it is possible to share some insights concerning this topic:(1) This analysis indicates that Russia’s case is in stark contrast to the opinions of those theorists who negate the existence of national memory culture. In Russia, this culture began to materialise in 2005, after the complicated period of post-Soviet transformation. What became central was the narrative of the empire (derzhava), whose status should also be recognised by the rest of the world. The main symbolical resource used in the construction of the motif of powerful Russia is a myth of victory in the Great Patriotic War. More recently, however, this general myth has been strengthened by selected facts from other historical periods.(2) Symbolical figures of Russia’s memory culture – both those developing and those already formed – are continuously reinterpreted. Since 1992 the myth of victory has undergone a few stages of transformation: the first years of Boris Yeltsin’s presidency (until 1995) were dominated by active efforts to deconstruct this myth; in the period between 1995 and 2000 it was restored, with a particular stress put on the status of Russian people as the unconquered victim; in 2000–2005, the State regained its vital place in the structure of the myth. Recently, the myth has been instrumentalised and used as an argument in Russia’s confrontation with the West. The period since 2011 has seen a noticeable increase in attempts to expand the symbolic instrumentarium through active use of selected facts from other historical periods(3) Although what dominates in Russia is the imperial mega narrative (derzhava),there is also an alternative stream that makes a substantial opposition – the myth of a victim. The years 2009–2013 have shown us that the memory of Stalin’s crimes is really strong. In this sense, the structure of memory in Russia, although with some exceptions, is comparable to the Polish one. On the other hand, substantial differences are noticed in comparison with Germany, Lithuania or Belarus. Those countries have only one memory culture, although with different topics included in the content. Ukraine remains beyond the regional context: even though the process of forming a single policy of remembrance is in place, it is only in its initial phase. Kultura pamięci i polityka historyczna w dzisiejszej RosjiBadania nad zagadnieniem kultury pamięci w Rosji i krajach ościennych ciągle trwają, dlatego nie można jeszcze mówić o ich podsumowaniu. Istnieją jednak przesłanki, by przedstawić pewne wnioski na ten temat.1. Przeprowadzona analiza ukazuje, że przypadek Rosji wyraźnie przeczy poglądom tych teoretyków, którzy negują możliwość istnienia narodowej kultury pamięci. Po skomplikowanym etapie transformacji postsowieckiej w Rosji kultura pamięci w 2005 roku nabrała konkretnych kształtów. W jej centrum znalazła się opowieść o imperium (dieržava), którego status powinna uznać także reszta świata. Podstawowym symbolicznym zasobem dla toposu silnego państwa rosyjskiego jest mit zwycięstwa w Wielkiej Wojnie Ojczyźnianej. Jednak w ostatnim czasie do wzmocnienia mitu centralnego aktywnie wykorzystuje się także selektywnie wybrane fakty z innych epok historycznych.2. Symboliczne figury tworzącej się czy też już ukształtowanej kultury pamięci są w Rosji stale reinterpretowane. Także mit zwycięstwa po 1992 roku przeszedł kilka etapów transformacji: w pierwszych latach prezydentury Borysa Jelcyna (do roku 1995) dominowały aktywne próby dekonstrukcji tego mitu, w latach 1995–2000 był on odnowiony, akcentowano przede wszystkim status rosyjskiego narodu jako niepokonanej ofiary. W latach 2000–2005 w centrum mitu znów usytuowano państwo, a w ostatnim czasie został on poddany instrumentalizacji i wykorzystany jako argument w konfrontacji Rosji z Zachodem. Po 2011 roku wyraźnie widać próby ilościowego rozszerzenia zasobu instrumentarium symbolicznego za pomocą aktywnego wykorzystania wybranych faktów z innych epok historycznych.3. Choć w Rosji wyraźnie dominuje meganarracja imperialna (dieržava), to jednak ma ona swoją konkurencję. W Rosji nadal w silnej opozycji do mitu zwycięstwa pozostaje mit ofiary. Lata 2009–2013 wyraźnie pokazały żywotność pamięci o ofiarach stalinowskich. W tym sensie struktura pamięci Rosji, choć z pewnymi wyjątkami, może być porównywana do polskiej, jednocześnie różniąc się istotnie od niemieckiej, litewskiej czy białoruskiej. W tych krajach dobitnie wyrażona jest jedna kultura pamięci, choć jej treść zawiera różne wątki tematyczne. W kontekście regionalnym nie mieści się Ukraina, w której jednolita polityka pamięci jest wprawdzie formowana, ale to dopiero początek procesu.

Abstract The Balkan Cities Association of Nephrology, Dialysis, Transplantation and Artificial Organs (BANTAO) was established in Ohrid, Republic of Macedonia on October 9, 1993 during the First Congress of the Macedonian Society of Nephrology, Dialysis, Transplantation and Artificial Organs (MSNDTAO). The idea of the founders was that such Society would have a clear impact on several aspects of practice and research in nephrology and artificial organs in the Balkans, firstly, by increasing its international visibility and potential collaborative work, and recognition by international organizations. Secondly, such a society would facilitate the exchange of experience and knowledge between experts in our area. In addition, it would be a very positive symbolic act showing that collaborative work for the betterment of life is possible and desirable in our area and that coming together will bear better fruits at the human and cultural levels. It will also send a very clear signal to the outside world that the Balkans can be a place of collaboration and mutual understanding. Several international bodies such as the International Society of Artificial Organs and the International Faculty of Artificial Organs have signaled their interest in and support for the creation of such a society. Despite the turbulent times in the Balkan Peninsula, the First BANTAO Congress was held in Varna from September 22 to 24, 1995, which was an impressive event. F. Valderrabano, Chairman of the EDTA–ERA registry reported on that event with a lot of sympathy in the paper entitled “Nephrologists of the Balkan countries meet across political frontiers and war fronts – an example to politicians. The foundation of and the Second Congress of BANTAO were also well accepted by the colleagues nephrologists from Russia. The Second Congress was held on September 6-10, 1997 in Struga, the Third BANTAO Congress was held on September 18-20, 1998 in Belgrade, the Fourth Congress of BANTAO was held in Izmir on November 14-16, 1999, the Fifth Congress of BANTAO was held in Thessaloniki on September 30 – October 3, 2001, the 6th BANTAO Congress was held in Varna, on October 6-9, 2003, the 7th BANTAO Congress was held in Ohrid, on September 8-11, 2005, the 8th BANTAO Congress was held in Belgrade, on September 16-19, 2007, the 9th BANTAO Congress was held in Antalya, November 18-22, 2009, the 10th BANTAO Congress was held in Chalkidiki, October 13-15, 2011, the 11th BANTAO Congress was held from 26 to 29 September 2013 in Timisoara on the 20th Anniversary of the foundation of BANTAO, the 12th BANTAO Congress was held on October 15-18, 2015 in Opatija, the 13th BANTAO Congress was held on 4-8 October, 2017 in Sarajevo, the 14th BANTAO Congress was held on September 20-23, 2018, in Budva and the 15th BANTAO Congress was held in Skopje, 26-29 September 2019. Another milestone in the life of BANTAO was the appearance of the BANTAO journal in 2003, which has been published biannually since then. In the past 17 years there have been 33 editions of the journal and seven supplements reporting BANTAO congresses. The editors of the journal past and present are: 2003–2005 (Dimitar Nenov); 2005–2009 (Ali Basci); 2009–(Goce Spasovski). Up to date, more than 400 papers have been published. The BANTAO journal is registered on EBSCO, DOAJ, SCOPUS, and has become a strong ‘glue’ among nephrologists from the Balkan cities. The BANTAO congresses and the BANTAO journal have succeeded in elevating nephrology knowledge and thus increased the standards of nephrology patient care throughout the Balkans. Standing above the divisive forces of politics, language and war, BANTAO gives a living example that collaboration and humility are feasible in times of maddening destruction, and are transformative.

This article looks at developments in Eastern European civil society (as measured by the participation in organisations) and how this has changed between 1995 and 2005 using the World Values Survey. There are comparisons with Western Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other, which show that although civic participation of this kind has declined in the United States, it remains stable in Europe, including at a low level in Eastern Europe. Surprisingly, there seemed to be little differences between countries that had joined the European Union and those that had not. The article considers reasons for this continued weakness of civil society in Eastern Europe.

In media text on international relations, disagreement between countries is presented metaphorically as a disagreement between people.The relation between metaphor and discourse is studied by Zinken and Musollf (2009). Mussolf studies metaphors related to the EU organized in “scenarios”. In his view, the thematic target (for instance, EU politics) is accessed through a source input for the metaphor complex (family/marriage/concepts) (Mussolf 2006) and this is “characterized by the dominance of a few traditional, gender-coded stereotypes of family roles” (Mussolf 2009: 1).The present paper traces the ways disagreement in the sphere of international relations is presented in the media.In this study, the observed patterns used to represent disagreement between countries are argument, disagreement, conflict, and fight. The level of disagreement varies depending on the metaphoric scenario used to represent it. It was observed that the strongest way of expressing disagreement is based on the “split up”, and “break up” scenario, followed by the “fight”, “conflict” and the “argument” scenario.In expressing disagreement in media text on international affairs, Lakoff’s STATE IS A PERSON metaphor (Lakoff 1990, 1995) is used. In Chilton and Lakoff’s view, metaphors are not mere words or fanciful notions, but one of our primary means of conceptualizing the world. As they have stated, a metaphor is “a means of understanding one domain of one’s experience in terms of another” (Chilton, Lakoff 1989). Member states are presented as people who quarrel and disagree over issues related to international relations or policies. Along with that metaphor, a place for the institution metonymy is used. As Barcelona has stated, proper names are often metonymic in origin, i. e. they refer to a circumstance or distinctive aspect linked to their referent (Barcelona 2004, 2005).The place for the institution metonymy is found in two variants: the country for the institution and the capital for the institution. For instance, a disagreement between the governments of two countries is presented as disagreement between their capitals, as in “Paris and Berlin fundamentally “disagree” on who should succeed Jean-Claude Juncker” (https://www.express.co.uk)”. The same situation is presented as a disagreement between countries: „Germany and France ‘DISAGREE’ over Juncker replacement” (ibid). In the abovementioned examples, an item from one of the two metonymic chains is juxtaposed to a corresponding item in the other chain:Paris (place name - capital) — Berlin (place name - capital)Germany (place name- country) — France (place name- country)It seems that names from one metonymic chain belonging to a certain class of names (country name, names of cities, capitals, regions, continents, etc.) are juxtaposed to names from another metonymic chain, belonging to the same class of names. However, there are texts in which this is not necessarily the case. A name of city (capital) is often juxtaposed to a name of a country, as in “Paris put its foot down, and won’t let Germany get its way” (www.politico.eu). Expressions may vary depending on the stregth of disagreement, ranging from “disagree”, “argue”, “conflict” to “fight’, “split up” and “break up”.

This article is an inductive argumentation and an empirical-analytical paradigm that evaluates the actual relationship between Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita and the Carbon Dioxide (CO2) in country groups of the G8 considered as developed in a period of time from 1960 to 2011. It was developed an Augmented Dickey-Fuller unit root (ADF), a Granger Causality Test and a Johansen Cointegration test. The results evidence the non-stationary of constrains in both countries. It was obtained a VAR model with two variables with a number of lags of four - VAR2 (4) to which were tested for causality by demonstrating a unidirectionality of GDP per capita to CO2.
 Keywords: economic growth, economic development, income distribution, environmental economics.
 References
 [1]G. Brundtland, «Our Common Future,» de Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development , 1987.
 [2]R. Bermejo, Del desarrollo sostenible según Brundtland a la sostenibilidad como biomimesis, Bilbao: Hegoa, 2014.
 [3]R. B. and. P. C. Fander Falconí, «Flacso,» 16 03 2016. [Online]. Available: https://www.flacsoandes.edu.ec/agora/62767-la-discutible-curva-de-kuznets. [Last access: 15 01 2021].
 [4]E. Urteaga, «Las teorías económicas del desarrollo sostenible,» Cuadernos de Economía, vol. 32, nº 89, pp. 113-162, 2009.
 [5]V. K. Smith, Scarcity and Growth Reconsidered, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1979.
 [6]J. y. A. Medina, «Ingreso y desigualdad: la Hipótesis de Kuznets en el caso boliviano,» Espacios, vol. 38, nº31, p. 23, 2017.
 [7]M. Ahluwalia, «Inequality, poverty and development, » Journal of Development Economics, nº 3, pp. 307-342, 1976.
 [8]A. and R. D. Alesina, «Distributive politics and economic growth,» Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 109, nº 2, pp. 465-490, 1994.
 [9]R. Barro, «Inequality and growth in a panel of countries, » Journal of Economic Growth, vol. 5, nº 1, pp. 5-32, 2000.
 [10]M. A. Galindo, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico,» de Anuario jurídico y económico escurialense, 2002, pp. 473-502.
 [11]A. Álvarez, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico, Información Comercial Española, ICE,» Revista de economía, nº 835, pp. 95-100, 2007.
 [12]J. C. Núñez, «Crecimiento económico y distribución del ingreso: una perspectiva del Paraguay,» Población y Desarrollo, nº 43, pp. 54-61, 2016.
 [13]S. Kuznets, «Economic Growth and Income Inequality, » American Economic Review, nº 45, pp. 1-28, 1955.
 [14]J. A. and. C. J. Araujo, «Relación entre la desigualdad de la renta y el crecimiento económico en Brasil: 1995-2012.,» Problemas del desarrollo, vol. 46, nº 180, pp.129-150, 2015.
 [15]F. V. A. and P. C. Correa, «La Curva Medioambiental de Kuznets: Evidencia Empírica para Colombia Grupo de Economía Ambiental (GEA),» Semestre Económico, vol. 8, nº 15, pp. 13-30, 2005.
 [16]W. Malenbaum, World Demand for Raw Materials in 1985 and 2000, McGraw-Hill: New York, 1978.
 [17]W. Beckerman, «Economists, scientists, and environmental catastrophe,» Oxford Economic Papers, vol. 24, nº 3, 1972.
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 [19]N. Stokey, «Are there Limits to Growth?,» International Economic Review, vol. 39, nº 1, 1998.
 [20]W. and. C. W. Jaeger, «A Theoretical Basis for the Environmental Inverted-U Curve and Implications for International Trade,» de Discussant: Clive Chapple, New York, 1998.
 [21]T. B. K. B. R. and. G. K. Cavlovic, «A Mets-Analysis of Environmental Kuznets Curve Studies,» Agricultural and Resource Economics, nº 29, pp. 32-42, 2000.
 [22]M. and. S. T. Heil, «Carbon emissions and economic development: future trajectories based on historical experience, » Environment and Development Economics, vol. 6, nº 1, pp. 63-83, 2001.
 [23]U. S. R. and E. B. Soytas, «Energy consumption, income, and carbon emissions in the United States,» Ecological Economics, vol. 62, nº 3, pp. 482-489, 2007.[24]C. W. J. Granger, «Investigating causal relations by econometrics models and cross spectral methods,» Econometrica, nº 37, pp. 424-438, 1969.
 [25]M. and U. R. Nasir, «Environmental Kuznets Curve for carbon emissions in Pakistan: An empirical investigation,» Energy Policy, vol. 39, nº 3, pp. 1857-1864,2011.
 [26]S. Johansen, «Statistical Analysis of Cointegration Vectors,» Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, vol. 12, nº 2, pp. 231-254, 1988.
 [27]B. Goldman, «Meta-Analysis of Environmental Kuznets Curve Studies: Determining the Cause of the Curve’s Presence,» de Honors Projects, 2012.
 [28] M. B. and T. T. Fosten, «Dynamic misspecification in the environmental Kuznets curve: Evidence from CO2 and SO2 emissions in the United Kingdom,» Ecological Economics, vol. 76, pp. 25-33, 2012.

The article discusses a shift, of the paradigm structuring Polish official memory of World War II and the state-socialist period from antifascist to anticommunist, that took place in the post-1989 Polish parliament. Based on the example of the political struggle in parliament over the memory of May 1945 (Victory Day) that occurred on three consecutive major anniversaries of this event (1995, 2005, and 2015), the article shows how the right-wing post-Solidarity camp dismantled and eliminated the antifascist narrative that was based on a symbolic continuity between 1945 and 1995–2005, respectively, and was promoted by the postcommunists, replacing it with a primarily anticommunist narrative about “two totalitarianisms,” founded on a symbolic continuity between 1939 and 1989. Within this new paradigm, May 1945 was made into a merely formal commemorative point of reference devoid of any symbolic power.

This article is an inductive argumentation and an empirical-analytical paradigm that evaluates the actual relationship between Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita and the Carbon Dioxide (CO2) in the case of Ecuador and to compare it with Latin America and the Caribbean within a period of analysis from 1960 to 2011. It was developed an Augmented Dickey-Fuller unit root (ADF), a Granger Causality Test and a Johansen Cointegration test. It was obtained a VAR model with two variables with a number of 14 lags – VAR2(14) which were tested for which were tested for causality by demonstrating a bidirectionality for Latin America and the Caribbean and a unidirectionality of GDP per capita to CO2 for the Ecuador.
 Keywords: economic growth, sustainable development, environmental economics.
 References
 [1]E. Urteaga, «Las teorías económicas del desarrollo sostenible,» Cuadernos de Economía, vol. 32, nº 89, pp.113-162, 2009.
 [2]G. Brundtland, «Our Common Future,» de Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987.
 [3]R. Bermejo, Del desarrollo sostenible según Brundtland a la sostenibilidad como biomimesis, Bilbao: Hegoa, 2014.
 [4]W. Beckerman, «Economists, scientists, and environmental catastrophe,» Oxford Economic Papers, vol. 24, nº 3, 1972.
 [5]G. Grossman and A. Krueger, «Economic Growth and the Environment,» The Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 110, nº 2, pp. 353-377, 1995.
 [6]J. y. A. Medina, «Ingreso y desigualdad: la Hipótesis de Kuznets en el caso boliviano,» Espacios, vol. 38, nº31, p. 23, 2017.
 [7]M. Ahluwalia, «Inequality, poverty and development, » Journal of Development Economics, nº 3, pp. 307-342, 1976.
 [8]A. y. R. D. Alesina, «Distributive politics and economic growth,» Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 109, nº 2, pp. 465-490, 1994.
 [9]R. Barro, «Inequality and growth in a panel of countries, » Journal of Economic Growth, vol. 5, nº 1, pp. 5-32, 2000.
 [10]M. A. Galindo, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico,» de Anuario jurídico y económico escurialense, 2002, pp. 473-502.
 [11]A. Álvarez, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico, Información Comercial Española, ICE,» Revista de economía, nº 835, pp. 95-100, 2007.
 [12]J. C. Núñez, «Crecimiento económico y distribución del ingreso: una perspectiva del Paraguay,» Población y Desarrollo, nº 43, pp. 54-61, 2016.
 [13]S. Kuznets, «Economic Growth and Income Inequality, » American Economic Review, nº 45, pp. 1-28, 1955.
 [14]J. A. y. C. J. Araujo, «Relación entre la desigualdad de la renta y el crecimiento económico en Brasil: 1995-2012.,» Problemas del desarrollo, vol. 46, nº 180, pp.129-150, 2015.
 [15]F. Correa, A. Vasco and C. Pérez, «La Curva Medioambiental de Kuznets: Evidencia Empírica para Colombia Grupo de Economía Ambiental (GEA),» Semestre Económico, vol. 8, nº 15, pp. 13-30, 2005.
 [16]M. Heil and T. Selden, «Carbon emissions and economic development: future trajectories based on historical experience,» Environment and Development Economics, vol. 6, nº 1, pp. 63-83, 2001.
 [17]D. Holtz-Eakin and T. Selden, «Stoking the fires? CO2 emissions and economic growth,» Journal of Public Economics, pp. 85-101, 1995.
 [18]D. STERN, «Progress on the environmental Kuznets curve?,» Environment and Development Economics, vol. 3, nº 2, pp. 173-196, 1998.
 [19]P. Ekins, «The Kuznets curve for the environment and economic growth: examining the evidence,» Environment and Planning, vol. 29, pp. 805-830, 1997.
 [20]W. Moomaw and G. Unruh, «Are Environmental Kuznets Curves Misleading us?,» de Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy, 1997.
 [21]S. M. Bruyn, J. Van- Den- Bergh and J. Opschoor, «Economic growth and emissions: reconsidering the empirical basis of environmental Kuznets curves,» Ecological Economics, pp. 161-175, 1998.
 [22]B. Friedl and M. Getzner, «Determinants of CO2 Emissions in a small open Economy,» Ecological Economics, vol. 45, nº 1, pp. 133-148, 2003.
 [23]T. Sheldon, «Carbon emissions and economic growth: A replication and extension,» Energy Economics, vol. 82, pp. 85-88, 2007.
 [24]B. Huang, M. Hwang and C. Yang, «Causal relationship between energy consumption and GDP growth revisited: A dynamic panel data approach,» Ecological Economics, vol. 67, nº 1, pp. 41-54, 2008.
 [25]J. He and P. Richard, «Environmental Kuznets curve for CO2 in Canada,» Ecological Economics, vol. 69, nº5, pp. 1083-1093, 2010.
 [26]S. Dinda, «Environmental Kuznets Curve Hypothesis: A Survey,» Ecological Economics, vol. 49, nº 4, pp. 431-455, 2004.
 [27]J. M. B. and T. T. Fosten, «Dynamic misspecification in the environmental Kuznets curve: Evidence from CO2 and SO2 emissions in the United Kingdom,» Ecological Economics, vol. 76, pp. 25-33, 2012.
 [28]K. Ahmed, M. Shahbaz, A. Qasing and W. Long, «The linkages between deforestation, energy and growth for environmental degradation in Pakistan,» Ecological Indicators, vol. 49, pp. 95-103, 2014.
 [29]J. Wooldridge, Introducción a la Econometría Un Enfoque Moderno. 4ª ed., Mexico D.F.: Cengage Learning, 2010.
 

RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. (2003), “Les enfants malformés et considerés comme prodigia à Rome et en Italie sous la République”, REA, 105, 1, 127-156.Allély, A. (2004), “Les enfants malformés et handicapés à Rome sous le Principat”, REA, 106, 1, 73-101.Androutsos, G. (2006), “Hermaphroditism in Greek and Roman antiquity”, Hormones, 5, 214-217.Berthelet, Y. (2010), “Expiation, par les autorités romaines, de prodiges survenus en terre alliée: Quelques réflexions sur le statut juridique des territoires et des communautés alliés, et sur le processus de romanisation”, Hypothèses, 13, 1, 169-178.Berthelet, Y. (2013), “Expiation, par Rome, de prodiges survenus dans les cités alliées du nomen latinum ou des cités alliées italiennes non latines”, L´Antiquité Classique 82, 91-109.Breglia Pulci Doria, L. (1983), Oracoli Sibillini tra rituali e propaganda (Studi su Flegonte di Tralles), Napoli, Liguori Editori.Brisson, L. (1986), “Neutrum utrumque. 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Bringing rightist movement studies into the Iranian context, this study advances a generalizable understanding of the ideological, moral, and cultural activism of Islamist movements and their rightist counterparts. While numerous studies have discussed the economic explanation of rightist movements, I integrate Islamist movements in the Muslim world and rightist movements in the West to develop a generalizable cultural and moral explanation of rightist movements. Value and ideological conflicts, as well as moral outrage, drive this integrated understanding of rightist movements. The rise of innovative and contentious forms of millennialism in Iran—especially the increasing salience of the Jamkaran mosque, the rise of new media outlets and millennial discourses, and pertinent policies—provide evidence for proposing this generalizable understanding. I argue that the rise of performative contentions surrounding millennialism, known as Mahdaviat, within the pro-regime revolutionary rightist movement in Iran was Islamists’ ideological response to liberal threat perceptions. These threat perceptions were activated before the liberal Reform era (1997–2005). After the ascent of Ahmadinejad to power in 2005, ideological millennialism became the dominant discursive field in Iran’s state politics. Drawing on narratives of prominent Islamist figures and media personalities in Iran and events surrounding Mahdaviat, this paper advances a generalizable argument of the moral and cultural explanation of rightist movements.

Let Us Move, now, from the otherworldly to the extraterritorial. Until recently, the assimilation of foreigners would not have been considered part of a comparison between Europe and America. America was a land of immigration; Europe was not. That is no longer the case. Overall levels of the foreign-born remain higher in the United States than in all European countries other than Switzerland and Luxembourg (figure 185). The difference is diminishing, however, as increasing numbers of foreigners make Europe their home. But the politics of counting foreigners is curious in Europe. In nations with virulent and powerful anti-foreigner political parties (Denmark, Austria, Norway, the Netherlands, France, and Switzerland) civil servants might wish to downplay the presence of those who could be regarded as an alien element. Bureaucracies in other countries might prefer to upscale the number of foreigners, perhaps to burnish their own multicultural qualifications. Consider the differences between two sets of OECD accounts of foreigners, from 2005 and 2007. The figures in these reports come respectively from 2003 and 2005, though numbers for a decade earlier, i.e., 1993 and 1995, are given as comparisons. As might be expected, in all European countries the number of foreigners increased between 2003 and 2005. But in some nations, the reported number of foreigners grew so startlingly over a two-year period that it must be due to a rejiggering of the figures rather than to any actual inflow. In many cases, too, the numbers for 1995 given in the later publication are higher than those given for 2003 in the earlier one. For example, the Austrian figures for the foreign part of the population in 1995 presented in 2007 are 11.2%, while those for 2003 presented in 2005 are only 9.4%. Similar discrepancies hold for Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, and several other nations. The mystery only deepens if we look at what precisely the OECD claims to measure. In 2005, it was Europe’s “foreign population.” Of the nations we are looking at, only the numbers from the United States are for “foreign-born.” In 2007, however, also the European figures are for “foreign-born,” except those for Greece, Italy, and Spain, which are for “foreign.” “Foreign-born” is, of course, a narrower and more precise category than “foreign.” Excepting only lapses of record keeping, “foreign-born” can be determined by standard-issue statistics.

The current globalization wake requires countries to cope with their deficiencies in international competencies to become credible political actors and sustained economic players (Stiglitz, 2003). They must develop expertise on foreign policies, emphasize functional knowledge, and make concerted efforts to narrow technological gaps to successfully unleash global competitiveness (McGrew, 2005). There is a high correlation between the level of global competence acquired by U.S. students during their undergraduate and graduate education and the success of the country as a key international player (American Council of Education, 1995). U.S. higher education institutions are compelled to increase their stature by constantly seeking ways to expand their network of partnerships with foreign counterparts. Any steps into that direction will broaden and strengthen the internationalization of their curriculum to facilitate and improve students’ understanding of the world.

This chapter contends that J. M. Coetzee’s writing strives to achieve the detached and otherworldly modernism of Franz Kafka but fails to do so because political and ethical beliefs displace what the chapter calls the “Kafka effect,” a form of writing that stands apart from the world and refuses to judge it. The chapter examines three aspects of Coetzee’s work: his spare and minimalist style, his handling of authorial figures, and his turn toward the “reverse Bildungsroman.” Despite Coetzee’s “will to neutrality,” novels like Life and Times of Michael K (1983), The Master of Petersburg (1995), Disgrace (1999), Elizabeth Costello (2003), and Slow Man (2005) ultimately take an ethical turn, in which the style is engaged rather than detached, authorial figures develop sympathy for marginalized groups, and central characters become members of subaltern communities. In other words, Coetzee’s commitment to postcolonialism both complicates and qualifies his commitment to Kafka’s modernism.

The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) process was launched during the Miami Summit of Heads of State in December 1994. It was the centerpiece of a broader hemispheric initiative of political and socio-economic cooperation among 34 countries of the Americas with the objective to negotiate a hemispheric free trade agreement by the year 2005. The preparatory phase began in January 1995 and formal negotiations were launched in April 1998. The creation of an FTAA would clearly be the most important chapter in the history of regional cooperation in the Western Hemisphere and mark a fitting culmination to a fast maturing trade policy framework in Latin America and the Caribbean. The FTAA process is the result of progressive globalization of the world economy and a profound transformation in the region based on: (i) structural economic reforms in almost all the countries directed at stimulating market activity and a better articulation with the world economy; (ii) the emergence, or strengthening, of democratic regimes almost everywhere and (iii) political commitments to foster peace and cooperation among neighbors with a history of rivalry and conflict. Regional integration has been a fundamental complementary tool for achieving these ambitious national objectives, which permeate the entire region. Latin America and the Caribbean have a long tradition of interest in regional integration. An intense amount of activity in this area emerged out of the Post-War period. However, the initiatives in the first three decades following the War inserted themselves in the prevailing state-led import substitution strategy of the time, itself to a large extent a product of "market skepticism" derived from the Great Depression. In the 1990s, however, a "new" regionalism emerged in Latin America and the Caribbean that conformed to the new national strategies for economic and political transformation and preparation for globalization.