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Journal articles on the topic 'Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Hunting, P. "The Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London." Postgraduate Medical Journal 80, no. 939 (January 1, 2004): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/pmj.2003.015933.

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2

Connor, Henry. "By royal appointment – The Chase Family of Apothecaries." Journal of Medical Biography 26, no. 3 (February 1, 2016): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772015627966.

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Medical dynasties are not uncommon, but medical dynasties which serve royalty are rare. This paper describes the work and responsibilities of three successive generations of the Chase family who served as apothecaries to a total of seven British monarchs. Two of them were also Masters of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London, as also was a later member of the family.

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3

Collins, J. P. "SH20ï¿½THE WORSHIPFUL SOCIETY OF APOTHECARIES OF LONDON." ANZ Journal of Surgery 79 (May 2009): A77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1445-2197.2009.04931_20.x.

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4

Short, Bruce. "Where we came from: continuing professional development for the 18th century physician and surgeon, the genesis of British medical societies." Internal Medicine Journal 53, no. 10 (October 2023): 1925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imj.16239.

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AbstractKeeping professionally up to date in 18th‐century Britain was not an easy undertaking. Learning on the job was insufficient for the further development of individual medical knowledge. The century witnessed the gradual growth of medical societies to provide a better education than that offered by university institutions. The Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London in 1815 was empowered to licence and regulate medical practitioners, today's general practitioners. Societies were established in Edinburgh but not so many as around London, where a particularly successful education body was established in 1773, the prestigious Medical Society of London. In 1805 a breakaway group from the society formed an equally highly respected learned body, the Medical and Chirurgical Society of London, that became the nidus for the amalgamation of numerous specialist societies to form, in June 1907, the extant Royal Society of Medicine. By the end of the 18th century, the medical society had fostered professionalism, education and unification within diverse medical and scientific disciplines.

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5

Price, Robin Murray. "The Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London and the history of medicine." Health Libraries Review 18, no. 3 (September 2001): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.0265-6647.2001.00336.x.

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6

Price, Robin Murray. "The Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London and the history of medicine." Health Information and Libraries Journal 18, no. 3 (September 2001): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1471-1842.2001.00336.x.

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7

Livesley, Brian. "John Hunter's Beard." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 93, no. 2 (February 1, 2011): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363510x551405.

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In this paper, evidence is provided to show that the John Hunter portrait owned by the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries (WSA) was painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds as a preliminary sketch for his famous portrait donated to the College by Mrs Hunter and her son. The provenance of the sketch has been disputed by art experts, who have given no explanation about how Hunter came to have the beard that features in the WSA portrait. The answer is a simple clinical one.

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8

Allason-Jones, E. "The Diploma in Genitourinary Medicine (London Society of Apothecaries)." Sexually Transmitted Infections 77, no. 2 (April 1, 2001): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/sti.77.2.81.

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9

SIMMONS, ANNA. "Trade, knowledge and networks: the activities of the Society of Apothecaries and its members in London,c.1670–c.1800." British Journal for the History of Science 52, no. 2 (June 2019): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087419000256.

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AbstractThis article explores the activities of the Society of Apothecaries and its members following the foundation of a laboratory for manufacturing chemical medicines in 1672. In response to political pressures, the guild created an institutional framework for production which in time served its members both functionally and financially and established a physical site within which the endorsement of practical knowledge could take place. Demand from state and institutional customers for drugs produced under corporate oversight affirmed and supported the society's trading role, with chemical and pharmaceutical knowledge utilized to fulfil collective and individual goals. The society benefited from the mercantile interests, political connections and practical expertise of its members, with contributions to its trading activities part of a much wider participation in London's medical, scientific and commercial milieu. Yet, as apothecaries became increasingly engaged in the practice of medicine rather than the preparation and sale of drugs, the society struggled to reconcile the changing priorities of those it represented, and tensions emerged between its corporate and commercial activities.

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10

Dorner, Zachary. "From Chelsea to Savannah: Medicines and Mercantilism in the Atlantic World." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 1 (January 2019): 28–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.172.

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AbstractIn 1732, the London Society of Apothecaries joined the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America in a scheme to establish an experimental garden in the nascent colony. This garden was designed to benefit the trustees’ bottom line, as well as to provide much-needed drugs to British apothecaries at a time of increasing overseas warfare and the mortality it entailed. The effort to grow medicinal plants in Georgia drew together a group of partners who began to recognize the economic potential of botany, and of medicinal plants specifically, in calculations of political economy. The plan depended on the knowledge production occurring at the apothecaries’ Chelsea Physic Garden and their efforts to adapt to a changing medicine trade by finding customers among state-sponsored institutions. Taken together, the histories of the gardens at Chelsea and Savannah illustrate that a perceived need for medicines brought plants into expressions of state power long before the network of botanical stations emblematic of the nineteenth-century empire. This earlier transatlantic story pairs the commercialization of health-care provision with shifts in imperial policy in the long eighteenth century.

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11

WINTERBOTTOM, ANNA. "An experimental community: the East India Company in London, 1600–1800." British Journal for the History of Science 52, no. 2 (June 2019): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087419000220.

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AbstractThe early East India Company (EIC) had a profound effect on London, filling the British capital with new things, ideas and people; altering its streets; and introducing exotic plants and animals. Company commodities – from saltpetre to tea to opium – were natural products and the EIC sought throughout the period to understand how to produce and control them. In doing so, the company amassed information, designed experiments and drew on the expertise of people in the settlements and of individuals and institutions in London. Frequent collaborators in London included the Royal Society and the Society of Apothecaries. Seeking success in the settlements and patronage in London, company servants amassed large amounts of data concerning natural objects and artificial practices. Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, company scholars and their supporters in London sought to counter critiques of the EIC by demonstrating the utility to the nation of the objects and ideas they brought home. The EIC transformed itself several times between 1600 and 1800. Nonetheless, throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, its knowledge culture was characterized by reliance on informal networks that linked the settlements with one another and with London.

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12

Mauck, Aaron. "‘By Merit Raised to That Bad Eminence’: Christopher Merrett, Artisanal Knowledge, and Professional Reform in Restoration London." Medical History 56, no. 1 (January 2012): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300000260.

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AbstractThis article examines the career and reform agenda of Christopher Merrett as a means of evaluating the changing conditions of medical knowledge production in late seventeenth-century London. This period was characterised by increasing competition between medical practitioners, resulting from the growing consumer demand for medical commodities and services, the reduced ability of elite physicians to control medical practice, and the appearance of alternative methods of producing medical knowledge – particularly experimental methods. This competition resulted in heated exchanges between physicians, apothecaries, and virtuosi, in which Merrett played an active part. As a prominent member of both the Royal Society and the Royal College of Physicians, Merrett sought to mediate between the two institutions by introducing professional reforms designed to alleviate competition and improve medical knowledge.These reforms entailed sweeping changes to medical regulation and education that integrated the traditional reliance on Galenic principles with knowledge derived from experiment and artisanal practices. The emphasis Merrett placed on the trades suggests the important role artisanal knowledge played in his efforts to reorganise medicine and improve knowledge of bodily processes.

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13

Mackintosh, Alan. "Warfare and the launch of medical reform in Britain, 1793–1811." Medical History 65, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2021.18.

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AbstractUntil the beginning of the nineteenth century, registering and regulating the training of any medical practitioners in Britain had rarely been attempted, unlike in many other European countries. During the Revolutionary War with France, fevers swept through British armies, leading to numerous fatalities and crushing military defeats, especially in the disastrous expedition to St Domingo. The problem, as forcibly advocated by Robert Jackson, the leading expert on military fevers, seemed to be poor medical care due to both lack of compulsory medical training and the unsuitability of whatever training was available for army medical practitioners. With the simultaneous rapid advance of French military and civilian medical training and the threat of a French invasion, regulating British medical training and excluding the unqualified became a military necessity, and suddenly medical reform was receiving widespread attention. Emphasising the benefits to the Britain’s fighting ability, the reform effort, led by Edward Harrison, a very provincial Lincolnshire physician, under the patronage of Sir Joseph Banks, the President of the Royal Society, gained the support of leading politicians, including three Prime Ministers. For a short time, comprehensive medical reform seemed inevitable: but the opposition of the medical corporations, especially the London College of Physicians, could not be circumvented, and although Harrison persisted in his efforts for 6 years, no legislation was achieved. Nevertheless, within months, the Association of Apothecaries continued the process by pressing for a more limited reform, culminating in the 1815 Apothecaries Act. The long march towards the full regulation of doctors in Britain was started by the perceived military needs of the country during the war with France.

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14

Levitin, Dmitri. "“Made Up from Many Experimentall Notions”: The Society of Apothecaries, Medical Humanism, and the Rhetoric of Experience in 1630s London: Fig. 1." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 70, no. 4 (October 3, 2014): 549–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jru027.

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15

Camarasa, Josep M., and Neus Ibáñez. "Joan Salvador and James Petiver: a scientific correspondence (1706–1714) in time of war." Archives of Natural History 34, no. 1 (April 2007): 140–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2007.34.1.140.

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At the time of the war of the Spanish Succession (1705–1714), Joan Salvador and James Petiver, two apothecaries with an impassioned interest in understanding nature, began a long and fruitful correspondence that would only come to an end with Petiver's death. When this exchange of letters began, Salvador was a 20-year old Catalan apothecary who had just spent two years travelling through France and Italy learning about botany and natural history with some of the best teachers at that time. Petiver, who was 20 years older, was a member of the Royal Society, director of the Chelsea Physic Garden and a well-known figure in London. This paper sets out and discusses the correspondence (which is quite exceptionally complete) between these two naturalists during the wartime period between the end of 1706 and the fall of Barcelona on 11 September 1714. Their letters reflect the obstacles they had to face as a result of war and how they overcame them, and they also explain the reciprocal role played by both correspondents in their respective collections and libraries.

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16

Cook, Dee. "Patrick Wallis, London Livery Company apprenticeship registers, volume 32: Apothecaries' Company, 1617–1669, The London Apprentices series, London, Society of Genealogists, 2000, pp. vi, 69, £6.00 (paperback 1-903462-04-5). Available from: Society of Genealogists Enterprises Ltd., 14 Charterhouse Buildings, Goswell Road, London EC1M 7BA, UK." Medical History 48, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300007353.

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17

Hall, A. Rupert. "A. G. Bennett and D. F. Edgar (eds). Isaac Barrow's Optical Lectures 1667. Translated by H. C. Fay. London: The Worshipful Company of Spectacle Makers, Pp. 243 + xxxv. Figs. £25.00. (A printed typescript; orders to the Company, Apothecaries' Hall, Black Friars Lane, London EC4V 6EL)." British Journal for the History of Science 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400024833.

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18

Fox, Anthony W., and Dee Cook. "The Mastery of Midwifery of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London." Transactions of the Burgon Society 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.4148/2475-7799.1063.

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19

Whiston, Benjamin, and Maxwell J. Cooper. "Unearthing a provincial medical school and its students – A history of the 1834 ‘School of Practical Medicine and Surgery’ at the Sussex County Hospital, Brighton, England." Journal of Medical Biography, September 28, 2021, 096777202110361. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09677720211036112.

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The 19th century was a period of rapid change in English medical education. Little is known about the important contribution of smaller, hospital-based, provincial medical schools which sprang up to provide important practical training opportunities for students, typically as a foundation for further training and examination in London. One such example is the 1834 Brighton ‘School of Practical Medicine and Surgery’, which was based at the Sussex County Hospital and recognised by the Royal College of Surgeons and Worshipful Society of Apothecaries. Unlike many other 19th century medical schools, the history of the Brighton school is largely undocumented. Although it remained dependent upon London through the ‘College and Hall’ examination system, this article shows that the school's pragmatic and adaptive educational approach allowed it to play an important role in educating future doctors in Brighton from 1834 into at least the early 20th century.

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20

"Ernest Lester Smith, 7 August 1904 - 6 November 1992." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 40 (November 1994): 347–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1994.0044.

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Ernest Lester Smith, ELS or Lester to his associates, but known as Ernest to his mother and father, divided his life into three separate activities: science, theosophy and horticulture. As a scientist he will be remembered for his work on the kinetics of soap making, the wartime production of penicillin and for the isolation from liver of vitamin B 12 , then known as the anti-pernicious anaemia factor. He received many honours for his scientific work, including the Gold Medal in Therapeutics of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries in 1954, but he sincerely felt his greatest honour was the Subba Row Medal, ‘the most prestigious award within The Theosophical Society’ presented for his theosophical publication '‘ Intelligence came first ' (B). He derived great personal pleasure from horticulture and so especially enjoyed the award of the Lindley Medal of the Royal Horticultural Society for a display of double auriculas.

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21

"DIPLOMA IN MUSCULO-SKELETAL MEDICINE THE SOCIETY OF APOTHECARIES OF LONDON." Rheumatology 32, no. 2 (1993): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rheumatology/32.2.122.

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22

"The Diploma in Sports Medicine of The Society of Apothecaries of London." British Journal of Sports Medicine 24, no. 4 (December 1, 1990): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bjsm.24.4.278.

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23

Cooper, Maxwell John, Carl Fernandes, and Benjamin Whiston. "‘Disciples of Aesclepius’: Glimpses into lives of the ‘Gentlemen of the Faculty’ of medicine in Brighton, England 1800–1809." Journal of Medical Biography, October 25, 2022, 096777202211319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09677720221131946.

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Here we present newspaper accounts from the Sussex Advertiser to consider hitherto largely unknown Brighton doctors active between 1800 and 1809. This body of physicians, surgeons and apothecaries comprised Brighton's ‘Gentlemen of the [medical] Faculty’, whom the newspaper also dubbed the ‘Disciples of Aesclepius’. Members are considered under three broad categories. First, are Brighton-based clinicians (Mr Barratt, Mr Bond, Charles Bankhead, Thomas Guy, John Hall, John Newton, Benjamin Scutt and Sir Matthew Tierney). Second are London clinicians, probably in attendance to the Prince of Wales (John Hunter and Thomas Keate), More widely, two dentists (Dr Durlacher and Mr Bew) and two Royal Navy surgeons (Robert Chambers and Thomas Thong) also recorded at Brighton are considered. Other aspects of medical life are described: recruiting an apprentice, anatomy training at Joshua Brooke's London museum, midwifery, a description of a surgeon's bag and the last reference to the Royal Sussex Jennerian Society (which disappears from the newspaper record in 1807). Clinical cases described include: resuscitation from near-drowning, post-mortem examinations, death from the ‘gravel and stone’ and accounts of suicide. The primary sources presented in this paper offer rare glimpses into medical life in Brighton at the very start of the nineteenth century.

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