Academic literature on the topic 'Wyclif'

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Journal articles on the topic "Wyclif"

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Wilks, Michael. "Wyclif and the Great Persecution." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 10 (1994): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900000107.

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As has been remarked often enough, Lollardy was the first real English heresy, and its progenitor, John Wyclif, inspired what Anne Hudson has so rightly termed a ‘premature Reformation’, a reformation which had far more immediate impact in Hussite Bohemia, but in England left Wyclif for a century and a half as a voice crying in the wilderness, a prophet without honour in his own country. Since history is usually studied backwards, his name is most commonly associated with the alleged eucharistic heresy condemned at the Blackfriars Council of May 1382. This was more significant for its timing than its substance. The actual charges were not only a distortion of Wyclif’s theory, and Wyclif himself was never specifically named, but any reasonably intelligent scholastic could have worked it out from Wyclif’s philosophical principles at least ten years earlier. But the eucharist had the great advantage of being a theological matter, which no one could contest the right of bishops and masters to deal with, and this made it a far more effective stick with which the papalists could belabour their lay opponents—and by 1382 the times were far more propitious. The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, an event with which Wyclif’s name was quickly linked, had thrown the regency government of the young Richard II into turmoil: and Lollardy, newly introduced as a term of abuse, could be represented as a recipe for any number of horrors, not least the assassination of bishops. The murder of Archbishop Sudbury in 1381 had opened up the way for his replacement by Wyclif’s leading opponent, the very vigorous bishop of London, William Courtenay. All this was however simply the culmination of a long process against Wyclif which had resulted in two abortive heresy trials in 1377 and 1378. In both cases Wyclif was rescued by royal intervention, by John of Gaunt. Wyclif, as he had proudly proclaimed, was a dericus regis, a king’s clerk, a member of the royal household: and as Christopher Given-Wilson has recently shown, king’s clerks might be few in number (and exceptionally cheap to maintain, since they could—as Wyclif was—be paid out of normal pluralism), but they wielded a degree of influence out of all proportion to their numbers.
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Gaskin, Richard. "John Wyclif and the Theory of Complexly Signifiables." Vivarium 47, no. 1 (2009): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853408x345927.

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AbstractJohn Wyclif claims that there are relations of essential identity and formal distinctness connecting universals, complexly signifiables, and individuals. In some respects Wyclif's position on complexly signifiables coincides with what I call the advanced res theory, the view that complexly signifiables are really identical with but formally distinct from worldly individuals. But there is no question in Wyclif's treatment of a reduction of complexly signifiables to individuals. I argue that Wyclif populates his most fundamental ontological level with propositionally structured entities both individual and universal, and that this approach is superior to that of its nominalist rivals. But Wyclif shares with other versions of the advanced res theory an implausible theory of identity, and this affects the coherence of the claimed real identity between individuals and complexly signifiables.
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Levy, Ian Christopher. "John Wyclif and the Eucharistic Words of Institution: Context and Aftermath." Church History 90, no. 1 (March 2021): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721000731.

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In matters of eucharistic theology, John Wyclif (d. 1384) is best known for his rejection of the scholastic doctrine of transubstantiation. There were many reasons why Wyclif came to regard this doctrine as fundamentally untenable, such as the impossibility of substantial annihilation and the illogicality of accidents existing apart from subjects, but chief among them was his deep dissatisfaction with the prevailing interpretation of Christ's words, “Hoc est corpus meum,” the words of institution required to confect the sacrament in the Mass. Wyclif insisted that getting this proposition right was essential for a correct understanding of Christ's presence in the Eucharist. This article presents Wyclif's position on this matter within the context of later medieval scholastic discussions in an effort to lend clarity to his larger understanding of eucharistic presence. The article will then trace the reception of Wyclif's ideas to Bohemia at the turn of the fifteenth century, with special attention given to the Prague master Jakoubek of Stříbro. One finds that Wyclif, and then later Jakoubek, developed new and effective means of conceptualizing the conversion of the eucharistic elements, thereby expanding the ways in which one can affirm Christ's presence in the consecrated host and the salvific effects of that presence for faithful communicants.
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Hudson, Anne. "Wyclif and the North: The Evidence from Durham." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002465.

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The present-day hamlet of Wycliffe stands on a small spit of level ground on the south bank of the river Tees, some seven miles east of Barnard Castle, at a point where the north bank rises in a high cliff; the churchyard stretches almost to the river bank. The claim that John Wyclif takes his name from the village cannot, unless further documentation is discovered, be finally proved; but it seems a reasonable one. Robert Wyclif, a clerk in the diocese of York, acted on behalf of John in 1371 in regard to tithes from an alien priory granted to the latter by the king, and again in 1376 to pay part of the annates claimed by the papal collector Arnald Gamier for the prebend of Caistor, a prebend from which Wyclif was displaced by the appointment of the papal provisor Philip Thornbury.
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Campi, Luigi. "Was the Early Wyclif a Determinist? Concerning an Unnoticed Level within His Taxonomy of Being." Vivarium 52, no. 1-2 (February 27, 2014): 102–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341270.

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Abstract This article takes issue with the most authoritative argument for the commonplace that John Wyclif was an extreme determinist: he denied distinctions between divine ideas and God’s metaphysical constituents and between ideas as principle of divine cognition of creatures (rationes) and as models for their production ad extra (exemplaria); since as a constituent of God’s essence every divine idea is absolutely necessary, and every idea is unfailingly a pattern for creation, therefore God cannot but create anything He can think of. This paper argues against the premise that Wyclif never distinguished rationes and exemplaria by examining significant excerpts from Wyclif’s edited and unedited academic writings in which the distinction is assumed or discussed. Wyclif maintains that there are more ideas in God than created essences ad extra, and that God’s absolute power covers more than His ordained power does. To stress that not every divine idea is automatically a model for creation, Wyclif sometimes includes in his standard taxonomy of being a hitherto unnoticed level, the esse intentionale, which is eternal and ad intra, like the esse intelligibile, but contingent, the kind of being in which something participates as the result of God’s free choice to bring it into existence ad extra at the due time.
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Levy, Ian Christopher. "Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif." Traditio 60 (2005): 279–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900000283.

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The popular portrayal of John Wyclif (d. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism that divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. In point of fact, however, Wyclif's understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study. It may be surprising to find that Wyclif's soteriology has not received a thoroughgoing analysis, one that would pull together the many facets involved in medieval conceptions of the salvific process. Instead, one finds some insightful, but abbreviated, analyses that tend to focus more on specific aspects, rather than offering a comprehensive view. The best sources are Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, all three of whom offer valuable appraisals. Actually, Lechler comes the closest to a broad view within his study of Wyclif, but well over a century has passed since it was first published. Needless to say, there has been an enormous amount of research done on late medieval thought since then, research that enables us to situate Wyclif more thoroughly within the discussions of his day. Even Robson's work is more than forty years old by now. And, while Kenny's treatment is comparatively recent at twenty years old, he tackles the subject only as part of a more strictly philosophical discussion of necessity and contingency. We will, of course, consider the views of each of these scholars in the course of this essay, the purpose of which is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif's soteriology in its many facets. This means that we will first discuss the related questions of divine will and human freedom, and their impact upon his soteriology. Then we will examine his views on sin, grace, merit, justification, faith, and predestination, all within the larger medieval context. What we should find is that Wyclif's soteriology makes quite a lot of room for human free will even as he insists on the leading role of divine grace in all good works. Futhermore, Wyclif will emerge as a subtle thinker who most often presents a God who is at once just and merciful, extending grace and the possibility of salvation to all.
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McGrade, Arthur Stephen. "Somersaulting Sovereignty: A Note on Reciprocal Lordship and Servitude in Wyclif." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 261–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001988.

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IN his treatise on civil lordship, written a few years before the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, Wyclif raises, incidentally, but in a particularly challenging way, the central problem of political philosophy. The problem is to work out a consistent idea of authority and subordination as reciprocal—in the biblically extreme terms of WycliPs formulation, a consistent idea of reciprocal lordship and servitude or mastery and slavery. It is unclear what part, if any, his brief discussion of reciprocity plays in the rest of Wyclif s thought. There are echoes, but nothing like the elaboration the idea might seem to deserve, and authoritative recent studies raise doubts even about the echoes. Still, if we are willing to interpret Wycliffian reciprocity for ourselves, the idea may prove a fruitful one.
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Wilks, Michael. "Wyclif and the wheel of time." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013255.

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During the 1370s Wyclif wrote to defend a monarchy which made extensive use of bishops and other clergy in the royal administration and yet was faced with aristocratic factions encouraged by bishops like Wykeham and Courtenay who espoused papal supremacy, if not out of conviction, at least as a very convenient weapon to support their independence against royal absolutism. At first sight Wyclifs attempts to define the right relationship between royal and episcopal, temporal and spiritual, power seem as confused as the contemporary political situation. His works contain such a wide range of theories from orthodox two swords dualism to a radical rejection of ecclesiastical authority well beyond that of Marsilius and Ockham that it seems as if his only interest was in collecting every anti-hierocratic idea available for use against the papacy. The purpose of this paper is to suggest that a much more coherent view of episcopal power can be detected beneath his tirades if it is appreciated that his continual demand for a great reform, a reformatio regni et ecclesiae, is inseparably linked to his understanding of the history of the Christian Church, and that in this way Wyclif anticipates Montesquieu in requiring a time factor as a necessary ingredient in constitutional arrangements.
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Cesalli, Laurent. "Wyclif on the Felicity (Conditions) of Marriage." Vivarium 49, no. 1-3 (2011): 258–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853411x590525.

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AbstractRegarding marriage, John Wyclif defends the following position: strictly speaking, no words or any kind of sensory signs would be needed, since the consensus of the spouses together with God’s approbation would suffice for the accomplishment of marriage. But if words do have to be pronounced, then the appropriate formula should not be in the present, but in the future. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. It will appear that in his analysis of the only sacrament which is a “social act” in the literal sense of the expression, Wyclif (i) clearly acknowledges the central role of individual intentions behind (linguistic) conventions, and (ii) carefully distinguishes between the different, chronologically disparate acts involved in marriage and their respective (semantic, psychological and factual) felicity conditions.
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Leftow, Brian. "John Wyclif." International Philosophical Quarterly 27, no. 2 (1987): 211–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq19872725.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Wyclif"

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Brinker, April Marie. "Heresy and Simony: John Wyclif and Jan Hus Compared." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626625.

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Campi, Luigi. "Scienza divina e soteriologia in John Wyclif. Studio sull’inedito De sciencia dei." Doctoral thesis, Universita degli studi di Salerno, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10556/1526.

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2009 - 2010
The thesis («Divine Knowledge and Soteriology in John Wyclif. An Essay on the unpublished tract De sciencia dei») contains the established text of the wycliffian inedited tract De sciencia dei and a doctinal essay. In the introduction are given many historical, codicological and philological details about the unpublished tract and about the Summa de ente, the academic collection of writings to whom it belongs. In the first chapter are exposed the main contents of the tract pertaining Wyclif’s theory of divine knowledge, considered also in the light of other passages of his works where the same topic is developped. In the second chapter is detected Wyclif’s doctrine of salvation, which is firstly and widely formuled in the De sciencia dei; then, is shown that the soteriology emerging in Wyclif’s later De dominio divino is close to the De sciencia dei’s. Lastly, in the third chapter is suggested an ermeneutical proposal on Wyclif’s theology based on some textual evidencies – including those where the interesting notion of esse intencionale can be seen at work– which show Wyclif’s attempt to safe his theology and philosophy from the risk of determinism and panteism. [edited by Author]
IX n.s.
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Cox, Rory. "War and Politics : John Wyclif in the Context of Fourteenth-Century Political Thought." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522865.

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Meichtry-Gruber, Annemarie. "Die Sprache der Wyclif-Bibel die Verwendung von Lehnwörtern in den Büchern Baruch, Richter und Hiob." Bern Berlin Bruxelles Frankfurt a.M. New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2006. http://d-nb.info/986208523/04.

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McCormack, Frances. "Chaucer and the culture of dissent the Lollard context and subtext of the Parson's tale /." Dublin : Four Courts Press, 2007. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/156890795.html.

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Van, Dussen Michael J. "England and the Empire: Heresy, Piety and Politics, 1381-1416." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243351989.

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Regetz, Timothy. "Lollardy and Eschatology: English Literature c. 1380-1430." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404582/.

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In this dissertation, I examine the various ways in which medieval authors used the term "lollard" to mean something other than "Wycliffite." In the case of William Langland's Piers Plowman, I trace the usage of the lollard-trope through the C-text and link it to Langland's dependence on the Parable of the Wheat and the Tares. Regarding Chaucer's Parson's Tale, I establish the orthodoxy of the tale's speaker by comparing his tale to contemporaneous texts of varying orthodoxy, and I link the Parson's being referred to as a "lollard" to the eschatological message of his tale. In the chapter on The Book of Margery Kempe, I examine that the overemphasis on Margery's potential Wycliffism causes everyone in The Book to overlook her heretical views on universal salvation. Finally, in comparing some of John Lydgate's minor poems with the macaronic sermons of Oxford, MS Bodley 649, I establish the orthodox character of late-medieval English anti-Wycliffism that these disparate works share. In all, this dissertation points up the eschatological character of the lollard-trope and looks at the various ends to which medieval authors deployed it.
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Pink, Stephen Arthur. "Holy scripture and the meanings of the Eucharist in late medieval England, C. 1370-1430." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60a9655b-779b-4853-9102-7a9b058f0d5e.

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This thesis examines how, in late-medieval England, uses of Scripture and associated written discourses expanded to encompass the sacramental functions hitherto privileged to the bread and wine of the Mass. This process, reflecting the longstanding if implicit importance of scriptural symbolism to the medieval Eucharist, also bears witness to a major cultural shift in this period: the assignment to words of the same powers that had underpinned the function of visual, non-verbal symbols in medieval religion and society. As Chapter Two demonstrates, this process was starkly exposed in John Wyclif’s vision of an English religion centred upon the sacrament of the preached word of Scripture, rather than on the Mass. As Chapter Three shows, this was the vision that Wyclif’s followers sought to realize, even if they may have achieved their aims only within a limited band of followers. However, Wyclif’s vision was powerful precisely because its relevance was not confined to Wycliffites. Chapter Four charts how the same substitution was taking place through the dissemination in English of ‘Scripture’, which, in its broadest sense, encompassed meditations upon depictions of Christ crucified as well as preaching. The greatest danger of Wycliffite thought to the late-medieval Church rested in its potential to increase lay awareness of this process. This threat was reflected in the restrictions placed by the English Church upon lay use of religious writings in the early fifteenth century. Nonetheless, as Chapter Five shows through a reading of one of Wyclif’s sternest critics, Thomas Netter, the eucharistic function of ‘Scripture’ had not disappeared but had to be occluded. This occlusion represents the most significant shift in the eucharistic function of ‘Scripture’ in the fifteenth century, allowing its use to develop further without threatening the Mass. This thesis concludes that the unacknowledged yet increasingly central role of ‘Scripture’ helps to explain why, at the Reformation, a scripturally-based religion seemed so quickly to supplant one to which images had been fundamental.
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Carpenter, Van Eldon. "Wyclif's realism and his view of the eucharist." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.

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Zemaitis, Daniel Staley. "Convergent paths : the correspondence between Wycliffe, Hus and the early Quakers." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3465/.

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This dissertation examines the correspondence in theology, practice and social views between Early Quakers and John Wycliffe and John Hus (QWH), founders of the late-medieval heretical sects the Lollards and Hussites. It discusses the diversity of religious experience that characterized the first generation of ‘Early Quakers,’ and argues the end of early Quakerism as 1678, when the Quaker establishment completed enforcement of greater conformity in belief and practice. The dissertation examines Wycliffe and the Lollards and Hus and the Hussites, placing them in an experiential religious tradition and exploring their belief in the need to return to a primitive church in reaction to the perceived apostasy of the Catholic Church. By focusing on possible modes of dissemination of Wycliffe’s and Hus’ ideas and personal stories in works such as Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, the thesis concludes that there exists a close correspondence among QWH respecting the following characteristics: (1) accessibility of Christ’s message; (2) belief in the visible and invisible church; (3) biblical authority; (4) personal understanding of Scripture; (5) opposition to established churches; (6) return to a ‘primitive church’; (7) attitudes toward reforming society; (8) the imminence of Christ’s return; and (9) the role of women.
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Books on the topic "Wyclif"

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Wyclif. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985.

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Kenny, Anthony John Patrick. Wyclif. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985.

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Burning Wyclif. Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2005.

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Lahey, Stephen E. John Wyclif. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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Vincent, Spade Paul, and Wilson Gordon Anthony 1945-, eds. Johannis Wyclif Summa insolubilium. Binghamton, N.Y: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1986.

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Patrick, Kenny Anthony John, ed. Wyclif in his times. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Clarendon Press, 1986.

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1938-, Hudson Anne, Wilks Michael, and Ecclesiastical History Society, eds. From Ockham to Wyclif. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Published for the Ecclesiastical History Society by B. Blackwell, 1987.

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Wycliffe, John. English Wyclif tracts 4-6. Oslo: Novus Forlag, 2000.

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Wycliffe, John. English Wyclif tracts 4-6. Oslo: Novus Forlag, 2000.

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Wilks, Michael. Wyclif: Political ideas and practice. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Wyclif"

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Lahey, Stephen E. "John Wyclif." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 1–7. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1151-5_281-2.

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Kronen, John D. "John Wyclif." In A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages, 407–8. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996669.ch76.

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Boreczky, Elemer. "Wyclif, John." In Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy, 1–4. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6730-0_803-1.

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Izbicki, Thomas M., Russell L. Friedman, R. W. Dyson, Vilém Herold, Ota Pavlíček, Harro Höpfl, Pekka Kärkkäinen, et al. "John Wyclif." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 653–58. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9729-4_281.

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Gensler, Marek, Susan Brower-Toland, Henrik Lagerlund, John Kelsay, Thomas Pink, Tobias Hoffmann, Julie Brumberg-Chaumont, et al. "Wyclif, John." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 1420. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9729-4_539.

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Lahey, Stephen E. "John Wyclif." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 1013–19. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1665-7_281.

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Schäufele, Wolf-Friedrich. "Wyclif, John." In Theologen, 245–46. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-02948-5_182.

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Rex, Richard. "John Wyclif and His Theology." In The Lollards, 25–53. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-21269-5_2.

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Minnis, Alastair. "John Wyclif—All Women’s Friend?" In Mindful Spirit in Late Medieval Literature, 121–33. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08951-9_10.

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Grellard, Christophe. "John Wyclif on Implicit Faith." In Medieval Church Studies, 75–97. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.mcs-eb.5.124369.

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