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Journal articles on the topic 'Wyclif'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Wilks, Michael. "Wyclif and the Great Persecution." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 10 (1994): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900000107.

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As has been remarked often enough, Lollardy was the first real English heresy, and its progenitor, John Wyclif, inspired what Anne Hudson has so rightly termed a ‘premature Reformation’, a reformation which had far more immediate impact in Hussite Bohemia, but in England left Wyclif for a century and a half as a voice crying in the wilderness, a prophet without honour in his own country. Since history is usually studied backwards, his name is most commonly associated with the alleged eucharistic heresy condemned at the Blackfriars Council of May 1382. This was more significant for its timing than its substance. The actual charges were not only a distortion of Wyclif’s theory, and Wyclif himself was never specifically named, but any reasonably intelligent scholastic could have worked it out from Wyclif’s philosophical principles at least ten years earlier. But the eucharist had the great advantage of being a theological matter, which no one could contest the right of bishops and masters to deal with, and this made it a far more effective stick with which the papalists could belabour their lay opponents—and by 1382 the times were far more propitious. The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, an event with which Wyclif’s name was quickly linked, had thrown the regency government of the young Richard II into turmoil: and Lollardy, newly introduced as a term of abuse, could be represented as a recipe for any number of horrors, not least the assassination of bishops. The murder of Archbishop Sudbury in 1381 had opened up the way for his replacement by Wyclif’s leading opponent, the very vigorous bishop of London, William Courtenay. All this was however simply the culmination of a long process against Wyclif which had resulted in two abortive heresy trials in 1377 and 1378. In both cases Wyclif was rescued by royal intervention, by John of Gaunt. Wyclif, as he had proudly proclaimed, was a dericus regis, a king’s clerk, a member of the royal household: and as Christopher Given-Wilson has recently shown, king’s clerks might be few in number (and exceptionally cheap to maintain, since they could—as Wyclif was—be paid out of normal pluralism), but they wielded a degree of influence out of all proportion to their numbers.

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2

Gaskin, Richard. "John Wyclif and the Theory of Complexly Signifiables." Vivarium 47, no. 1 (2009): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853408x345927.

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AbstractJohn Wyclif claims that there are relations of essential identity and formal distinctness connecting universals, complexly signifiables, and individuals. In some respects Wyclif's position on complexly signifiables coincides with what I call the advanced res theory, the view that complexly signifiables are really identical with but formally distinct from worldly individuals. But there is no question in Wyclif's treatment of a reduction of complexly signifiables to individuals. I argue that Wyclif populates his most fundamental ontological level with propositionally structured entities both individual and universal, and that this approach is superior to that of its nominalist rivals. But Wyclif shares with other versions of the advanced res theory an implausible theory of identity, and this affects the coherence of the claimed real identity between individuals and complexly signifiables.

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3

Levy, Ian Christopher. "John Wyclif and the Eucharistic Words of Institution: Context and Aftermath." Church History 90, no. 1 (March 2021): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721000731.

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In matters of eucharistic theology, John Wyclif (d. 1384) is best known for his rejection of the scholastic doctrine of transubstantiation. There were many reasons why Wyclif came to regard this doctrine as fundamentally untenable, such as the impossibility of substantial annihilation and the illogicality of accidents existing apart from subjects, but chief among them was his deep dissatisfaction with the prevailing interpretation of Christ's words, “Hoc est corpus meum,” the words of institution required to confect the sacrament in the Mass. Wyclif insisted that getting this proposition right was essential for a correct understanding of Christ's presence in the Eucharist. This article presents Wyclif's position on this matter within the context of later medieval scholastic discussions in an effort to lend clarity to his larger understanding of eucharistic presence. The article will then trace the reception of Wyclif's ideas to Bohemia at the turn of the fifteenth century, with special attention given to the Prague master Jakoubek of Stříbro. One finds that Wyclif, and then later Jakoubek, developed new and effective means of conceptualizing the conversion of the eucharistic elements, thereby expanding the ways in which one can affirm Christ's presence in the consecrated host and the salvific effects of that presence for faithful communicants.

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4

Hudson, Anne. "Wyclif and the North: The Evidence from Durham." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002465.

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The present-day hamlet of Wycliffe stands on a small spit of level ground on the south bank of the river Tees, some seven miles east of Barnard Castle, at a point where the north bank rises in a high cliff; the churchyard stretches almost to the river bank. The claim that John Wyclif takes his name from the village cannot, unless further documentation is discovered, be finally proved; but it seems a reasonable one. Robert Wyclif, a clerk in the diocese of York, acted on behalf of John in 1371 in regard to tithes from an alien priory granted to the latter by the king, and again in 1376 to pay part of the annates claimed by the papal collector Arnald Gamier for the prebend of Caistor, a prebend from which Wyclif was displaced by the appointment of the papal provisor Philip Thornbury.

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5

Campi, Luigi. "Was the Early Wyclif a Determinist? Concerning an Unnoticed Level within His Taxonomy of Being." Vivarium 52, no. 1-2 (February 27, 2014): 102–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341270.

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Abstract This article takes issue with the most authoritative argument for the commonplace that John Wyclif was an extreme determinist: he denied distinctions between divine ideas and God’s metaphysical constituents and between ideas as principle of divine cognition of creatures (rationes) and as models for their production ad extra (exemplaria); since as a constituent of God’s essence every divine idea is absolutely necessary, and every idea is unfailingly a pattern for creation, therefore God cannot but create anything He can think of. This paper argues against the premise that Wyclif never distinguished rationes and exemplaria by examining significant excerpts from Wyclif’s edited and unedited academic writings in which the distinction is assumed or discussed. Wyclif maintains that there are more ideas in God than created essences ad extra, and that God’s absolute power covers more than His ordained power does. To stress that not every divine idea is automatically a model for creation, Wyclif sometimes includes in his standard taxonomy of being a hitherto unnoticed level, the esse intentionale, which is eternal and ad intra, like the esse intelligibile, but contingent, the kind of being in which something participates as the result of God’s free choice to bring it into existence ad extra at the due time.

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6

Levy, Ian Christopher. "Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif." Traditio 60 (2005): 279–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900000283.

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The popular portrayal of John Wyclif (d. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism that divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. In point of fact, however, Wyclif's understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study. It may be surprising to find that Wyclif's soteriology has not received a thoroughgoing analysis, one that would pull together the many facets involved in medieval conceptions of the salvific process. Instead, one finds some insightful, but abbreviated, analyses that tend to focus more on specific aspects, rather than offering a comprehensive view. The best sources are Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, all three of whom offer valuable appraisals. Actually, Lechler comes the closest to a broad view within his study of Wyclif, but well over a century has passed since it was first published. Needless to say, there has been an enormous amount of research done on late medieval thought since then, research that enables us to situate Wyclif more thoroughly within the discussions of his day. Even Robson's work is more than forty years old by now. And, while Kenny's treatment is comparatively recent at twenty years old, he tackles the subject only as part of a more strictly philosophical discussion of necessity and contingency. We will, of course, consider the views of each of these scholars in the course of this essay, the purpose of which is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif's soteriology in its many facets. This means that we will first discuss the related questions of divine will and human freedom, and their impact upon his soteriology. Then we will examine his views on sin, grace, merit, justification, faith, and predestination, all within the larger medieval context. What we should find is that Wyclif's soteriology makes quite a lot of room for human free will even as he insists on the leading role of divine grace in all good works. Futhermore, Wyclif will emerge as a subtle thinker who most often presents a God who is at once just and merciful, extending grace and the possibility of salvation to all.

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7

McGrade, Arthur Stephen. "Somersaulting Sovereignty: A Note on Reciprocal Lordship and Servitude in Wyclif." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 261–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001988.

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IN his treatise on civil lordship, written a few years before the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, Wyclif raises, incidentally, but in a particularly challenging way, the central problem of political philosophy. The problem is to work out a consistent idea of authority and subordination as reciprocal—in the biblically extreme terms of WycliPs formulation, a consistent idea of reciprocal lordship and servitude or mastery and slavery. It is unclear what part, if any, his brief discussion of reciprocity plays in the rest of Wyclif s thought. There are echoes, but nothing like the elaboration the idea might seem to deserve, and authoritative recent studies raise doubts even about the echoes. Still, if we are willing to interpret Wycliffian reciprocity for ourselves, the idea may prove a fruitful one.

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8

Wilks, Michael. "Wyclif and the wheel of time." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013255.

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During the 1370s Wyclif wrote to defend a monarchy which made extensive use of bishops and other clergy in the royal administration and yet was faced with aristocratic factions encouraged by bishops like Wykeham and Courtenay who espoused papal supremacy, if not out of conviction, at least as a very convenient weapon to support their independence against royal absolutism. At first sight Wyclifs attempts to define the right relationship between royal and episcopal, temporal and spiritual, power seem as confused as the contemporary political situation. His works contain such a wide range of theories from orthodox two swords dualism to a radical rejection of ecclesiastical authority well beyond that of Marsilius and Ockham that it seems as if his only interest was in collecting every anti-hierocratic idea available for use against the papacy. The purpose of this paper is to suggest that a much more coherent view of episcopal power can be detected beneath his tirades if it is appreciated that his continual demand for a great reform, a reformatio regni et ecclesiae, is inseparably linked to his understanding of the history of the Christian Church, and that in this way Wyclif anticipates Montesquieu in requiring a time factor as a necessary ingredient in constitutional arrangements.

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9

Cesalli, Laurent. "Wyclif on the Felicity (Conditions) of Marriage." Vivarium 49, no. 1-3 (2011): 258–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853411x590525.

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AbstractRegarding marriage, John Wyclif defends the following position: strictly speaking, no words or any kind of sensory signs would be needed, since the consensus of the spouses together with God’s approbation would suffice for the accomplishment of marriage. But if words do have to be pronounced, then the appropriate formula should not be in the present, but in the future. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. It will appear that in his analysis of the only sacrament which is a “social act” in the literal sense of the expression, Wyclif (i) clearly acknowledges the central role of individual intentions behind (linguistic) conventions, and (ii) carefully distinguishes between the different, chronologically disparate acts involved in marriage and their respective (semantic, psychological and factual) felicity conditions.

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10

Leftow, Brian. "John Wyclif." International Philosophical Quarterly 27, no. 2 (1987): 211–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq19872725.

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11

Nolcken, Christina von. "Wyclif in Our Times: The Wyclif Sexcentenary, 1984." Yearbook of Langland Studies 02 (January 1988): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.yls.2.302956.

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12

Spade, Paul Vincent. "The Problem of Universals and Wyclif's Alleged "Ultrarealism"." Vivarium 43, no. 1 (2005): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568534054068429.

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AbstractJohn Wyclif has been described as "ultrarealist" in his theory of universals. This paper attempts a preliminary assessment of that judgment and argues that, pending further study, we have no reason to accept it. It is certainly true that Wyclif is extremely vocal and insistent about his realism, but it is not obvious that the actual content of his view is especially extreme. The paper distinguishes two common medieval notions of a universal, the Aristotelian/Porphyrian one in terms of predication and the Boethian one in terms of being metaphysically common to many. On neither approach does Wyclif 's theory of universals postulate new and non-standard entities besides those recognized by more usual versions of realism. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif 's views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. On the contrary, by at least one measure, his theory of universals is less extreme than Walter Burley's, as Wyclif himself observes. For Wyclif, the universal is numerically identical with its singulars, but numerical identity is governed by something weaker than the Indiscernibility of identicals.

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13

Levy, Ian Christopher. "Was John Wyclif's Theology of the Eucharist Donatistic?" Scottish Journal of Theology 53, no. 2 (May 2000): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600050705.

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The heresy of Donatism has often been associated with the fourteenth-century theologian John Wyclif. This study focuses on whether or not Wyclif's eucharistic theology had in fact lapsed into this heresy. For if Wyclif was guilty of Donatism it is certainly no small matter. Donatism violates one of the most fundamental tenets of Catholic Christianity, viz. that the validity of the sacraments is not dependent upon the personal sanctity of the human beings who administer them. Medieval canon law dealt at some length with the issue of sacramental administration, upholding the Augustinian position that the determining factor in the proper administration of the sacraments is not the merit of the celebrant, but rather the power of God operating through him. Indeed, such a principle would have to be maintained if the foundation of the Church's sacramental system, and the ecclesiastical structure as a whole, was to be preserved from the prospect of disintegration.

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14

Courtenay, William J. "Wyclif. Anthony Kenny." Speculum 62, no. 1 (January 1987): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2852589.

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15

Lahey, Stephen E. "Wyclif on Rights." Journal of the History of Ideas 58, no. 1 (1997): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.1997.0004.

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16

Levy, Ian Christopher. "John Wyclif: Christian Patience in a Time of War." Theological Studies 66, no. 2 (June 2005): 330–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390506600205.

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[John Wyclif (d. 1384) was well acquainted with the medieval traditions of just war and crusading articulated by theologians and canon lawyers. Yet he had become disillusioned with a Christian society that exploited these traditions to pursue destructive policies of repression and conquest, thereby forsaking the eternal Law of Christ. For Wyclif, the Law of Christ calls upon Christians to conform themselves to the poor and humble Christ of the Gospels. While Wyclif never rejected the possibility of a just war in principle, he believed that it was all but impossible in practice. Even where a nation might have a just claim, the better path is always the way of Christ, suffering evil patiently rather than inflicting sufferings upon one's neighbor.]

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17

Marc’hadour, Germain. "John Wyclif : Sixth Centennial." Moreana 24 (Number 94), no. 2 (June 1987): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1987.24.2.21.

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18

Pfaff, Richard W., and Anthony Kenny. "Wyclif in His Times." American Historical Review 94, no. 2 (April 1989): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866864.

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19

Lindberg, Conrad. "From Jerome to Wyclif." Studia Neophilologica 63, no. 2 (January 1991): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393279108588069.

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20

Smeeton, Donald Dean, Terrence A. McVeigh, and Anne Hudson. "John Wyclif on Simony." Sixteenth Century Journal 26, no. 1 (1995): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541578.

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21

Tuck, Anthony. "Wyclif by Anthony Kenny." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 8, no. 1 (1986): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.1986.0027.

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22

Stacey, John. "John Wyclif as Theologian." Expository Times 101, no. 5 (February 1990): 134–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469010100503.

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23

Britnell, R. H. "From Ockham to Wyclif." History of European Ideas 10, no. 4 (January 1989): 488–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(89)90015-6.

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24

Levy, Ian Christopher. "Useful Foils: Lessons Learned From Jews in John Wyclif's Call for Church Reform." Medieval Encounters 7, no. 2 (2001): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006701x00012.

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AbstractAs an ardent advocate for Church reform in the late fourteenth century, John Wyclif found in Jewish history and practices a wealth of material upon which to draw when chastising the present Christian clerical class. Wyclif likens modern friars and prelates to the Jews of the Bible, and concludes that in their avarice and zeal for unscriptural human traditions they have in fact have proven themselves even greater enemies of Christ than the Jews themselves. Though Jews are consistently used as foils, they are not the recipients of gratuitous epithets. Noteworthy is the fact that Wyclif most often employs the term perfidia when speaking of Christian clerics rather than Jews. When he does speak of avarice, treachery, and murder on the part of the Jews those occasions are largely limited to the clerical class, and then in an effort to admonish the Christian clergy of his own day. As Wyclif read the New Testament accounts of Christ and the apostles, thereby forming his vision of an ideal Church, so he read of their adversaries and accepts them as the model for all who oppose his idealized Church.

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25

Campi, Luigi. "Yet Another ‘Lost’ Chapter of Wyclif’s Summa de ente Notes on some puzzling references to Tractatus 13." Vivarium 49, no. 4 (2011): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853411x606365.

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Abstract This paper deals with three references found in John Wyclif’s unpublished De scientia Dei to a certain Tractatus 13, whose title relates to the position it holds in the first book of Wyclif’s Summa de ente. They are puzzling references, since the first book of the Summa is made up barely of seven tracts. In this paper I argue that the three references are actually linking devices to the final section of the De ente praedicamentali (ch. 19-22). Moreover, I maintain that, at the time of the compilation of his De scientia Dei, Wyclif conceived the first book of his Summa as containing thirteen tracts, the last seven of which later collected under a single item (viz. the De ente praedicamentali). This allows for a broader and more consistent account of the order and dating of the De scientia Dei (1372) and other Wyclif’s writings.

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Spruyt, Joke. "The Unity of Semantics and Ontology. Wyclif 's Treatment of the fallacia accidentis." Vivarium 46, no. 1 (2008): 24–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853408x255891.

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AbstractThis paper deals with John Wyclif 's account of the fallacia accidentis. To a certain extent Wyclif 's explanations fit in with Aristotle's understanding of language. Aristotle recognises that we can talk about substances in many different ways; we can introduce them by using 'substantial' names, but also by using names derived from the substances' accidental features. The substances are the ultimate foundation of all these expressions. This idea in itself is not opposed to a conceptualist account of language. John Buridan uses Aristotle's principle of categorisation to show how language works, but for him the activity of categorising things is to be explained in terms of our mental activities only. Wyclif, on the other hand, reads much into the requirement that all our linguistic distinctions should have their basis in extramental reality: our conceptualisations not only pertain to individual substances, but also parallel their distinct ontic layers.

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Holsinger, Bruce W. "The vision of music in a Lollard florilegium: Cantus in the Middle English Rosarium theologie (Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College MS 354/581)." Plainsong and Medieval Music 8, no. 2 (October 1999): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100001650.

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Despite their intriguing testimony to the vagaries of musical life in late medieval England, relatively little attention has been given by musicologists and historians of religion to the wealth of commentary on liturgical and secular music penned by the followers of the Oxford heretic John Wyclif. In a brief mention of this material in The Premature Reformation, her magisterial study of Wyclif and the Lollards, Anne Hudson suggests that the Lollards’ suspicion of musical display reflected their more general hostility towards the decoration of churches.

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G. R. Evans. "John Wyclif (review)." Catholic Historical Review 96, no. 2 (2010): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0688.

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Brooks, Peter Newman. "Book Reviews : Wyclif to Knox." Expository Times 97, no. 11 (August 1986): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468609701122.

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Hudson, Anne. "Cross-Referencing in Wyclif’s Latin Works." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 11 (1999): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002283.

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One of the most immediately striking features of all of Wyclif’s major writings, whether philosophical, theological, or polemical, is the frequency with which cross-references are found both between different chapters or parts of the same work and between works other than the current one. The frequency of cross-referencing is variable. In the philosophical works and the intermediate tracts traditionally placed before the twelve-part Summa theologie, links are not enormously numerous. The first text to show a plethora of them is De civili dominio: here on average one instance occurs roughly every other page, more frequently in parts I and III, in other words some 600 in all. This habit continues with slight abatement in De veritate sacre scripture, and into De ecclesia. Thereafter the remaining parts of the Summa show a diminishing number, still further reduced in the De eucharistia. Cross-referencing is relatively common in the three long sets of sermons composed after Wyclif’s retirement to Lutterworth, and in the Sermones quadraginta written dum stetit in scholis. The device is obviously in origin an academic one, and it is worth observing that some of the major works which were written after Wyclif left Oxford have few if any: in the Trialogus the virtually complete absence of internal Unkings could be explained as the result of a perception that the orderly organization of the whole obviated the necessity for such an aid, but this explanation does not seem relevant to the final Opus evangelkum. Cross-referencing has previously been observed by students of Wyclif, and has traditionally been used in the attempt to order his vast output chronologically, and to put dates to individual works. But this is to jump to conclusions – to assume that the references are authorial and that the works in which they occur were composed as a whole at one time. The discussion here will suggest that there are questions to be answered in regard to the former assumption, and substantial objections to the latter. More modestly, I hope here to use the cross-references to throw light on the ways in which Wyclif’s works were written, put together, and ‘published’.

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Millus, Donald J. "Wolsey, Henry, Wyclif and More in Tyndale’s." Moreana 45 (Number 175), no. 3 (December 2008): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2008.45.3.7.

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William Tyndale’s Exposition is a mixture of translation, commentary, and criticism of historical figures. The bulk of the work is an ad hoc translation of St. John’s first epistle. Tyndale’s commentary focuses on his familiar theme of faith over works, especially superstitious works, as the key to salvation. But Tyndale is always concerned with current events: the death of Cardinal Wolsey, the life of Henry VIII, and the hypocritical vilification of the proto-reformer John Wyclif are his main targets. Surprisingly, he quotes his foe Thomas More favorably. But is Tyndale in defending Wyclif also drawing a subtle comparison with Wolsey’s successor as chancellor, Thomas More?

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32

Jeffrey, David Lyn. "John Wyclif and the Hermeneutics of Reader Response." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 39, no. 3 (July 1985): 272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096438503900305.

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Lindberg, Conrad. "Literary aspects of the Wyclif Bible." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 77, no. 3 (September 1995): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.77.3.7.

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Nișcoveanu, George Gabriel. "John Wyclif și ordinele religioase călugărești." Altarul Reîntregirii, no. 2 (2015): 209–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/ar.2015.2.18.

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35

Morrissey, Thomas E. "Book Review: From Ockham to Wyclif." Theological Studies 49, no. 4 (December 1988): 743–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056398804900414.

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36

Stokes, Mack B. "The Perilous Vision of John Wyclif." Idealistic Studies 16, no. 2 (1986): 163–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/idstudies198616216.

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37

Michael, Emily. "John Wyclif on Body and Mind." Journal of the History of Ideas 64, no. 3 (2003): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2003.0039.

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Christopher Levy, Ian. "John Wyclif and the Primitive Papacy." Viator 38, no. 2 (January 2007): 159–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.302528.

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Aers, David. "John Wyclif: Poverty and the Poor." Yearbook of Langland Studies 17 (January 2003): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.yls.2.302627.

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40

Cesalli, Laurent. "Le «pan-propositionnalisme» de Jean Wyclif." Vivarium 43, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 124–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568534054068384.

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Schabel, Chris. "John Wyclif, edited by Luigi Campi." Vivarium 58, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341386.

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Kuczynski, Michael P. "English Wyclif Tracts, 1-3.John Wyclif , Conrad LindbergRichard Rolle and the Invention of Authority.Nicholas Watson." Speculum 69, no. 2 (April 1994): 587–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865192.

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Thomson, Williell R. "Tractatus de universalibus. John Wyclif , Ivan J. MuellerOn Universals (Tractatus de universalibus). John Wyclif , Anthony Kenney." Speculum 62, no. 3 (July 1987): 756–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2846439.

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Conti, Alessandro D. "Semantic and Ontological Aspects of Wyclif’s Theory of Supposition." Vivarium 51, no. 1-4 (2013): 304–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341251.

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Abstract The relationship between thought and reality was a focal point of Wyclif’s reflection. On the one hand, Wyclif believed that thought was linguistically constrained by its own nature; on the other hand, he considered thought to be related to reality in its elements and constitution. Hence he deemed language, thought, and external reality to be of the same logical coherence. Within this context, the theory of supposition was intended to explain the different roles that terms can have in relation to language and the extra-mental world when they appear as extremes in propositions. Characteristically, his theory of supposition provides an account not only of the truth-values of a sentence, but also of its meaning; it is not therefore simply a theory of reference, but a sort of complex analysis of language viewed as a semiotic system whose unique interpretative model was reality itself. It gives clear evidence of Wyclif’s realist stance and of his conviction that any kind of linguistic and semantic features must be grounded on ontological structures.

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Kloes, Andrew. "Book Review: New Translation of Wyclif’s Systematic Theology: Stephen E. Lahey (trans.), Wyclif: Trialogus." Expository Times 125, no. 12 (August 7, 2014): 619–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524614524144g.

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Devia, Cecilia. "La Relación entre pecado original y dominio político en un tratado de John Wyclif." História Revista 24, no. 2 (January 12, 2020): 194–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/hr.v24i2.60941.

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A efectos de estudiar la relación entre pecado original y dominio político en el Tractatus de statu innocencie (1376) de John Wyclif, se comenzará por presentar los dos relatos bíblicos de la creación, con sus similitudes y diferencias. Se continuará comentando el célebre contrafáctico sobre la primera pareja humana: ¿qué habría pasado si Adán y Eva no hubieran pecado?, empleado por los pensadores medievales para desarrollar todo tipo de preguntas y elaboraciones sobre la situación del momento en el que escribían sus obras. Se abordarán asimismo los diferentes tipos de dominio que se pueden identificar en el Génesis. Finalmente se analizará el tratado en cuestión, particularmente en cuanto a la relación entre pecado original, dominio, propiedad y uso. Palabras clave: Pecado original, Dominio político, Wyclif.

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Lahey, Stephen E. "John Wyclif: Logica, politica, teologia. Mariateresa Fumagalli Beonio Brocchieri , Stefano Simonetta , John Wyclif John Wyclif: Scriptural Logic, Real Presence, and the Parameters of Orthodoxy. Ian Christopher Levy." Speculum 80, no. 4 (October 2005): 1280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400001706.

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Evans, G. R. "Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: The Context." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 4 (1985): 287–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003689.

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Wyclif found certain scholars of his time ‘in full cry against the unlogical, imprecise language of the Bible and the liturgy’. No commentaries written in that spirit survive, but traces are abundant in contemporary writings of aggressive talk in the schools and disputatious questioning along these lines. The challenge was not in its essence a new one. It is an episode in a series of encounters which had taken place between secular learning and Christian learning from the beginning; and more recently between grammar and logic and the difficulties presented by the Bible’s language. But it was perhaps new in degree. These critics of Wyclif’s day, it seems, said that the Bible was not logical and found in that a reason to question its truth, rather than to look to their logic for faults, as had been the traditional way.

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Evans, G. R. "John Wyclif: The Biography of a Legend." Auto/Biography 14, no. 1 (March 2006): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0967550706ab020oa.

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Harvey, Margaret. "Book Review: John Wyclif: Myth and Reality." Theology 110, no. 854 (March 2007): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0711000232.

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