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1

Dror, Yehezkel. "World politics towards the 21st century." Futures 20, no. 1 (February 1988): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-3287(88)90041-9.

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2

Simic, Predrag. "World politics, globalization and the crisis." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 1 (2013): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301024s.

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In the early 21st century, globalization and the world economic crisis changed the balance of powers between the old (declining) and new (emerging) industrial states replacing the unilateral with a multilateral system of international relations and changing the way in which world politics was functioning. Globalization has increased the number of transnational problems (protection of human environment, international traffic and communications, flows of capital, energy, migrations, etc.) that require global governance. However, these trends also indicate that in the 21st century, international relations and world politics will function in a significantly different manner than they did within the bipolar and unipolar order, which characterized the second half of the 20th century.
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Cerny, Philip G. "Capitalism, Democracy and World Politics in the 21st Century." European Review of International Studies 10, no. 2 (October 20, 2023): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-10020016.

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Abstract World Politics is undergoing a range of crucial structural changes in the 21st century. The relationship between the states system that evolved since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 and became predominant in the 19th and 20th centuries is being increasingly challenged in a number of complex ways. The core problématique, as addressed in different ways in these books, is whether states are still predominant hierarchical structures in an anarchical world system – “nodes” or building blocks – as argued in particular by realist and neo-realist theorists exemplified by Kenneth Waltz, or whether they are increasingly criss-crossed and undercut by what are sometimes called “heterarchical” structure and processes. These include macro-, meso-, and mini-hierarchies that are turning states from “proactive” institutions and processes to “reactive” or even or even “residual” ones. The core of these analyses is whether and how states are still the main independent variables in what has been called International Relations or whether and how far they are increasingly dependent variables in a changing World Politics. These books all make interesting and useful contributions to this question.
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4

Kavalski, Emilian. "Book Review: International Relations: Issues in 21st Century World Politics." Political Studies Review 10, no. 3 (August 7, 2012): 409–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00279_3.x.

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5

Dauvergne, Peter, and Jennifer Clapp. "Researching Global Environmental Politics in the 21st Century." Global Environmental Politics 16, no. 1 (February 2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_e_00333.

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This forum article highlights three major research trends we have observed in the journal Global Environmental Politics since 2000. First, research has increasingly focused on specific and formal mechanisms of global environmental governance, contributing to more elaborate and refined methodologies that span more scales and levels of analysis. Second, research increasingly has concentrated on the rise of market-based governance mechanisms and the influence of private actors, reflecting a broader shift among policymakers toward liberal approaches to governance. Third, over this time empirical research has shifted significantly toward analyzing issues through a lens of climate change, providing valuable insights into environmental change, but narrowing the journal’s empirical focus. These trends, which overlap in complex ways, arise partly from shifts in real-world politics, partly from broader shifts in the overall field of global environmental politics (GEP), and partly from the advancing capacity of GEP theories and methodologies to investigate the full complexity of local to global governance. This maturing of GEP scholarship does present challenges for the field, however, including the ability of field-defining journals such as Global Environmental Politics to engage a diversity of critical scholarly voices and to influence policy and activism.
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Karve, Priyadarshini. "Big-Historical Environmentalism for the 21st Century." Journal of Big History 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2023): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22339/jbh.v6i2.6202.

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The beginning of the 21st century witnessed terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in the United States. This incident changed global politics and brought new twists and turns in world history. The last two decades have seen the rise of identity politics, leading to the escalation of local conflicts across the world. At the same time, environmental challenges to human societies have become increasingly threatening, manifested on a planetary scale through global warming and loss of biodiversity. The effect of political and environmental challenges happening together is being felt in social-cultural-economic realms. All of these tensions have been starkly laid bare in the way governments and societies in different parts of the world have responded to the challenge of the global covid pandemic that we are currently facing. The pandemic will ebb and flow, and reduce itself to a non-threatening form in a few years, but the challenges of global warming and loss of biodiversity just keep growing and will plague us for decades to come. While the battle against alarming changes in the environment around us will continue till the end of the century, many experts believe that the seeds of our success or failure will be sown in this decade. The actions we take and the social-economic-political systems we set up by 2030 will largely cast the die for the future of humanity beyond the 21st century. This situation underlines the importance of seeing the big picture that only Big History can reveal by connecting the dots of events in different spheres of human activity on a planetary scale. Our big-history thinking clearly shows interlinkages between seemingly independent crises that seem to be bombarding us one after the other.
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7

Lantsov, Sergey A., and Irina S. Lantsova. "World Politics in Early 21st Century: Theoretical Forecasts and Contemporary Trends." Comparative Politics Russia 8, no. 2 (January 1, 2017): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18611/2221-3279-2017-8-2-8-18.

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8

Hassan Farooq and Muhammad Khan. "Sino-Russian Role in the 21st Century World Order." Central Asia 86, Summer (November 28, 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-86.79.

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China and Russia have developed an underlying empathy on the transition of the contemporary US-led hegemonic world order. Since the dawn of the 21st century, the two Eurasian powers have been striving for transforming the global system to a multipolar world system. As Beijing and Moscow, along with other emerging powers were already weary of Washington’s unipolar moment and its self-proclaimed authority of overriding the entire international system. In the American worldwide hegemony, the rest of the nations; neither alone nor collectively could challenge its supremacy; as the political, economic and military dominance of the US was ascertained by its ascendency in the post-World war II established international organizations. However, during the past few decades the rapid rise of China; the resurgence of Russia and the relative decline of the US; evidently specify that the era of Pax-American is on the go. Moreover, the launching of Beijing sponsored transnational initiatives can be acknowledged as the pillars of a new multicentric global system in future. Hence, the dynamics of international politics are apparently heading towards the transition of the contemporary world system to a multipolar structure; where besides the US, China and Russia would also play significant role.
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9

Gul, Saima, Syed Sabir Muhammad, and Ahmad Ali. "Capitalism in the 21st Century: A Marxist Perspective." Global Economics Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2017(ii-i).06.

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A Marxist understanding of the ills of capitalism is applicable to 21st -century capitalism. Motivated by surpluses, capitalism become global in its endeavour of outsourcing production and capital labour substitution. As a result, the capitalist core established an exploitative relationship with the developing and under-developed third world countries. In order to protect their interests and to keep the antagonistic feelings below the threshold, the bourgeoisie elite utilized every tool available to strengthen their control over the resources, maintained their hegemony and absorb counter-hegemonic ideas. The article is an attempt to understand the Marxist interpretation of capitalism and debate in its relevance to 21st -century international politics. With the help of the Iraq war, the article concludes that Marxism and Marxist inspired theoretical interpretation is the best lens to explain the operation of capitalism at the world stage.
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10

Somer, Murat, and Jennifer McCoy. "Déjà vu? Polarization and Endangered Democracies in the 21st Century." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 1 (January 2018): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218760371.

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As political and societal polarization deepens, democracies are under stress around the world. This article examines the complex relationship and causal direction between democracy and polarization and posits three theoretical possibilities: (1) polarization contributes to democratic backsliding and decay, (2) polarization results from democratic crisis, and (3) polarization contributes to democratic deepening. We argue “politics” is central to polarization and identify as a key feature of the process of polarization the manner in which it simplifies the normal complexity of politics and social relations. Polarization does so by aligning otherwise unrelated divisions, emasculating cross-cutting cleavages, and dividing society and politics into two separate, opposing, and unyielding blocks. As such, it often has pernicious consequences for democracy, emerging as an intended or unintended consequence of political interest–based and purposeful political mobilization. Polarization over the very concept of democracy may also be the product of democratic crisis. Finally, in certain circumstances, polarization may strengthen democratic institutions and citizen choice. The article then introduces the articles in this issue that address these three theoretical and empirical possibilities.
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Mahan, Alfred. "The Indian Ocean In World Politics: Reflections On Its Future By Prasanta Sen Gupta." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 43, no. 3-4 (July 1987): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848704300301.

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12

Rather, Aqib Yousuf. "Is Gender Discrimination Still Alive In the 21st Century." Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no. 24 (June 28, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.11.17.

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Gender equality is a requirement of human rights. Reducing gender disparities and giving women greater agency have been part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. Millions of women and girls around the world are still subjected to discrimination because of their gender. Women faced social and economic discrimination that prevented them from enjoying the same freedoms as males. In today's world, where women hold positions of power in every industry, it's hard to imagine this happening. Throughout the male-dominated worlds of business and wrestling, influential women have made a difference. Despite this improvement, the majority of Indian families continue to discriminate against women and girls. Creating a sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful world requires a commitment to gender equality and human rights. Equal rights will have a positive impact on society, sustainable economies, mankind, and the world if they are guaranteed. Several initiatives have been launched by the Indian government in support of gender equality. In order to bring women's educational, health, and economic status up to par with men's, a number of programmes, initiatives, and policies have been implemented. The standing of women is elevated by international organisations in order to achieve gender equality. As long as views toward women haven't progressed at the same rate as legislative reform, they will continue to confront discrimination in the workplace, at home, and in politics. Issues of gender are ideological in nature. Stereotypes must be dismantled in order to end gender discrimination. Gender equality can only be achieved through changing men's and women's attitudes and mindsets. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether or not certain aspects of prejudice based on gender are still prevalent in the 21st century.
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Moghadam, Valentine M. "What is Revolution in the 21st Century? Towards a Socialist-Feminist World Revolution." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 47, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 470–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829819838607.

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I consider prospects for revolution in the 21st century, defined here as a thorough-going world revolution that replaces the capitalist world-system with a feminist-inflected democratic socialism. An overview of 20th century revolutions and more recent uprisings suggests distinctive contemporary features, including women’s participation and the diffusion of feminist agendas, but also constraints. In the face of reactionary social movements, and given the limits of ‘horizontalist’ politics, activists could learn from past revolutionary strategies to build a powerful global alliance of progressive forces.
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14

Jasanoff, Sheila. "The Discontents of Truth & Trust in 21st Century America." Daedalus 151, no. 4 (2022): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01942.

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Abstract Credible fact-making for policy demands the same legitimating moves as are required for credible politics. Experts, like politicians, must represent the world in ways that respect diverse standpoints, aggregate disparate opinions to produce a semblance of objectivity, and find persuasive ways to bridge gaps between available and ideal states of knowledge. Every society, moreover, commands its own culturally recognized approaches to producing and testing public knowledge, and expert practices must conform to these to be broadly accepted. Insisting on the superior authority of science without attending to the politics of reason and persuasion will not restore trust in either knowledge or power. Instead, trust can be regained with more inclusive processes for framing policy questions, greater attentiveness to dissenting voices and minority views, and more humility in admitting where science falls short and policy decisions must rest on prudence and concern for the vulnerable.
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15

Troitiño, David Ramiro. "The European Union Facing the 21st Century: The Digital Revolution." TalTech Journal of European Studies 12, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2022-0003.

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Abstract The European Union is a unique political process in the world. It continuously integrates different aspects creating a communality among its Member States. The process of integration responds to the necessities of the organization to adapt to the social, political, and economic reality and solving the dysfunctionalities arisen from the process. Currently, digitalization is a process required to adapt the European Union to the reality, to provide a common frame to an existing digital world. Therefore, the EU needs to respond the requirements of the society for the implementation of European standards in a new, but already relevant, area. In addition, the EU drag from the past dysfunctionalities that can be addressed thanks to the new possibilities generated by the digitalization of politics and economy. This research analyses both the necessity of adapting and solving previous obstacles under the prism of the available digital solutions.
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16

Rustamli, Rustam. "Affects of oil to the modern world politics." Scientific Bulletin 1 (2019): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/qvtw3576.

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Oil plays an important role in world politics. Opportunities for a significant impact of oil on the modern politics of world states continue to remain significant. On the other hand, it should be recognized that despite the availability of alternative energy sources in the world, there is primacy in their ranks. Interstate energy diplomacy has become an important factor in modern world politics, including in the first two decades of the 21st century. Energy resources occupy one of your most important places in political and economic relations between countries. Energy is not only one of the most important places, but also has a certain significance for the protection of the national interests of world states. The oil potential of the member countries and non-members of OPEC, which actively participate in its work, remains unchanged. Therefore, OPEC has a great influence on the regulation of prices on the world oil market.
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17

CHITADZE, Nika. "Modern System of International Relations and Role of the USA." Journal in Humanities 10, no. 1 (July 12, 2021): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v10i1.429.

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AbstractThe whole twentieth century and the beginning of the 21st century has been unique in modern history; for three centuries the structure ofinternational politics remained multipolar, in the twentieth century it has changed three times. Multipolar at the outset, it became bipolar after theSecond World War, unipolar with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and as the new millennium dawns it is gradually becoming multipolar oncemore. In this regard, by the presenting of the comparative analysis of the different international systems in the world, it is important to determinethe role and place of the USA within the modern international system.Keywords: Bipolarity, International System, Multipolarity, Unipolarity, USA, World Order
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18

LIJPHART, AREND. "Democracy in the 21st century: can we be optimistic?" European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.

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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
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19

Kutalia, Ekaterine. "A Need for English Language Proficiency for 21st Century Diplomats." Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (November 6, 2023): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.62343/cjss.2013.116.

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This article attempts to review in brief a need for English lan-guage proficiency for diplomats in today’s fast moving world and the need of the diplomatic English to communicate effectively and unambiguously to create and maintain successful diplomatic rela-tions.In this paper we would like to introduce some innovative usage of expressions and words commonly used in politics and analyze their usage in the political discourse and to answer the following questions: What language should one use when speaking to diplo-mats? What language should diplomats use to be more precise? What language/languages should a young diplomat try to learn to be more successful in his profession?
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Fink, Alexander. "Smart world cities in the 21st century." Information Society 36, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01972243.2019.1686240.

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21

Voinea, Mihaela. "Rethinking Teacher Training According to 21st Century Competences." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/341umm27o.

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One of the demands of our educational system is the orientantion towards sustenability. To prepare people for future we need teachers who are able to develop the 21stcentury competences – the six macro-level competences are considered universally relevant: life-long learning, multi-literatenes, trans-disciplinarity, self-agency, interacting with others and interacting in and with the world. (Marope, 2018). This article focuses on researching the way in which pedagogical practices are changed and on studying the factors which are involved in educational changes. A longitudinaly study on ten years (2008-2018) was set up. Our purpose was to look for and describe how the educational practice has changed. The changes in educational practices are produced when they are sustained by educational politics and environmental factors as well as the teacher`s abilities and traits: reflections, novelty, openness, learning, critical thinking. The gap between present educational practice and future demands can be reduced if system teacher training is rethought according to 21stcentury competences. Transformative learning in teacher training is an adequate way of developing teacher`s competences.
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Kang, Bong-koo. "Bandwagoning and Balancing: The World Politics and Russia-U.S. Relations in the 21st Century." Korean Journal of International Relations 45, no. 3 (September 30, 2005): 263–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2005.09.45.3.263.

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23

Pisitkasem, Arunya. "Aviation lecturers in the new normal world of learning." E3S Web of Conferences 244 (2021): 11021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202124411021.

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An aviation lecturer in the new normal world of learning have to understand the changes surrounding aneducational circumstance in the aspects of economy, society, politics, administration, environment, and technology, together with the pandemic of COVID-19 which causes a new normal way of living. The concept of new normal way of living are wearing face mask and carrying alcohol gel, enforcing social distancing measures, using technologies and digital system, decreasing social meeting or meeting in a small group instead, avoidingunnecessary touch, and giving precedence to health and hygiene. The aviation lecturers in the new normal world of learning need to understand the learning concept in the 21st century which focus on making learners achieve 21st century skills, i.e., critical thinking&problem-solving skill, creativity & innovation skill, cross cultural understanding skill, collaboration/teamwork & leadership skill, communications/information & media literacy skill, computing & ICT literacy skill, and career & learning skill. Roles and duties of aviation lecturers have to be modified in many roles as a citizenship of the 21st century, a good member of a group, a co-leaner/co-investigator/guide or facilitator, an educational developer, a technology man, a creator of Professional Learning Community (PLC) and a professional aviation personnel. Necessary skills of aviation lecturer in the new normal world of learning include 21stcentury skills, professional lecturer skill, learning design skill, multi teaching skill, critical thinking skill, technology skill, teamwork skill, communication skill, service skill/service mind, multicultural skill and aviation professional skill.
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24

Ling, LHM. "Three-ness: Healing world politics with epistemic compassion." Politics 39, no. 1 (July 4, 2018): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718783351.

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Epistemic compassion can help to heal world politics. It mitigates almost six centuries of Eurocentric ‘epistemic violence’ and ‘epistemicide’ with a trialectical epistemology that bridges even seemingly irreconcilable opposites. Buddhists call this process Interbeing. I draw on Daoist yin/yang dynamics for epistemology and the ancient Silk Roads as an exemplar. Subsequently, I apply this analysis to a watershed development in our contemporary political economy: China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI). A $1 trillion investment scheme to link China with Europe and Russia through Central Asia, Africa, and the Indian Ocean, the BRI provokes charges of reproducing Europe’s 19th-century’s Great Game on a 21st-century scale. A trialectical epistemology offers another mode and model of global interaction for the BRI. It highlights the possibility of local agency and global responsibility for the BRI. I ask: Can epistemic compassion turn this 5.0 version of Asian Capitalism into a 2.0 version of the Silk Road Ethos? The potential exists, I argue.
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Dalton, John H. "Navies and world events in the 21st century." RUSI Journal 143, no. 5 (October 1998): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849808446301.

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Simkhada, Shambhu Ram. "No, America and China are not “Destined For War.”." Shanti Journal 2, no. 1 (April 6, 2023): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/shantij.v2i1.53752.

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War is not a destiny, it is a human choice, failure of politics, economics, diplomacy, andsecurity policy. International Relations (IR) is the study of great power relations and how they affectthe world. Understanding and conduct of contemporary IR based on old assumptions can be aserroneous and risky as concluding the inevitability of war between two 21st Century great powersbased on what scholar Graham Allison reminds us of the "Thucydides' Trap" , history of two Greekcity states which went to war because they could not accommodate each other's national interests.What is Allison of Harvard's Kennedy School, arguably one of the greatest global institutionsof higher learning and powerhouses of ideas, trying to convey by characterizing 21st CenturyAmerica-China relations by 5th Century BC Greek city states?
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Chagas de Assis, Caroline. "The BRICS in Southern Africa." Journal of BRICS Studies 2, no. 2 (February 20, 2024): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/g4z60q76.

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The BRICS were created at the beginning of the 21st century to reorganize the international world order to represent their weight in international politics, economics, and geopolitics. Although they are entirely different, the BRICS saw a strategic space to reach these goals in the African continent. Thus, these countries started to broaden their presence in the African continent. As a result, BRICs started their relations with Africa differently, but they acted in similar sectors. The fellow paper pursues to analyze the Brazilian, Russian, Indian and Chinese (called here as BRICs) insertion in Southern Africa, highlighting the main convergence sectors and divergences between them. The methodology will be based on historical analyses, connecting their historical insertion in Southern Africa in a broad perspective of foreign policy objectives in the 21 st century. In the first session, we will approach the economic presence of BRIC in Southern Africa in 21 st century. Latter, we will abstract each one's foreign policy for the region (highlighting the main economic sectors and diplomatic presence). Moreover, it will be possible to compare their presences, highlighting the convergence and divergence between them. The Chinese and Indian weight in Africa's economy is more perceptive than Brazilian's and Russian's. Nonetheless, all BRICs have been widening their trade and diplomatic relations with Southern Africa in the 21st century due to their perspective of the importance of Africa in international world politics.
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Đukić, Nemanja. "Alan Ford: The new world disorder and new politics of identity." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 16 (2021): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod2116023q.

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In the article that follows, we sociologically analyze the popular strip "Alan Ford", trying to point out its general social significance. This strip is one of the most significant cultural phenomena in the former Yugoslavia. Since the 1970s, this strip has had a significant impact not only on the development of the strip subculture in the former SFRY, but also on the formation of the value system of the youth of that time and their non-formal education. We interpret the mentioned strip in the context of contemporary socio-political changes from the end of the past and the beginning of the 21st century and within the framework of Bauman's theory of globalization and project identities, Hart's and Negri's critique of globalization as an imperial concept and Deleuze's concept of the society of control.
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Dabic, Dragana. "Critical international relations theory at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 332–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703332d.

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The article deals with contemporary tendencies and research in the field of critical theory of international relations. Focusing on the analysis of global power relations, this specific approach within the framework of the science of international relations, draws attention to the different capacities of international actors to influence their own political and economic circumstances. Its contribution to the science of international relations is reflected in the opening (and politicization) of issues that the representatives of traditional theories take as a given fact, or for various reasons do not pay needed attention. The article will present the evolution of the critical theory of international relations, ranging from the radically critical point of view of its founder Robert Cox to the strictly normative orientation of Jurgen Habermas. Contrary to the question of the ?inevitability? of the existing world order (on which the realists insist in particular), as well as the acceptability of dominant patterns and practice of demonstration of power in world politics, it offers alternative visions of the architecture of global relations. It is concluded that the critical theory of international relations, despite numerous criticisms, is relevant, because it approaches the phenomenon of power in a diametrically opposite way, in comparison to the traditional schools of thought in international relations. It provides researchers with analytical tools, so that they can identify the role and significance of both ideas (theory) and practices (political actions) in creating and maintaining the structures of the world order.
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Ikhenoba, Williams. "Woodrow Wilson's 1887 Essay on Administration and the Challenges Before 21st Century Scholars." AKSU Journal of Administration and Corporate Governance 2, no. 1 (April 15, 2022): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.61090/aksujacog.2022.004.

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Woodrow Wilson in his epoch making essay, “The Study of Administration” in 1887 said: “it is getting to be harder to ran a constitution (government) than to frame one” (politics). Wilson’s argument on the job of government being harder than politics has remained as relevant in today’s world as at when it was first propounded. Regrettably, the variables that continue to make the task of running the government harder are yet to be clearly identified and articulated with solutions provided. This article x-rayed contemporary factors that makes the task of running the government (public administration) difficult and provides an impetus for a deliberate, intentional, constructive and systematic approach to solve the problems. Using the historical and qualitative research approach, the paper offered useful findings and conclusions and recommended that the time for scholars in the field to arise to the present challenge and come up with new empirical solutions to the problems encountered in running the government is NOW. The challenges should be clearly articulated and pragmatic solutions offered just as the father of the discipline, Wilson did in 1887.
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Scholte, Jan Aart. "Reordering the world: geopolitical perspectives on the 21st century." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (January 1995): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624020.

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32

Waheed, Mariam. "Body, Place, and Memory: Sufism in Egypt throughout the 21st Century." Global Social Sciences Review IX, no. I (March 30, 2024): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2024(ix-i).17.

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The study aims to contend that Sufism has long been considered in the hearts and minds of many Egyptians. People have always wanted to visit quality shrines to take Karamat or Baraka, a blessing power. The study sheds light on the importance of Sufi places for Egyptians through storytelling. Specific mosques are studied such as Al Sayida Zeinab, Al Sayida Nafisa, Sayyidna Al Hussein, Sidi Abdel Rahim El Qenawy, Sidi Al Morsi Abou El Abbas, Qubet Abou El Hawa. The focus is on the interaction between body and place in Sufi places through several questions raised throughout the study. From the stories mentioned throughout the paper, it is clear that not all Sufi Sheikhs Awliyaa are originally Egyptians. A lot of Sufis came to Egypt from all areas in the Arab World. Moreover, it was found that there is multifunctionality of a Sufi mosque and its influence on politics.
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Beck, Marko. "21st Century Migration: Opportunity, Calamity or Weapon of War? A Critical Discourse Analysis." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-2-94-105.

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Migration flows from the Global South is one of most pertinent sociopolitical issues influencing 21st century geopolitics with wider connotations to social, cultural and political developments in modern world. Issues originating from mass migration, were not predicted and dealt with time, hence significant and constant political and scientific efforts are being invested to regulate and outline a sustainable migration model which will include all political, sociocultural and economic parameters. Main research objective takes a comparative prospective between migration issues in the EU and Russian Federation with accent on illegal migration. Main questions are if liberal EU policy towards migration is causing a rise of radicalism among indigenous (native EU) population, moreover if the core European/Christian values are under pressure and as well if there is a decline in EU living standard. This article is determining key factors and analyzing possible political impacts of migration, particularly illegal migration towards the European Union keeping in prospective recent events of the European Migration Crisis 2015. Analysis in this article lies in the realist school of thought in international politics and it uses empirical approach and comparative methods of Comparative politics in political science.
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Vareikis, Egidijus. "World Future Mapping and Scenarios for the 21st Century." Lithuanian Annual Strategic Review 13, no. 1 (November 17, 2015): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lasr-2015-0001.

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Kamusella, Tomasz. "Global Language Politics: Eurasia versus the Rest." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 117–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0008.

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Abstract Globalization in the early 21st century can be considered as the age of inequality that splits the world into the rich North and the poor South. From the perspective of language politics, only very few discussed the division across the globe, especially, between Eurasia and the “Rest of the world.” In Eurasia, indigenous languages and scripts are used in official capacity, while the same function is fulfilled almost exclusively by non-indigenous (post/colonial) European languages in the Rest of the world. In the countries where they are spoken, non-Eurasian languages have limited presence in the mass media, education, or in cyberspace. This linguistic imperialism par excellence is a long-lasting and pernicious legacy of European (western) colonialism. The aforementioned divide is strongly associated to the use of ethnolinguistic nationalism in state building across many areas of Eurasia, while this ideology is not employed for this purpose outside the region.
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36

Lo, Vivienne. "How can we redefine Joseph Needham’s sense of a world community for the 21st century?" Cultures of Science 3, no. 1 (March 2020): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2096608320919525.

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In the middle of World War II, my father, Kenneth Lo, accompanied Joseph Needham on a lecture tour to Colchester Co-operative Society dedicated to the support of China’s war effort and to boycotting Japanese goods. They were comrades-in-arms, soft-left socialists, inspired by the Spanish Civil War, George Orwell and WH Auden alike to take up the pen and the campaign circuit. This article is a reflection on the politics and aesthetics of research, on decentring the Eurocentric narrative of the history of science, but also on the role of poetry in the quest for a better world. Grounded in socialist, Christian and 20th-century scientific utopian belief, All under Heaven was to be One Community. Post Needham, but in the Needham spirit, I ask what shared vision drives our research?
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Fiszer, Józef. "Will China Take Over the World in the Middle of the 21st Century?" Studia Polityczne 50, no. 1 (July 13, 2022): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.01.

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The subject of this article is China and the analysis of its chances of gaining the status of the number one superpower in the world by the middle of the 21st century. I try to answer two fundamental questions here: Will China take over the world in the middle of the 21st century and will the United States and its allies allow this to happen? I try to answer these in both theoretical and utilitarian terms. I refer to several research theories, including the theory of equilibrium support and George Modelski’s long cycle theory. Above all, I refer to the theory of the state’s foreign policy, the theory of classical realism and the theory of hegemonic change. I use a comparative method and a critical discourse analysis, among others.The main hypothesis of the article is the conclusion that the United States is slowly losing its position as a global hegemon in the international arena, which strengthens China’s chances of achieving its strategic goal in international politics, which is to take over the world by the mid-21st century.However, this will not be an easy task. It will depend on many factors, including the internal situation in China and the policy of the United States and its allies towards Chinese aspirations, as well as Russia’s position on this issue, which is already competing with China’s growing influence in the world. China may also join forces with Russia and collectively deprive the United States of its hegemonic status. On the other hand, there is a tendency in political science to assume that Russia-China relations are a balancing alliance for the United States. However, this practice may verify the overall Russia-China relations in favour of the United States, thanks to which it will manage to maintain control over the world and defend its status as a hegemon in the international arena.
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Suyato, Yayuk Hidayah, Lutfia Septiningrum, and Iqbal Arpannudin. "Application of the collaborative learning model to improve 21st-century civic skills." Journal of Education and e-Learning Research 11, no. 3 (June 26, 2024): 456–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20448/jeelr.v11i3.5753.

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The study examines the application of the collaborative learning model to improve 21st-century civic skills. The 21st century presents a number of unique challenges in the world of education. Rapid changes in technology, economics, and politics have placed new demands on individual learning and development. One of the key aspects of preparing students for these challenges is the development of strong civic skills. These skills include not only an understanding of the duties and rights of citizens but also the ability to collaborate with diverse individuals and groups in order to create positive change in society. The application of the Collaborative Learning Model has emerged as a highly relevant approach to developing civic skills in the modern era. This model emphasizes cooperation, active engagement, and knowledge sharing between students, which encourages them to collaborate in solving social problems, understanding cultural differences, and designing innovative solutions. In this study, the research method he research method in this study was a pseudo-experiment with a non-equivalent control group design. The data analysis technique used is the independent sample t-test with a significance level of 5%. Results showed that the model applied significantly influenced students' 21st-century citizenship skills, and collaborative learning models effectively improved these skills. This study concludes that the Collaborative Learning Model can be used to improve students' 21st-century civic skills.
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Uste, Ahmet Nazmi, and Ulviyye Sanili Aydin. "New Dimensions of Soft Power in the 21st Century." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 10, no. 1 S1 (May 20, 2023): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv10n1s129.

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Joseph S. Nye, who is considered one of the most influential scholars on the US politics, has attracted a great attention with his concept of “soft power” in the 1980s. Since then, the term of “soft power” has been used by many academics and politicians with different emphasis. Based on the claim that hard power elements are insufficient alone to reach the goals in modern age, the soft power theory needs to be reinterpreted with the addition of new dimensions in the 21st century. Now it is possible to discuss the use of soft power as a necessity, rather than just a preference for influencing different societies by creating admiration. The 21st century has brought up many new problems and practices to the international agenda. Although the pandemic Covid-19 is the most striking among them, the intertwining of regional wars and cooperations, global warming, environmental issues, migrations and terrorism have both changed the traditional ways of establishing relations between states and created global areas of struggle outside the states. Now the international community and the world public opinion have started to determine their admirable preferences based on the extent of support given to global cooperation and solidarity rather than strong armies or good movies. Using a literature review, this paper aims to draw attention to the new dimensions of soft power in the changing image of the 21st century. Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 16 May 2023 / Published: 20 May 2023
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Davies, Thomas Richard. "Understanding non-governmental organizations in world politics: The promise and pitfalls of the early ‘science of internationalism’." European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 4 (December 7, 2016): 884–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066116679243.

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The years immediately preceding the First World War witnessed the development of a significant body of literature claiming to establish a ‘science of internationalism’. This article draws attention to the importance of this literature, especially in relation to understanding the roles of non-governmental organizations in world politics. It elaborates the ways in which this literature sheds light on issues that have become central to 21st-century debates, including the characteristics, influence and legitimacy of non-governmental organizations in international relations. Among the principal authors discussed in the article are Paul Otlet, Henri La Fontaine and Alfred Fried, whose role in the development of international theory has previously received insufficient attention. The article concludes with an evaluation of potential lessons to be drawn from the experience of the early 20th-century ‘science of internationalism’.
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Derbenev, A. S. "SAUDI ARABIA AT THE TOP OF POLITICAL TURBULENCE." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (13) (2020): 273–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-3-273-285.

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The States of Arabian Peninsula are now going through a challenging period of their history. The history of Arab states have never been easy. The current period of political turbulence is associated with military and political conflicts in the Middle Eastern region, especially in Syria and Yemen. The current situation takes an extremely serious turn. At the beginning of the 21st century, Riyadh’s political confronted a set of conditions that encompasses the Arab people's existential problems. There is an obvious trend that can hardly be assessed as advantageous due to the fact that this problem will naturally create background for the essential convergence of the interests of the Arab regional space’s different segments that will exist in the new political realm. In the early 21st century rapid changes and important events occurred in the world politics, and in the Eastern part of the Arab-Muslim world alike. The Saudi monarchy has no doubt that the foreign policy schemes are fragile and for this reason it looks toward diversifying its foreign policy.
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Kia, Bariledum, and Ebele Angela Udeoji. "Nigeria’s Foreign Policy, Reciprocity and Africa Centeredness: The Need for a Reconstruction in the 21st Century." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 8 (September 6, 2020): 610–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.78.8963.

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Nigeria foreign policy in the 21st century has attracted a great deal of attention, as the dynamics on the world stage and domestic realities continue to impose challenges for the citizens. While many countries have appreciated the new realities of world politics and have however adjusted to the new global situations, Nigeria is yet to adjust her foreign policy with domestic realities. Thus, the study explores Nigeria’s Africa centeredness’ policy with the view to ascertain its relevance or otherwise in the 21st century. Descriptive research method with explanatory variant are used. Findings show that, for as long as the objective of Nigeria’s foreign policy is to ensure protection of black and African interest, Nigeria cannot but find it necessary to offer solidarity with African states. However, because very little has happened to show that she has made so much sacrifice in African affairs, the study recommends amongst others that the scope of Nigeria’s reciprocity should be restricted to issues that are more apparently in consonance with her national interest.
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43

He, Baogang. "A Discussion of Daniel A. Bell’s The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 1 (March 2016): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715003291.

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China, also known as “the People’s Republic of China,” is indisputably the world’s most populous country and also a rising superpower on the world economic and political stage. In The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2015), Daniel A. Bell argues that China also represents a distinctive “model of governance” that is neither liberal democracy nor authoritarianism—a “political meritocracy.” Expanding on themes developed in a number of previous books, Bell outlines the logic of this “model;” compares it, rather favorably, to liberal democracy, especially as a regime well suited to Chinese history, culture, and political experience; and also considers, briefly, its more general relevance to the politics of the 21st century. The issues he raises are relevant to students of comparative politics, democratic theory, world politics, and U.S. foreign policy. And so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment.
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Holston, James. "Metropolitan rebellions and the politics of commoning the city." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618812324.

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This article analyzes the remarkable wave of metropolitan rebellions that inaugurated the 21st century around the world (2000–2016). It argues that they fuel an emergent politics of city-making in which residents consider the city as a collective social and material product that they produce; in effect, a commons. It investigates this politics at the intersection of processes of city-making, city-occupying, and rights-claiming that generate movements for insurgent urban citizenships. It develops a critique of the so-called post-political in anthropological theory, analyzes recent urban uprisings in Brazil and Turkey, distinguishes between protest and insurgent movements, evaluates digital communication technologies as a new means to common the city, and suggests what urban citizenship brings to politics that the national does not.
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Pipere, Anita, and Kristīne Mārtinsone. "Shaping an Image of Science in the 21st Century: The Perspective of Metamodernism." Societies 13, no. 12 (December 6, 2023): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13120254.

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In a contemporary world facing countless multifaceted crises and challenges, science can still serve as one of the most powerful tools to deal with the ordeals of our time. However, the scientific community needs to provide space for reflection on novel ways of developing its centuries-old heritage and unlocking its potential for the benefit of the world and humanity. The purpose of this article was to deliberate on the image of contemporary science within the framework of the new philosophical paradigm of metamodernism. Following historical strands related to metamodernism and science, the authors encircled the general features and elaborated the main philosophical principles of metamodernism. The main task was to identify elements of contemporary science that conform to the philosophical principles of metamodernism. Thus, several features of science and research, such as the structure of science, scientific truth, metanarratives of science, scientific thinking, system of science, interaction of scientific disciplines, dialogue of science with society and politics, open science, digitalisation of science, etc., were interpreted through the perspective of the ontological, epistemological, axiological, and methodological principles of metamodernism. This article ends with a summary of the main points of the discussion and practical implications of the presented ideas.
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Veličković, Dunja. "Dialogue and convergence of actors of religious pluralism or clash of civilizations?" Socioloski godisnjak, no. 17 (2022): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod17-41975.

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The paper discusses the role of the religious phenomenon throughout history and in modern times, its functions and treatment by various actors (society, political movements and researchers). Huntington's thesis on the necessity of the clash of civilizations in the 21st century, which represents a kind of ideological legitimation of actors of neoliberal globalism/ New World Order, for NEO-imperialist predatory interventionist politics, is especially critically problematized. Contrary to Huntington, the paper presents pleas for dialogue and convergence of actors of religious, ethnocultural and civilizational pluralism and building a partnership for peace, sustainable development in the world and global solidarity of humanity.
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Manski, Ben, and Jackie Smith. "Introduction: The Dynamics and Terrains of Local Democracy and Corporate Power in the 21st Century." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.919.

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Particular to the struggles of today is a renewed and increasingly networked politics of local democracy in opposition to global corporate power. With the five urgent essays in this symposium we bring these politics into a world-systems space, considering specific community conflicts with corporations over water and petro-carbon as part of larger translocal struggles, and taking up broader strategies for asserting democratic control over economic life. The included essays feature two of four terrains of struggle —the translocalization of local resistance and contests over sovereignty – that we see as significant in the contemporary dynamics of local democracy and corporate power. We identify additional examples of contests on each these terrains of struggle, as well as those terrains involving contestation of the corporation itself and of alternative global constitutionalisms, in mapping the dimensions of the developing period of community-corporate struggle. Our purpose is to set in motion further collaborations between academic and community-based scholars, with the goal of equipping communities with knowledge useful in expanding and deepening democracy.
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Zokir O'g'li, Hamdamov Botir. "MUTUAL POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THEIR ROLE IN THE WORLD COMMUNITY." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 03, no. 01 (January 1, 2023): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume03issue01-06.

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The processes of globalization and regional integration, recognized as its “small laboratory”, which opposed the 21st century with its comprehensive intensity, are leading humanity towards increasingly new perspectives. This process, which is considered a natural phenomenon, pushes all large and small states on earth to its domain and further Chipmunks The Peoples of the world.
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Myurberg, Irina I. "Civilization as a topic of Russian politico-civilizational discourse in the 21st century." Civilization studies review 4, no. 1 (2022): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2713-1483-2022-4-1-19-34.

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Comparative-historical, hermeneutic and critical-analytical methods are used in the arti­cle. Periods of theoretical and methodological growth in Russian project of civilizational development are traced. “Zero years” were marked by persistence of “classics” in civi­lizational research and the rise of conflict between universalist and multicivilizational paradigms. The cross-cutting topic was about their meaningful comparison, respectively, with the classical and non-classical periods of West-European philosophy. Speaking polit­ically, it was about globalism and anti-globalism. The second cross-cutting theme dealt with multicivilisationary paradigm as a challenge to universalism. Its strategies took shape along with Russia’s growing authenticity in politico-civilizational affairs. The next cross-cutting topic was about discrepancies in rethinking theory and methods. It is argued that the call for the rejection of ontological approach in favor of discursive one is baseless in its naive trust in the principle of constructivism as a source of clear and reliable knowl­edge about the “engineered” objects. Drawing from academician Lectorsky’s idea of “constructive realism”, it is proved that: 1) “designed” social objects are equal in com­plexity and unpredictability to objects of the natural world; 2) moreover, being “purged from ontology”, epistemological constructivism as such cannot bring new knowledge. This conclusion is indirectly confirmed by the project participants, whose publications combine a realistic approach with non-classical ways of studying civilizations. In conclu­sion, political philosopher B.G. Kapustin is cited. Kapustin identifies “big” and “small” politics as two faces of political activity: the one is about creative activity; the other – about political “routine” excluding encounter with novelty.
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Ikenberry, G. John, and Francis Fukuyama. "State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 5 (2004): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034078.

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