Academic literature on the topic 'Wycliffe, John, d. 1384'

Though English supporters of the Oxford theologian John Wycliffe (d.1384)—known as “Lollards”—had been drawn from academic and noble/gentry circles during the later-fourteenth and early-fifteenth centuries, persecution, equation of heresy with sedition, and the failure of Sir John Oldcastle’s Rebellion (1414) ensured overt abandonment of Lollard ideas. Consequently, post-1414 (“later”) Lollardy in England has been characterized as an amorphous, introverted network—appealing to those of lesser socio-economic status—being unworthy of description as a sect because of its deficiency of organization. However, the movement’s consistency and infrastructure are reappraised by considering its heterogeneity in terms of society (demography, literacy, and socio-economic status), interactions (modes of dissemination), and motivation, participation, and organization (appreciating the dynamics of religious movements). From a comparative perspective, Lollardy’s acephalous, reticulate infrastructure—similarly to that of Waldensianism and other movements—may have proved beneficial by facilitating adaptability during persecution thereby ensuring Lollardy’s survival until the Reformation.

In matters of eucharistic theology, John Wyclif (d. 1384) is best known for his rejection of the scholastic doctrine of transubstantiation. There were many reasons why Wyclif came to regard this doctrine as fundamentally untenable, such as the impossibility of substantial annihilation and the illogicality of accidents existing apart from subjects, but chief among them was his deep dissatisfaction with the prevailing interpretation of Christ's words, “Hoc est corpus meum,” the words of institution required to confect the sacrament in the Mass. Wyclif insisted that getting this proposition right was essential for a correct understanding of Christ's presence in the Eucharist. This article presents Wyclif's position on this matter within the context of later medieval scholastic discussions in an effort to lend clarity to his larger understanding of eucharistic presence. The article will then trace the reception of Wyclif's ideas to Bohemia at the turn of the fifteenth century, with special attention given to the Prague master Jakoubek of Stříbro. One finds that Wyclif, and then later Jakoubek, developed new and effective means of conceptualizing the conversion of the eucharistic elements, thereby expanding the ways in which one can affirm Christ's presence in the consecrated host and the salvific effects of that presence for faithful communicants.

The popular portrayal of John Wyclif (d. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism that divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. In point of fact, however, Wyclif's understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study. It may be surprising to find that Wyclif's soteriology has not received a thoroughgoing analysis, one that would pull together the many facets involved in medieval conceptions of the salvific process. Instead, one finds some insightful, but abbreviated, analyses that tend to focus more on specific aspects, rather than offering a comprehensive view. The best sources are Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, all three of whom offer valuable appraisals. Actually, Lechler comes the closest to a broad view within his study of Wyclif, but well over a century has passed since it was first published. Needless to say, there has been an enormous amount of research done on late medieval thought since then, research that enables us to situate Wyclif more thoroughly within the discussions of his day. Even Robson's work is more than forty years old by now. And, while Kenny's treatment is comparatively recent at twenty years old, he tackles the subject only as part of a more strictly philosophical discussion of necessity and contingency. We will, of course, consider the views of each of these scholars in the course of this essay, the purpose of which is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif's soteriology in its many facets. This means that we will first discuss the related questions of divine will and human freedom, and their impact upon his soteriology. Then we will examine his views on sin, grace, merit, justification, faith, and predestination, all within the larger medieval context. What we should find is that Wyclif's soteriology makes quite a lot of room for human free will even as he insists on the leading role of divine grace in all good works. Futhermore, Wyclif will emerge as a subtle thinker who most often presents a God who is at once just and merciful, extending grace and the possibility of salvation to all.

The renewed interest in John Wyclif (d. 1384) has brought this late medieval figure back into the spotlight of historians, giving rise to numerous studies evaluating his thought and its implications in the context of late fourteenth century England. However, it is not possible fully to appreciate Wyclif's importance in late medieval European culture without understanding the legacy of his ideas on the continent. According to the accepted narrative, John Wyclif's thought was mediated to the continent through the scholarly contacts between the universities in Oxford and in Prague, and re-emerged in the Latin writings of Jan Hus. This article argues that John Wyclif's thought, especially his critique of the church's doctrine of transubstantiation, found a larger audience among the rural clerics and laity in Bohemia, whom it reached through Peter Payne, who simplified and disseminated the works of the Oxford master. Wyclif's critique of transubstantiation sparked a nationwide debate about the nature of the Eucharist, generating numerous treatises, both in Latin and in the vernacular, on the subject of Christ's presence in the sacrament of the mass. This debate anticipated, a full century earlier, the famous debate between Luther and Zwingli and the Eucharistic debates of the sixteenth century Reformation more generally. The proliferation of vernacular Eucharistic tractates in Bohemia shows that Wyclif's critique of transubstantiation could be answered in a number of different ways that included both real presence (however defined) and figurative theologies—a fact, which, in turn, explains the doctrinal diversity among the Lollards in England.

[John Wyclif (d. 1384) was well acquainted with the medieval traditions of just war and crusading articulated by theologians and canon lawyers. Yet he had become disillusioned with a Christian society that exploited these traditions to pursue destructive policies of repression and conquest, thereby forsaking the eternal Law of Christ. For Wyclif, the Law of Christ calls upon Christians to conform themselves to the poor and humble Christ of the Gospels. While Wyclif never rejected the possibility of a just war in principle, he believed that it was all but impossible in practice. Even where a nation might have a just claim, the better path is always the way of Christ, suffering evil patiently rather than inflicting sufferings upon one's neighbor.]

John Wyclif (d. 1384), Thomas Netter (d. 1430) and Jean Gerson (d. 1429) had a good deal in common. They were all theologians, and thus ‘masters of the sacred page’ by trade. They all recognised the absolute authority of Scripture in matters of the Catholic faith over and against any pretensions of canon law. What separated them, therefore, was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. Netter and Gerson set out to curb this sort of magisterial excess which they believed would inevitably lead to the destruction of all proper norms of authority within the Church. Rather than being a simple tale of heresy and orthodoxy, therefore, this late medieval conflict turned on the question of professional expertise, rights and responsibilities.

Publication of the Russian translation of part of so-called “Lollardsʼs Catechism”, which was written by anonymous author in 14th century England. The title “Lollardsʼs Catechism” was given by first editors in the early 20th century, because the text wasnʼt originally entitled. The text is an expanded version of official Catechism, written by ordered archbishop of York John de Thoresby (died 1373). In comparison with the original, anonymous author focused on the ethos of clergy. For some time, researchers believed that the author of the text was John Wycliffe (1320-1384), but now this point of view isn’t shared by scientists. The rhetoric presented in the text gives the reasons to believe that the text was written by one of the wandering preachers, who may have belonged to the Lollards, who were especially active in England in the second half of the 14th century.

A unique Gothic crucifix has been worshiped in the Wawel Royal Cathedral throughout centuries. The sculpture created in Bohemia or Hungary around 1380 was brought by Jadwiga of Poland (13741399) from Hungary to Poland, most likely in 1384. At the feet of Christ Crucified the monarch prayed for the gift of wisdom to rule the kingdom. The crucifix was placed in an altar in the Wawel Royal Cathedral and it has inspired a great devotion to the Crucified. After premature death of Jadwiga in 1399 the altar became a place of veneration of the monarch, which ever since has been lasting unceasingly. Due to the fact that prayers of the faithful through intercession of the queen at the crucifix were blessed by wonders it acquired great significance and started being called ‘miraculous’. Cardinal Karol Wojtyła, carrying out the function of the Metropolitan of Kraków, evoked the memory of Jadwiga in a particular way, encouraged her veneration and intensifi d efforts towards her canonization. He regarded the Crucifix of Jadwiga as ‘a place of the powerful testimony’. As pope John Paul II he canonized the queen during the Eucharist celebrated in Błonia Park in Krakow on the 8th of June 1997. The crucifix became a symbol of Polish history, spiritual heritage and deep faith of the Polish nation, what has been proved by the strong presence of this motif in fi arts. In the time of partitions of Poland Leon Wyczółkowski (1852-1936), an outstanding Polish artist and a teacher depicted it many times using a range of artistic techniques. A lively interest in a pastel ‘Crucifi of Jadwiga of Poland’ by Wyczółkowski auctioned in Kraków in 2019, which price went from 35 000 PLN (starting price) to 54 000 PLN (hammer price) after emotional bidding reveals how profound is its signifi to the Polish nation nowadays.

An efficient and facile synthesis of 3-amino pyrazoles has been described. The reaction of b-keto nitriles with hydrazines using p-toluenesulfonic acid as an efficient catalyst under solvent and solvent-free conditions afford corresponding 3-amino pyrazoles in excellent yields
 Introduction
 Pyrazoles, in particular 3-amino pyrazoles are an important class of compounds in medicinal chemistry and it has been well documented to posses antihypertensive,1 antibacterial,2 anti-inflammatory muscle relaxant3,4 and inhibitors of cyclin dependent kinases (CDK) such as CDK2/cycling A-E.5 They are also potent and selective Aurora kinase inhibitors.6,7 In addition the 3-amino pyrazoles also have industrial appliance in inhibition of corrosion on metals such as Zn, Cu, Al and Brass.8
 Despite their importance from a pharmacological, industrial and synthetic point of view, comparatively few methods for the preparation of 3-amino pyrazoles have been reported. These includes condensation of hydrazines with β-keto nitriles,9 β-formyl nitriles,4 β-methoxy vinyl nitriles,10 α-nitrilo ethyl acetate11 and solid phase synthesis of 5-substituted amino pyrazoles.12 Unfortunately many of these processes suffer from one or other limitations such as incompletion of starting materials, long reaction times, with unsatisfactory yields. Thus there is a need for the development of an alternate route to construct the 3-amino pyrazoles.
 In recent years, p-toluenesulfonic acid is used as an efficient catalyst in various organic transformations,13 also it should be noted that p-toluenesulfonic acid is cheap, commercially available and comparatively non-toxic. The organic reactions assisted by microwaves,14 in particular have been gained special attention. One reason is that the use of microwave activation in organic synthesis can increase the purity of the resulting products, enhance the chemical yield and shorten the reaction times. And also organic reactions carried out in the absence of solvent, has been attracting attention of chemists due to ease of processing to the further step and eco-friendly in nature. In the case of synthesis of 3-amino pyrazoles, we thought that there is a scope for further innovation towards short reaction times and better yields. Here, we report an efficient and facile method for the synthesis of 3-amino pyrazoles catalyzed by p-toluenesulfonic acid under solvent and solvent-free conditions.
 Scheme 1
 Results & discussion 
 Reaction of benzoyl acetonitrile i. e. b-keto nitrile15 with 4-hydrazinobenzoic acid under reflux conditions in absolute ethanol for 8-10hr resulted in the formation of the corresponding 3-amino pyrazoles in <90% yield. However, we carried out the reaction in presence of catalytic amounts of p-toluenesulfonic acid (0.01 equiv.) and found reaction is completed in 45 min with nearly 100% conversion (Table 1, entry 7). This success has encouraged us to extend the generality of the reaction; various hydrazines with various b-keto nitriles in presence p-toluenesulfonic acid proceeded efficiently and smoothly at refluxing temperature and the products are obtained in excellent yields. And the reaction conditions are very favorable, no by-products are observed (Table 1, Method A).
 We further investigated the reaction conditions to improve the reaction conditions. It has been found that, b-keto nitrile 1 (1 mmol) and hydrazine 2 (1 mmol) reacts very rapidly (<5min) to give 3-amino pyrazoles in the presence of p-toluenesulfonic acid under microwave irradiation in solvent-free conditions (Table 1, Method B). The experimental procedure for this reaction is remarkably simple and no solvents or inert atmosphere is required. Under above conditions, in many cases it is noticed that in the absence of p-toluenesulfonic acid, the reaction is incomplete and uncyclized product was isolated along with pyrazole.
 
 Table 2: Synthesis of 3-Amino pyrazole catalyzed by p-toluenesulfonic acid under solvent and solvent free conditions. 
 a Isolated yields after crystallization/column chromatography and all products gave satisfactory spectral (IR, 1HNMR and MASS) and analytical data
 
 In summary, the present procedures for the synthesis of 3-amino pyrazole have been developed by condensation reaction of hydrazines with b-keto nitriles catalyzed by p-toluenesulfonic acid under solvent and solvent free conditions. The advantage of present method is high efficient, reduced reaction time and inexpensive catalyst with high yields of products and simple experimental work-up procedure, which makes it, is a useful and important addition to the present existing methodologies.
 Acknowledgements: The authors are thankful to Director IICT for his constant encouragement and DOD New Delhi for providing fellowship.
 Typical Experimental procedure (Method A, Conventional): A mixture of b-keto nitile (10 mmol), hydrazine (10 mmol) and to this p-TSA (0.1mmol) was added and refluxed in absolute ethanol for appropriate time (Table 1, Method A). After completion of the reaction, as monitored by TLC, the solvent was evaporated under reduced pressure. The product was extracted into ethyl acetate (3 x 20 mL). The combined organic layer was washed with saturated sodium bicarbonate followed by brine solution, then dried over anhydrous sodium sulphate. The solvent was removed to afford crude product and purified by column chromatography.
 Typical Experimental procedure (Method B, Microwave): A mixture of b-keto nitile (10 mmol), hydrazine (10 mmol), p-TSA (0.1mmol) was suspended in water (1mL) in a reaction vessel, sealed without degassing and was subjected to microwave irradiation at 450Watt. at 1350C for appropriate time (Table 1, Method B). After completion of the reaction, as monitored by TLC, the reaction mass was cooled and product was extracted into ethyl acetate (3 x 20 mL). The combined organic layer was washed with saturated sodium bicarbonate followed by brine solution, then dried over anhydrous sodium sulphate. The solvent was removed under reduced pressure to afford crude product, it was purified by recrystallized from ethanol/column chromatography to give corresponding pure 3-amino pyrazoles.
 3a: IR (KBr): 3418, 1618, 1509, 1009, 762, 707 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 1.25 (s, 9H), 5.85 (s, 1H); EIMS: m/z 139; Anal. Calcd. for C7H13N3: C, 60.431; H, 9.352; N, 30.215. Found: C, 60.399; H, 9.412, N, 30.186.
 3b: IR (KBr): 3420, 1620, 1520, 750 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 2.26 (s, 3H), 4.75 (s, 2H br), 7.40 (s, 5H); EIMS: m/z 173; Anal. Calcd. for C10H11N3: C, 69.280; H, 6.350; N, 24.277. Found: C, 69.340; H, 6.401, N, 24.258.
 3c: IR (KBr): 3415, 1618, 1124, 613 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3) δ 4.25 (s, 2H br.), 5.75 (s, 1H), 7.30 (m, 5H); EIMS: m/z 157; Anal. Calcd. for C9H9N3: C, 67.924; H, 5.660; N, 26.415. Found: C, 67.905; H, 5.698, N, 26.396.
 3d: IR (neat): 3448, 1636 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 5.5 (s, 1H), 7.25 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz), 7.35 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz); EIMS: m/z 193, 195; Anal. Calcd. for C9H8ClN3: C, 55.958; H, 4.145; Cl, 18.393; N, 21.761. Found: C, 55.826; H, 4.164; Cl, 18.308; N, 21.700.
 3e: IR (KBr): 3413, 1618, 1511, 1108, 613 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 2.50 (s, 3H), 5.95 (s, 1H), 7.45 (d, 2H, J = 8.20Hz), 7.75 (d, 2H, J = 8.20Hz); EIMS: m/z 173. Anal. Calcd. for C10H11N3: C, 69.364; H, 6.358; N, 24.277. Found: C, 69.340; H, 6.401; N, 24.258.
 3f: IR (KBr): 3415, 1694, 1615, 1179, 616 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 5.68 (s, 1H), 6.41 (s, 1H), 6.59 (s, 1H), 7.4 (s, 1H); EIMS: m/z 149; Anal. Calcd. for C7H7N3O: C, 56.375; H, 4.697; N, 28.187; O, 10.738. Found: C, 56.369; H, 4.730; N, 28.173; O, 10.736.
 3g: IR (KBr): 3414, 1616, 1091 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 6.60 (s, 1H), 7.40 (m, 5H), 7.8 (d, 2H, J = 8.50Hz), 8.40 (d, 2H, J = 8.50Hz); EIMS: m/z 279; Anal. Calcd. for C16H13N3O2: C, 68.817; H, 4.659; N, 15.053; O, 11,469. Found: C, 68.806; H, 4.691; N, 15.044; O, 11.456.
 3h: IR (KBr): 3414, 1617, 1383, 618 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSI+CDCl3): δ 5.9 (s, 1H), 7.15 (m, 5H), 7.35 (d, 1H, J = 8.15Hz), 7.60 (t, 1H, J = 3.15Hz), 7.85 (d, 1H, J = 8.25Hz), 7.9 (d, 1H, J = 8.15Hz), 8.30 (s, 1H); EIMS: m/z 279; Anal. Calcd. for C16H13N3O2: C, 68.817; H, 4.659; N, 15.053; O, 11.469. Found: C, 68.806; H, 4.691; N, 15.044; O, 11.456.
 3i: IR (KBr): 3415, 1618, 1285, 761 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 1.25 (t, 3H), 3.90 (q, 2H), 6.25 (s, 1H), 7.40 (m, 5H), 7.7 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz), 8.05 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz); EIMS: m/z 313;
 3j: IR (KBr): 3415, 1657, 1615, 1384, 1121, 758 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 1.25 (t, 3H), 4.25 (q, 2H), 4.925 (s, 2H), 5.85 (s, 1H), 7.5 (m, 5H); EIMS: m/z 245; Anal. Calcd. for C13H15N3O2: C, 63.673; H, 6.122; N, 17.142; O, 13.067. Found: C, 63.658; H, 6.164; N, 17.131; O, 13.045.
 3k: IR (KBr): 3416, 1650, 1384, 1120, 758 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3) δ 6.02 (s, 1H), 7.15 (d, 2H, J = 8.15Hz), 7.35 (d, 2H, J = 8.23Hz), 7.60 (d, 2H, J = 8.15Hz), 8.10 (d, 2H, J = 8.23Hz); EIMS: m/z 303, 305; Anal. Calcd. for C16H12ClN3O2: C, 61.341; H, 3.833; Cl, 11.341; N, 13.415; O, 10.223. Found: C, 61.252; H, 3.855; Cl, 11.299; N, 13.393; O, 10.198.
 3l: IR (KBr): 3415, 1650, 1090 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3) δ 6.8 (s, 1H), 7.4 (d, 2H, J = 8.15Hz), 7.6 (t, 1H, J = 3.00Hz), 7.8 (d, 3H, J = 8.25Hz), 8.1 (d, 1H, J = 8.25Hz), 8.3 (s, 1H, J = 8.15Hz), 9.93 (s, 1H); EIMS: m/z 303, 305; Anal. Calcd. for C16H12ClN3O2: C, 61.341; H, 3.833; Cl, 11.341; N, 13.415; O, 10.223. Found: C, 61.252; H, 3.855; Cl, 11.299; N, 13.393; O, 10.198.
 3m: IR (KBr): 3415, 1617, 1384, 764, 619 cm-1; 1H NMR (200MHz, DMSO+CDCl3) δ 2.37 (s, 3H), 3.75 (s, 2H broad), 7.1 (d, 2H, J = 8.22Hz), 7.4 (d, 2H, J = 8.15Hz), 7.7 (d, 2H, J = 8.15Hz), 8.0 (d, 2H, J = 8.22Hz); EIMS: m/z 291; Anal. Calcd. for C17H15N3O2: C, 69.624; H, 5.119; N, 14.334; O, 10.921. Found: C, 69.611; H, 5.154; N, 14.325; O, 10.908. 
 3n: IR (KBr): 3415, 1618, 1384, 1216, 1047, 816, 619, 476 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3) δ 1.25 (t, 3H), 2.50 (s, 3H), 3.90 (q, 2H), 6.25 (s, 1H), 7.1 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz), 7.6 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz), 7.7 (d, 2H, J = 8.15Hz), 8.1 (d, 2H, J = 8.15Hz); EIMS: m/z 328; Anal. Calcd. for C17H17N3O2­­­­­­­­S: C, 62.385; H, 5.198; N, 12.84; O, 9.785; S, 9.785. Found: C, 62.365; H, 5.233; N, 12.834; O, 9.773; S, 9.793.
 3o: 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 1.26 (s, 9H), 5.95 (s, 1H), 7.60 (d, 2H, J = 8.80Hz), 8.50 (d, 2H, J = 8.80Hz); EIMS: m/z 260.
 3p: 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 2.26 (s, 3H), 7.40 (s, 5H), 7.62 (d, 2H, J = 8.60Hz), 8.56 (d, 2H, J = 8.60Hz); EIMS: m/z 294.
 3q: 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3) δ 5.75 (s, 1H), 7.30 (m, 5H), 7.66 (d, 2H, J = 8.30Hz), 8.46 (d, 2H, J = 8.30Hz); EIMS: m/z 280.
 3r: 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 5.5 (s, 1H), 7.26 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz), 7.36 (d, 2H, J = 8.25Hz), 7.68 (d, 2H, J = 8.20Hz), 8.49 (d, 2H, J = 8.20Hz); EIMS: m/z 314.
 3s: 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 2.50 (s, 3H), 6.05 (s, 1H), 7.55 (d, 2H, J = 8.26Hz), 7.76 (d, 2H, J = 8.55Hz), 7.80 (d, 2H, J = 8.26Hz), 8.49 (d, 2H, J = 8.55Hz); EIMS: m/z 294.
 3t: IR (KBr): 3425, 1694, 1615, 1500, 1485, 1425, 1179, 616 cm-1; 1H NMR (200 MHz, DMSO+CDCl3): δ 5.75 (s, 1H), 6.46 (s, 1H), 6.65 (s, 1H), 7.4 (s, 1H), 7.66 (d, 2H, J = 8.30Hz), 8.46 (d, 2H, J = 8.30Hz); EIMS: m/z 270; Anal. Calcd. for C13H10N4O3: C, 57.77; H, 5.119; N, 20.74; O, 17.77. Found: C, 57.78; H, 3.73; N, 20.73; O, 17.76.
 
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This thesis examines the development of one of the twentieth century’s largest North American faith missions, the dual-organizational combination of the Wycliffe Bible Translators (WBT) and the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) from its founding in 1934 to 1982. WBT-SIL grew out of the distinctive vision of its founder, William Cameron Townsend (1896-1982), a former Central American Mission missionary. The extraordinarily inventive Townsend conceived of an approach to Christian mission that construed Bible translation as a linguistic and quasi-scientific enterprise, thereby permitting the non-sectarian SIL side of the organization to collaborate with anticlerical governments in Latin America, where it undertook pioneer Bible translation for indigenous peoples speaking as-yet unwritten languages. This unique government relations and scientific approach to missions was at many points in conflict with the prevailing missionary ethos of the organization’s North American evangelical constituency. Therefore the WBT side of the mission functioned as the religious arm of the enterprise for the purposes of publicity and recruiting. The dual organization drew sharp critique from nearly every quarter, ranging from North American evangelicals to Latin American Catholics to secular anthropologists. The controversial nature of the organization begs the question: Why did WBT-SIL become the largest faith mission of the twentieth century? This study seeks to answer this question by analysing the development WBT-SIL in both its foreign and domestic settings. The principal argument mounted in this thesis is that WBT-SIL met with success because its leaders and members followed Townsend’s lead in pragmatically adapting the organization to widely varying contexts both at home in North America and abroad as it sought to serve indigenous peoples through Bible translation, literacy and education. By striking a creative balance between maintaining the essentials of a traditional faith mission and imaginative breaking with convention when conditions necessitated a progressive approach, WBT-SIL became one of the largest and yet most unusual of twentieth-century evangelical missions.

In this dissertation, I examine the various ways in which medieval authors used the term "lollard" to mean something other than "Wycliffite." In the case of William Langland's Piers Plowman, I trace the usage of the lollard-trope through the C-text and link it to Langland's dependence on the Parable of the Wheat and the Tares. Regarding Chaucer's Parson's Tale, I establish the orthodoxy of the tale's speaker by comparing his tale to contemporaneous texts of varying orthodoxy, and I link the Parson's being referred to as a "lollard" to the eschatological message of his tale. In the chapter on The Book of Margery Kempe, I examine that the overemphasis on Margery's potential Wycliffism causes everyone in The Book to overlook her heretical views on universal salvation. Finally, in comparing some of John Lydgate's minor poems with the macaronic sermons of Oxford, MS Bodley 649, I establish the orthodox character of late-medieval English anti-Wycliffism that these disparate works share. In all, this dissertation points up the eschatological character of the lollard-trope and looks at the various ends to which medieval authors deployed it.