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Journal articles on the topic 'Write history'

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1

Cox, Stephen. "How to Write History." Annals of Iowa 49, no. 3 (1988): 261–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.12091.

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2

Coffin, Caroline. "Learning to Write History." Written Communication 21, no. 3 (2004): 261–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0741088304265476.

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3

Hecht, David K. "Why we write (nuclear) history." British Journal for the History of Science 50, no. 3 (2017): 537–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087417000668.

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Nuclear history always compels. Scholars (and readers) can immerse themselves in the existential threat posed by the atomic bomb and its successor weapons, the tantalizing prospect of carbon-free energy, or the study of a natural phenomenon deeply at odds with our everyday experience of the world. There is thus always something profound at stake when we write nuclear history – be it physical, economic or intellectual. And while it may seem that the end of the Cold War should have diminished the academic attention accorded to the subject, it actually just allowed the historiography to evolve. To the wealth of technical and political studies that once dominated nuclear history, we can now add a host of excellent cultural, environmental, literary and transnational studies. Those of us who entered the field shortly after the break-up of the Soviet Union have been able to follow these developments first-hand, from the initial uncertainty of where nuclear history would go without its original raison d’être to seeing the possibilities opened up in a post-Cold War world. The books under review here provide important and timely additions to this historiography. Luis A. Campos's Radium and the Secret Life provides a rigorous and compelling account of the uses of radium in early twentieth-century biology; Timothy J. Jorgensen's Strange Glow: The Story of Radiation offers an accessible and illuminating analysis of the benefits and risks of radiation. The books also make for a fascinating juxtaposition. They complement each other well, but also contain some intriguing differences that allow us to reflect on the nature of nuclear history in the early twenty-first century.
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4

TOURIAL, P. "Our Chance to Write History." Alpha Omegan 99, no. 1 (2006): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.aodf.2006.02.024.

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5

Kossmann, E. H. "How to Write Dutch Cultural History?" Dutch Crossing 13, no. 38 (1989): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03096564.1989.11783908.

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6

Woolley, Alma S. "Someone should write our school's history." Journal of Professional Nursing 14, no. 1 (1998): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s8755-7223(98)80003-3.

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7

Kazin, Michael. "Can Conservatives Write Good U.S. History?" Dissent 66, no. 4 (2019): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2019.0082.

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8

de Thé, Guy. "Microbial Genomes to Write Our History." Journal of Infectious Diseases 196, no. 4 (2007): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/519172.

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9

Knechtel, Nancy. "Write Yourself into History (Three Scenarios)." Art Journal 54, no. 3 (1995): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/777602.

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10

Bauckham, R. "Did Papias Write History or Exegesis?" Journal of Theological Studies 65, no. 2 (2014): 463–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flu113.

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11

McMahon, Darrin M. "TO WRITE THE HISTORY OF EQUALITY." History and Theory 58, no. 1 (2019): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hith.12102.

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12

Witz, L. "The Write Your Own History Project." Radical History Review 1990, no. 46-47 (1990): 377–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1990-46-47-377.

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13

Stuard, Susan Mosher. "Independent Women Scholars Write (Women's) Medieval History." Florilegium 29 (January 2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.28.1.

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14

Schaub, Jean-Frédéric. "How to Write the History of Europe?" European Review 26, no. 3 (2018): 514–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000212.

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15

Gerber, Scott Douglas. "Teaching the Legal History You Write About." American Journal of Legal History 53, no. 4 (2013): 410–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/53.4.410.

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16

Warrington, David. "Helping Historians Write Legal History “From Below”." Legal Reference Services Quarterly 20, no. 1-2 (2001): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j113v20n01_03.

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17

BRIEGER, GERT H. "Who Will Write the History of Radiology?" Investigative Radiology 24, no. 2 (1989): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004424-198902000-00019.

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18

Stuard, Susan Mosher. "Independent Women Scholars Write (Women’s) Medieval History." Florilegium 28, no. 1 (2011): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.28.002.

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Independent scholarly writing on the Middle Ages began as a dignified amateur endeavour in, and in a few instances before, the eighteenth century, although a bemused reading public has often marvelled at why anyone with a superior education and leisure would bother. For this reason, amateur scholars have often felt it necessary to justify their choice of a scholarly pursuit, and this continues down to our own day. Women scholars like Margaret Wade Labarge (1916-2009), whom we celebrate here, often had little choice but to pursue their scholarly interests independently because in her day academic positions were largely awarded to men. Labarge justified her career choice straightforwardly as based on a lifelong interest in the Middle Ages. Despite sporadic appointments as visiting scholar at Carleton University and the University of Ottawa, Margaret Wade Labarge spent her career primarily in research and writing, and she chose to view her status on the periphery of academic institutions positively since it left her free to study and write what she wished. She chose her scholarly projects herself, pursued them independently, and found publishers willing to place her work before the public: as a result, she enjoyed some commercial success and, with it, stature within her chosen field of study. There are many reasons to celebrate Margaret Wade Labarge and place her among the women scholars who pursued similar independent careers in medieval studies and, in doing so, designed medieval women’s history in ways that resonate to the present day.
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19

Betts, Jim. "Why Canadians Can't Write Musicals." Brock Review 12, no. 2 (2012): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/br.v12i2.403.

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The Canadian Musical Theatre community may include talented writers, directors and producers, but it does not exist in a properly functioning professional environment. In some respects, the Canadian Musical Theatre is closer to an "oral tradition" than a 21st Century art form. The community lacks leadership, focus, and resources. There is a significant need for effective training programs and realistic, well-supported development opportunities. The history of the Canadian Musical Theatre has some similarities to the history of the American Musical Theatre, but its development may lag about 50 years behind.
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20

Patterson, James T. "How Do We Write the History of Disease?" Health and History 1, no. 1 (1998): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40111315.

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21

Fisch, Menachem. "How and Why I Write History of Science." Science in Context 26, no. 4 (2013): 573–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889713000276.

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I have always been a philosopher at heart. I write history of science and history of its philosophy primarily as a philosopher wary of his abstractions and broad conceptualizations. But that has not always been the case. Lakatos famously portrayed history of science as the testing ground for theories of scientific rationality. But he did so along the crudest Hegelian lines that did injury both to Hegel and to the history and methodology of science. Since science is ultimately rational, he argued, rival methodologies can prove their mettle by competing for whose tendentiously reconstructed account of the history of science renders more of it rational! (Lakatos 1971). My own approach to the relationship between history and philosophy of science started out perhaps a little more open-mindedly than Lakatos's, but in a manner no less crude. Over the years the relationship between the history I wrote and the philosophy to which I was committed took on a firmer and more reciprocal shape. It did so in the course of a process that I now realize exemplified the philosophical position it eventually yielded. I would like to trace that development in the following pages and reflect as best I can on where it has led and left me.
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22

Bourdon, Jérôme. "Detextualizing: How to write a history of audiences." European Journal of Communication 30, no. 1 (2014): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323114555823.

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23

Benton, Lauren. "How to Write the History of the World." Historically Speaking 5, no. 4 (2004): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2004.0087.

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24

Ross, Philip. "The Winners Write the History Books [Spectral Lines." IEEE Spectrum 47, no. 11 (2010): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mspec.2010.5605872.

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25

Rouse, Joseph. "Why write histories of science?" History of the Human Sciences 23, no. 4 (2010): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695110372025.

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26

Lee, Loyd E. "We Have Just Begun to Write." Diplomatic History 25, no. 3 (2001): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00272.

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27

Perelman, Bob. "Write the Power." American Literary History 6, no. 2 (1994): 306–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/6.2.306.

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28

McCutcheon, Elizabeth. "Decoding the Alice Alington-Margaret More Roper Letters." Moreana 57 (Number 214), no. 2 (2020): 144–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2020.0082.

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Interpreting the letters characterized as written by Alice Alington and Margaret Roper in 1534 has proved perplexing since their first publication (1557), when the editor wrote, “It is not certainly known” whether Thomas More or Roper wrote the letter to Alington. Did Roper, More, or both write it? This study looks at both letters from a variety of perspectives, pointing out many reasons that complicate reading them before focusing on the personal and political circumstances, the structural knot of wise/foolish, and the writing styles of father and daughter, including an analysis of Roper's known writing, characteristically empathic (rather than concerned with organization or structure). It agrees that More was the chief writer, but that Roper might well have written some, though not all, of her speeches, and that she was involved in their discussions and as More's personal representative. Finally, it suggests both letters constitute a mini-dialogue.
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29

BURKE, PETER. "A SOCIAL HISTORY OF KNOWLEDGE REVISITED." Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 3 (2007): 521–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244307001394.

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In contributing to this symposium on book history, I was asked to reflect on my A Social History of Knowledge (hereafter SHK), which was published in 2000, describing how I came to write it and what has happened to the field since, and considering the question of whether I might write my essay differently if I were beginning it today. Following this, I shall devote the remainder of the article to a sketch for a future project on the history of knowledge.
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30

Carswell, John, and Julian Henderson. "Rhyton? Write On…" Muqarnas Online 21, no. 1 (2004): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993_02101008.

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31

Ipiranga Júnior, Pedro. "Modo de escrita da história na antiguidade: a perspectiva luciânica." Aletria: Revista de Estudos de Literatura 19, no. 3 (2009): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2317-2096.19.3.103-113.

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Resumo: Este artigo se propõe estudar as relações entre escrita da história, ficção e retórica na obra de Luciano de Samósata, Como se deve escrever a história.Palavras-chave: Luciano de Samósata; escrita historiográfica; ficção e retórica.Abstract: This paper focuse on the interpreting of the work How to write history of the writer Lucian of Samosate, analysing the relations between writing of history, ficcion and rhetoric.Keywords: Lucian of Samosate; Writing of History; Fiction and Rhetoric.
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32

Healey, Robert M. "John Knox's “History”: A “Compleat” Sermon on Christian Duty." Church History 61, no. 3 (1992): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168373.

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John Knox considered himself a preacher, not a writer of books. His History of the Reformation of Religion in the Realm of Scotland is an extended sermon on the duty of Scottish Christians to rely solely, obediently, and unflinchingly on God. The printed work contains five books, but Knox did not write Book 5. In Book 4, Knox made the point that the Lord authorizes and requires all Christians (even common subjects, when they are able to do so) to correct their rulers' religion and to compel them to obey God's commandments. For Knox, no more history was needed. His sermon was “compleat.”
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33

Freyberg, Robin, Cindy K. Chung, Zachary Freyberg, John Barnhill, Stephen Ferrando, and James W. Pennebaker. "The write stuff." Narrative Inquiry 24, no. 1 (2014): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ni.24.1.02fre.

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Clinicians often wonder if the single sentence from the Folstein Mini-Mental Status Exam (MMSE) offers meaningful information about the patient. We compared single sentences derived from the MMSE generated by 3 groups of participants — hospitalized medically-ill patients with psychiatric comorbidity, hospitalized medically-ill patients without psychiatric comorbidity, and non-hospitalized non-psychiatric participants. These sentences were analyzed for themes using manual thematic coding and a semi-automatic computerized method, the Meaning Extraction Method (MEM). We found that thematic content obtained from as little as a single sentence could differentiate between participant groups using both methods. Specifically, psychiatric patients used more power themes, focused on states other than the present, and were less interpersonally engaged than the other groups. Thematic content also indicated cognitive status through scores on the Clock Drawing Test (CDT) and MMSE. Our findings suggest that a single sentence can provide meaningful information about patients with medical and psychiatric comorbidity.
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34

Morris, R. J. "SCOTLAND THE WHAT? HISTORY AND WHOSE TO WRITE IT?" Scottish Economic & Social History 11, no. 1 (1991): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1991.11.11.59.

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35

Anderson, Jaynie. "How to Write Art History from an Antipodean Perspective." Acta Historiae Artium 49, no. 1 (2008): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/ahista.49.2008.1.4.

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36

Nelson, Sioban. "How Do We Write a Nursing History of Disease?" Health and History 1, no. 1 (1998): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40111318.

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37

Park, Kwang-youn. "How to Write ‘Buddhist History’ with the Samguk Yusa." CHIN-TAN HAKPO 130 (June 30, 2018): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31735/cth.2018.06.130.27.

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38

Grob, Gerald N. "Essay Review: Who should write the history of psychiatry?" History of Psychiatry 19, no. 1 (2008): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x07086264.

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39

Salmon, Patrick. "How to write international history: Reflections onNorsk utenrikspolitikks historie." Diplomacy & Statecraft 9, no. 1 (1998): 208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299808406076.

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40

Hodgson, Guy. "Simultaneously dismal, yet hopeful: The write places in history." European Journal of Communication 33, no. 4 (2018): 445–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323118789499.

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41

Safier, N. "How to Write the History of the New World." Ethnohistory 51, no. 4 (2004): 848–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-51-4-848.

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42

Kramer, Paul A. "How Not to Write the History of U.S. Empire." Diplomatic History 42, no. 5 (2018): 911–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhy071.

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43

Martin, Theodora Penny, and Catherine Hobbs. "Nineteenth-Century Women Learn to Write." History of Education Quarterly 36, no. 3 (1996): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369411.

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44

Caplan, J. "'Write me down, make me real'." History Workshop Journal 60, no. 1 (2005): 195–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbi041.

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45

Smith, Roger. "Why and How Do I Write the History of Science?" Science in Context 26, no. 4 (2013): 611–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889713000306.

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I make a large claim for the intellectual and institutional centrality of the history of science as critical reason. The reality on the ground, of course, does not always exhibit this. I trace the vicissitudes of my own way of thought in relation to developments in the field, leading to an interest, first, in relating intellectual history (with its philosophical orientation) to mainstream (evidence based) history, and second, to finding a place for the human sciences in the history of science. The latter area, which involves questioning the nature of science as knowledge, leads to an engagement with notions of being human. It is an interest which potentially makes the history of science a boundless field, and it is necessary to comment on the questions, both intellectual and practical, that this raises. I welcome a notion of the history of science as a family of activities, and I relate this to practices which seek models of good history rather than explicit methods.
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46

Zwicker, Lisa Fetheringill. "TheBurschenschaftand German Political Culture, 1890–1914." Central European History 42, no. 3 (2009): 389–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909990033.

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In the history of theBurschenschaftpublished in 1939, Georg Heer wrote that with the coming of the National Socialists to power “the goals of the German Burschenschaft had been achieved; the National Socialist German Student Union had now taken over its tasks.” Of course Heer was not free to write what he wished about the 1935 dissolution of the Burschenschaft, but his interpretation is consistent with the ideas of many historians about this important organization within the history of German nationalism. Something had gone terribly wrong with this organization, despite its clear liberal and middle-class origins.
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47

Hawkins, Peter. "How do you write about chanson?" French Cultural Studies 4, no. 10 (1993): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095715589300401005.

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48

Brown, Molly. "‘ … do they write me?’." English Academy Review 36, no. 2 (2019): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10131752.2019.1646469.

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49

Roth, Randolph. "Scientific History and Experimental History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 43, no. 3 (2012): 443–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00425.

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The promise of scientific history and scientifically informed history is more modest today than it was in the nineteenth century, when a number of intellectuals hoped to transform history into a scientific mode of inquiry that would unite the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences, and reveal profound truths about human nature and destiny. But Edmund Russell in Evolutionary History and Jared Diamond and James A. Robinson in Natural Experiments of History demonstrate that historians can write interdisciplinary, comparative analyses using the strategies of nonexperimental natural science to search for deep patterns in human behavior and for correlates to those patterns that can lead to a better, though not infallible, understanding of historical causality.
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50

Burt, Stephanie. "How to Write About Superheroes." American Literary History 32, no. 3 (2020): 598–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajaa018.

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Abstract Eighty years after the first Superman comic, scholars are catching up to the importance, and to the popularity, of superheroes in comics and in other media. Recent monographs and edited collections examine racial politics, disabilities, other identities, and reception history across a range of decades and of superhero characters. Most of these worthy works remain within the limits of critique, judging the comics on how well they handle one or another theme; the result is a picture of superhero comics that cannot do justice to the genre. To them and to their like, the academic critics of the future might add—what vernacular comics critics already contribute—additional attention to what one or another character does best, to the transformative potential of even minor superhero work, and to how commercially produced superhero comics at their best handle narrative form. One superhero symbol can work many ways, as Neal Curtis’s examination of Truth and other Captain America stories shows: Cap has repeatedly fought off right-wing doubles, alternatively costumed versions of himself who aspired to make America white again.
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