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Journal articles on the topic 'Xenophon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Farrell, Christopher A. "Xenophon Poroi 5." Polis, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 33, no. 2 (2016): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340097.

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The present study examines section five of Poroi and Xenophon’s proposal to restore the reputation of Athens. After outlining his plan for ‘justly’ supplying the dēmos with sufficient sustenance in Poroi 1-4, section 5 addresses the desire to regain hegemony after Athens had lost the Social War. Xenophon does not adopt an anti-imperialist stance; instead he seeks to re-align imperial aspirations with Athenian ideals and earlier paradigms for securing hegemony. Xenophon’s ideas in Poroi are contextualized with consideration for his ‘Socratic’ distinction between tyranny and kingship, as well as

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2

Günther, Sven. "Xenophon on Risks." Global Business & Economics Anthology I&II, no. 2024 (2024): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47341/gbea.24121.

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Xenophon’s model of order had to face realities. The pressing military, political, social, and economic questions of the 4th century BC, a period of various transformations, brought about many uncertainties, risks, and dangers. Indeed, Xenophon’s oeuvre abounds with vocabulary related to fear and danger as well as with the respective antonyms from the word field of security & safety. Based on the discussion of modern heuristic distinctions between uncertainty, risk, and danger I argue that to some degree Xenophon was very aware of the differences between human-based calculation of risks an

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3

Altman, William H. F. "Xenophon, the Old Oligarch, and Alcibiades." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 39, no. 2 (2022): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340365.

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Abstract Modifying the conjecture of Wolfgang Helbig (1861) by means of the distinction between Xenophon and his various narrators introduced by Benjamin McCloskey (2017), this paper uses the insights of Hartvig Frisch (1942) to show how drawing a distinction between the first-person speaker in pseudo-Xenophon’s Constitution of the Athenians and its author indicates that the former is Alcibiades and the latter is Xenophon himself.

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Rood, Tim. "Cato the Elder, Livy, and Xenophon’s Anabasis." Mnemosyne 71, no. 5 (2018): 823–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342352.

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AbstractThis article argues firstly that Cato the Elder’s account of a daring plan involving the tribune Caedicius in the First Punic War is modelled on a scene in Xenophon’s Anabasis. It then argues that Livy’s account of a heroic escape in the First Samnite War orchestrated by P. Decius Mus is modelled not just on the First Punic War episode described by Cato, as scholars have suggested, but on the same passage of Xenophon; it also proposes that Livy’s use of Xenophon may be mediated through Cato. The article then sets out other evidence for the use of Xenophon in Roman historiography and ex

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Shapiro, Susan O. "Lycurgus' Extreme Wisdom: Competing Views of the Lawgiver in Plato and Xenophon." Classical Journal 119, no. 2 (2023): 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2023.a914587.

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Abstract: As part of the ongoing reassessment of Xenophon's philosophical works, scholars have taken a renewed interest in the relationship between Xenophon and Plato, who occasionally criticize one another's works. Although ancient commentators assumed that the two men must have been rivals, a closer look at each one's comments on the other's work reveals that their criticisms were more philosophical than personal. After discussing two examples in which Plato and Xenophon criticize one another's works, in this paper I suggest that an unusual comment made by Xenophon about Lycurgus, the legend

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6

Huitink, Luuk, and Tim Rood. "Xenophon de Halbattiker?" Lampas 53, no. 4 (2020): 420–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2020.4.003.hutt.

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Summary This article analyses Xenophon’s lexical choices in Anabasis. It examines ancient and modern critical approaches to his language: Xenophon has often been criticized for lapses from ‘pure’ Attic, but this notion of a ‘pure’ Attic should be regarded as a conservative response to the increasing variety of spoken Attic in the fourth century BC. Xenophon’s lexical choices reflect the influence both of this ‘Great Attic’ (which developed into koine Greek) and of the non-parochial historiographical tradition inaugurated by Thucydides.

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7

Rood, Tim. "Political Thought in Xenophon: Straussian Readings of the Anabasis." POLIS, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 32, no. 1 (2015): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340041.

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The main aim of this paper is to discuss some influential approaches to political thought in Xenophon’s Anabasis within the field of Political Science, especially within the United States, where the influence of Leo Strauss’ writings on Xenophon has been powerful. It starts by discussing a number of features shared by these discussions, notably a strong idealisation of Xenophon’s wisdom and accuracy; a lack of interest in the conditions under which Xenophon wrote; a pro-Hellenic perspective; and a tendency to innovative (and often allegorical) literary explication. It then discusses the two mo

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Jaskelevičius, Alius. "Xenophon’s political philosophy: a project for the whole of Greece." Literatūra 60, no. 3 (2019): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/literatura.2018.2.

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[full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian] This paper discusses Xenophon’s political philosophy and its Greek context. One of the major themes running through Xenophon’s works is leadership, which he tackles implicitly or explicitly in virtually all of his writings (be it his philosophical, historical or literary writings). For Xenophon, the leader was important not only as an individual leading the armed forces, but as a leader of a city or a community as well. Bearing in mind the importance of leadership and the role of leaders for Xenophon, the author of this paper tr

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9

Fratantuono, Lee. "Aeneas' deer-hunting and the bees of Carthage : the influence of Xenophon on Virgil." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 1 (2024): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2024-1-4.

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The classical Athenian polymath Xenophon is an unappreciated source for certain passages of Virgil's Aeneid. Close consideration of the parallels between texts from Xenophon's Kynegeticus and Oeconomicus and scenes from Aeneid 1 in particular will reveal an intricate web of intertextual allusions and demonstrate that Xenophon is a key literary antecedent for the decisions of the epic poet both to highlight the deer-hunting prowess of his hero and to accord a prominent place to bees and apian lore in his portrait of Elissa's nascent Carthage.

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10

Whidden, Christopher. "Cyrus’s Imperial Household: an Aristotelian Reading of Xenophon’s Cyropaedia." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 25, no. 1 (2008): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000124.

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Xenophon’s Cyropaedia is a fictional account of the life of Cyrus the Great, the founder of the Persian Empire. This article argues that reading the Cyropaedia through an Aristotelian lens provides a useful means by which to understand Xenophon’s analysis of Cyrus’s empire. On an Aristotelian reading, a crucial facet of Cyrus’s knowledge is his view that the household provides an appropriate model by which to found and govern an empire. By incorporating many nations into what I call his ‘imperial household’, Cyrus finds a way to avoid what Xenophon sees as the fundamental problem of political

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Vandiver, Josh. "Xenophon contra Plato: Citizen Motivation and Socratic Biography." Polis, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 31, no. 1 (2014): 74–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340004.

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Abstract Xenophon’s Cyropaedia should be considered a classic text of political theory. It inaugurated the political biography and is one of the most extensive classical Greek works on political leadership. It has, however, been neglected or, when studied, misunderstood as a cautionary tale of political corruption. I argue that Xenophon’s method in the Cyropaedia is illustrative of Socratic biography and focused on three problems: why leaders emerge, what motivates them, and how their character is constituted. Xenophon responds to these questions by modelling a spirited character type, a perso

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Guan, Qichang. "From Xenophon's Constitution of the Lacedaimonians to See the Instrumental Role of the Ideal Spartan Image in His Historical Writing." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 60, no. 1 (2024): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/60/20240472.

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In 1933, French historian Olier raised the issue of the "Spartan Illusion" and believed that ancient historians' impressions of Sparta must have been artificially processed based on the author's writing purpose. Xenophon's The Constitution of Lacedaemonians is the crucial surviving material of a contemporary author who personally experienced and recorded the specific internal conditions of the Spartan city-state. It is also a concentrated expression of the Spartan illusion. As a historian of the Greek city-state crisis period, Xenophon not only paid more attention to Sparta in the process of w

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Dobski, Bernard J. "Athenian Democracy Refosunded: Xenophon’ss Political History in the Hellenika." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000156.

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This article aims to shed new light on the character of political history as written by Xenophon, by exploring the first two Books of the Hellenika, which, it is argued, implicity correct Thucydides’ judgment that the regime of the Five Thousand in Athens was the best Athenian regime during his lifetime. Thucydides and Xenophon thus appear to disagree about the best regime, a theme central to classical political philosophy. But when we consider Thucydides’ praise of this regime in light of Xenophon’s Socratic defence of traditional political authorities (especially as presented in Euryptolemus

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Hindley, Clifford. "Xenophon on male love." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 1 (1999): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.74.

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In a previous article I attempted to trace the way in which, for Xenophon, homosexual liaisons might or might not affect the discipline of military life, and the emphasis which he placed upon the virtue of self-control (έγκράτεια) in dealing with desires of this kind. The present paper seeks to broaden the enquiry into a study of Xenophon's attitude to male same-sex affairs in general.

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Marsico, Claudia. "Habladurías sobre tiranos felices. Platón y Jenofonte a propósito de filosofía, tiranía y buen gobierno." PLATO JOURNAL 20 (August 4, 2020): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-4105_20_3.

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Plato and Xenophon had different perspectives on the better governance. In this paper, I study the notion of tyranny in Plato's Republic and Xenophon's Hiero to trace their views on the aptitude of philosophy to redeem the tyrant and indicate some intertextual points. On this basis, I analyse the meaning and extent of Simonides’ proposal in the Hiero rejecting the idea of a mere pragmatic approach. Finally, I examine the platonic Hipparchusto find a key to figure out the election of Simonides as Xenophon’s spokesperson. Paying attention to the context of the discussions among the Socratics, th

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Bochko, V. S. "“Oeconomicus” of Xenophon: Its Significance for Modern Economic Science." Zhurnal Economicheskoj Teorii 18, no. 3 (2021): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31063/2073-6517/2021.18-3.2.

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The article analyzes Xenophon’s ‘Oeconomicus’, where he traced the emergence of economic science. In his work, Xenophon offers a broader understanding of the subject field of economics, including the ethical aspect. The article argues that it was in fact Xenophon rather than Aristotle who was the first economic theorist. Xenophon’s idea about the ethical foundations of economics was developed during the Renaissance and in the age of Enlightenment. Thus, economics went beyond the science of household management to the science about the quality of life and its enhancement. By looking at the orig

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Mozhajsky, Andrej Yu. "The Portrayal of the Thebans in the Works of Xenophon." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 2 (2019): 580–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-2-580-595.

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It is traditionally considered that Xenophon intentionally suppresses the image of the Theban commanders in his work “Hellenika”, where even Epaminondas - the winner of The Battle of Leuctra – is not mentioned by name. The suppression of the commanders is often explained by his disaffection towards the Thebans, because of his participance in The Battle of Coronea supporting Sparta against the Thebans. Furthermore, he lost his son Gryllus fighting the Thebans at Mantinea. At our point of view, this negative judgement of Xenophon’s view on Thebes and the Thebans is explained first of all by Athe

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Ganas, Spyros. "Wife Material in a Household Context as presented in Xenophon’s Oeconomicus." dianoesis 17, no. 1 (2025): 295–312. https://doi.org/10.12681/dia.41715.

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In this research, certain characteristics of Ischomachus’ wife are reviewed anew, as she is presented in Xenophon's Oeconomicus. Although this topic has received considerable attention in recent years, many aspects of it have been overlooked or investigated with the binoculars of a contemporary moral compass that either underestimates the innovations the text brings to gender relations or overestimates these innovations as an attempt at a fruitless assimilation of womanhood into the male norm. We will examine how certain traditional values of womankind as seen in antiquity are transmitted to t

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Shapiro, Susan O. "Xenophon." Mediterranean Studies 29, no. 2 (2021): 248–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.2.0248.

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Tuplin, C. J. "XENOPHON." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (1998): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x98370018.

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Olivares Chávez, Carolina. "La presencia de Odiseo en la Anábasis de Jenofonte." Nova Tellus 39, no. 1 (2021): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2021.39.1.27544.

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In this article we intend to trace Homeric references within Xenophon’s Anabasis, in order to prove the Historian constructs an Epic text in which he immortalizes his own exploits among Persians and compares himself with the hero Odysseus. I also consider other works of Xenophon as Banquet, Memorabilia and Apology, since there he describes the poems of Homer as an essential part of his own Greek culture in IV Century. Among the main sources I have consulted, ancient and modern, are Homer, Christos Tsagalis and Emerson Cerdas. And while Naoko Yamagata founds only one Homeric reference in Anabas

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Mitford, Tim. "Thalatta, Thalatta: Xenophon's view of the Black Sea." Anatolian Studies 50 (December 2000): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643017.

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The moment when the Ten Thousand sighted the Euxine is one of the most haunting scenes to come down to us from the ancient world. Retreating from Cunaxa near Babylon in 401 BC, Xenophon describes how the Greeks fought their way northwards across Kurdistan to scale the Pontic mountains, and reached the sea at the Greek city of Trapezus, already more than two centuries old. By linking Xenophon's famous account with Hadrian's inspection of his eastern frontier, their route across the mountains, and their triumphant viewpoint, can be determined with some certainty.About 120 miles before the Greeks

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Mishurin, Aleksandr. "The Power of Corruption: Xenophon on the Upbringing of a Good Citizen in Sparta." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 20, no. 1 (2021): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2021-1-107-123.

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In the given article, the author offers an interpretation of the work titled Lacedaimonion Politeia, written by the ancient political philosopher Xenophon of Athens. Judging from Xenophon’s sober and open-minded attitude to the regime he researches, the author focuses on the central issue of the treatise, namely, the upbringing of a virtuous or good citizen. This became the cornerstone of Sparta’s success as a polis, and provided it with a fame as a unique political entity praised by all, but copied by none. The author identifies the three stages of the Spartan education given by Xenophon and

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Peterson, Sandra. "THE ASIDATES EPISODE IN THE ANABASIS." Greece and Rome 71, no. 1 (2024): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383523000232.

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The final episode of the Anabasis dismays many readers: Xenophon takes a small group of associates to kidnap the household of the wealthy Persian, Asidates. Thereby he himself becomes wealthy. This paper examines several details of the account of that episode. The mature author gives us the unvarnished facts straightforwardly, through the uncritical perspective of the youthful agent. From these brute facts the reader may infer that the mature writer intends a negative judgement about the final episode. The mature Xenophon thus presents some self-criticism. That capacity for self-criticism may

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BARTLETT, ROBERT C. "How to Rule the World: An Introduction to Xenophon'sThe Education of Cyrus." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (2015): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000550.

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As a contribution to the study of empire and imperial ambition, the present study considers the greatest analysis—Xenophon'sThe Education of Cyrus—of one of the greatest empires of antiquity—the Persian. Xenophon's lively and engaging account permits us to watch Cyrus as he builds a transnational empire, at once vast and stable. Yet Xenophon is ultimately highly critical of Cyrus, because he lacks the self-knowledge requisite to happiness, and of the empire, whose stability is purchased at the price of freedom. Cyrus finally appears as a kind of divinity who strives to supply the reward for mo

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Rood, Tim. "Xenophon's parasangs." Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000042.

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AbstractThis paper analyses one aspect of Xenophon's representation of space, focusing on the famous stages-and-parasangs formula employed by Xenophon in the Anabasis. It starts by discussing the meaning of his terms, and then explores patterns of repetition and variation in his account of the march, split into three sections (the marches upcountry, to the sea and along the coast). Rather than explaining Xenophon's usage in terms of sources, it suggests that variations in the marching formula elaborate the successive stages of the Greeks' encounter with the spaces of the Achaemenid Empire.

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Reisert, Joseph R. "Ambition and Corruption isn Xenophon’s Education of Cyrus." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 296–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000155.

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What knowledge enables Cyrus to rule easily over multitudes? Why does Xenophon convey it in a novel? Cyrus possesses knowledge of ambition’s effects in the honour-loving soul. He perceives that honour-loving men can be ensnared into abject dependence if they can be made to accept any one individual’s will as the sole source of honour; easier still is the task of ruling those far more numerous men whose love of honour is infused with or subordinated to the love of the material rewards that accompany victory. Cyrus creates a hierarchy of dependence, with himself at the apex, and he rules his hon

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Whidden, Christopher. "The Account of Persia and Cyrus's Persian Education in Xenophon'sCyropaedia." Review of Politics 69, no. 4 (2007): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670507000952.

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AbstractTheCyropaediais a biographical account of what Cyrus, the founder of the Persian Empire, knew in order to rule human beings. This essay focuses on Cyrus's twofold Persian education, which consisted of his conventional and heterodox educations. The former emphasized the rule of law, while the latter stressed the need for absolute rule by a single leader. In order to evaluate Cyrus's revolution, one must grasp the relative strengths and weaknesses of the Persian regime that educated him, especially in light of the impressive but short-lived empire he founded. In the end, theCyropaediaunf

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Lewis, Sian. "Καὶ σαφῶς τύραννος ἦν: Xenophon's Account of Euphron of Sicyon". Journal of Hellenic Studies 124 (листопад 2004): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246150.

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AbstractXenophon's account of Euphron, tyrant at Sicyon from 368 to 366, appears to present him as a typical fourth-century ‘new tyrant’, dependent on mercenaries and concerned solely with his own power. But why did Xenophon choose to recount Euphron's actions and fate at such length, and why does he insist so strongly that he was a tyrant? Xenophon's interest in Euphron is part of his general approach to tyranny in the Hellenica, which depicts a series of individuals and regimes, all described as tyrannies. The model of tyranny with which Xenophon operates is broader and more inclusive than w

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McNamara, Carol. "Socratic Politics in Xenophon’s Memorabilia." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000152.

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Xenophon’s intention in writing the Memorabilia was to show that Socrates was neither naïve nor aloof with regard to the political fate of Athens. In a section on ‘Socratic Politics’ (3.1–7), Xenophon shows us that Socrates was a teacher of practical politics by recounting, in the first part of that section, Socrates’ conversations with aspiring and practising, but mostly anonymous, Athenian politicians about the limitations and practical requirements of military and political leadership; and, in the second part, applying those lessons to well-known Athenians. This article argues that, accordi

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Zaccarini, Matteo. "Ruling through Fear. Cyrus the Great in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia ." Klio 105, no. 2 (2023): 538–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2023-0005.

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Summary This paper explores Xenophon’s depiction of Cyrus the Great as a ruler in the Cyropaedia. Xenophon’s Cyrus is often regarded by the scholarship as an ideal, benevolent leader sincerely concerned with virtue, friendship, and honour-related dynamics. However, it is clear that Cyrus equally resorts to malicious and divisive means, employing psychological subjugation, fostering mutual rivalry among his friends, and weakening his subjects. His actions ultimately arouse fear, envy, and insecurity, as Cyrus displays some of the typical features of a tyrant. Xenophon possibly meant to show how

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Zuckerman, Vladimir Gildin. "Political Performativity in Performance Culture: Xenophon’s Hipparchikos and the Dithyrambic Chorus." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 41, no. 2 (2024): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340434.

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Abstract This article examines Xenophon’s suggestion for conducting cavalry displays in Eq. mag. 3 and develops the argument that the text is a significant document of Xenophon’s thought about political performativity as well as of 4th century Athenian political culture. I argue that one of Xenophon’s strategies to reform the relationship between the Athenian demos and the ideologically fraught elite institution of the cavalry was to conduct public displays that draw on the aesthetics and formal features of New Dithyramb. On the basis of my analysis, I argue that understanding political perfor

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Németh, György. "Xenophon der Lügner." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 43, no. 3-4 (2003): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.43.2003.3-4.5.

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Chaves, John F. "Theodore Xenophon Barber." American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis 48, no. 4 (2006): 247–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00029157.2006.10401531.

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Moles, J. L. "Xenophon and Callicratidas." Journal of Hellenic Studies 114 (November 1994): 70–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632734.

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Despite increasingly sophisticated theoretical debate, scholars concerned with ancient historiography effectively still divide into two camps: historians, who want to use the texts as sources and assess them by criteria of accuracy, reliability, completeness of record and presence or absence of prejudice according to their presumed relationship to the facts which they purport to represent; and literary scholars, who want to interpret the texts as texts, with their own internal logic.

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Levine Gera, Deborah. "Xenophon at Play." Scripta Classica Israelica 20 (May 16, 2020): 183–89. https://doi.org/10.71043/sci.v20i.3931.

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Daugherty, C. G. "Toxic Honey and the March Up-Country." Journal of Medical Biography 13, no. 2 (2005): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096777200501300210.

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This article gives an account of the Greek warrior-historian Xenophon and his Anabasis ( The March Up-Country), one of the most famous events in military history. It includes a description of how the Greek soldiers, after reaching apparent safety near the south-eastern Black Sea, were felled by a strange honey that rendered them as if dead for a day. Modern understanding of the toxicology of this honey is given, then an epilogue summarizing the rest of Xenophon's life.

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Schofield, Malcolm. "Plato, Xenophon, and the Laws of Lycurgus." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 3 (2021): 450–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340345.

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Abstract The relation between the opening section of Plato’s Laws and Xenophon’s Constitution of the Lacedaemonians usually goes unnoticed. This paper draws attention to its importance for understanding Plato’s project in the dialogue. It has three sections. In the first, it will be shown that the view proposed by Plato’s Athenian visitor that Lycurgus made virtue in its entirety the goal of his statecraft was anticipated in Xenophon’s treatise. It has to be treated as an interpretation of the Spartan politeia, alternative to that advanced by Cleinias and Megillus, and accepted by (for example

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Altman, William H. F. "Rereading Xenophon’s Cyropaedia." Ancient Philosophy 42, no. 2 (2022): 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil202242224.

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In suggesting that its last chapter’s purpose is to provoke the reader to begin reconsidering and thus rereading the book they have just read, this article attempts to negotiate the interpretive quarrel as whether Xenophon’s Cyropaedia deserves a “sunny” reading—in which Cyrus straightforwardly embodies Xenophon’s own political ideals—or a more critical “dark” one, that separates the author from his protagonist. To help us get the most advantage from the paideia his book was intended to provide, Xenophon made a “sunny” first reading plausible, but he also sowed in his text the kind of clues—es

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Dorion, Louis-André. "Akrasia et enkrateia dans les Mémorables de Xénophon." Dialogue 42, no. 4 (2003): 645–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300005692.

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AbstractThis article aims to shed light on both the foundations and the consistency of the position regarding akrasia Xenophon attributes to Socrates in the Memorabilia. As does Plato's Socrates, Xenophon's Socrates maintains that akrasia is impossible in the presence of knowledge. On the other hand, he differs from the platonic Socrates by granting to enkrateia, instead of knowledge, the role of foundation for virtue. If enkrateia is the very condition for acquiring knowledge and virtue, consequently the responsibility for countering akrasia falls to enkrateia.

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Takhtajan, Souren A. "Antiphon in the New Millennium." Philologia Classica 17, no. 2 (2022): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.205.

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This paper is an overview — in it I take a critical look at works that have come out in recent years about Antiphon. My primary focus is on four books: two scholarly works on Antiphon, one by Annie Hourcade and another by Michael Gagarin, an edition of the fragments of Antiphon’s treatises with a detailed commentary by Gerard Pendrick, and, finally, a new edition of Antiphon’s speeches prepared by Mervin Dilts and David Murphy. There is still a dispute among scholars about the authorship of the Corpus Antiphonteum. Some (the separatists) consider that there were separate authors for the speech

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Sowa, Joanna. "EROS PAIDIKOS KONTRA MIŁOŚĆ MAŁŻEŃSKA W UCZCIE I EKONOMIKU KSENOFONTA – POCZĄTEK STAROŻYTNEGO SPORU." Collectanea Philologica 16 (January 1, 2013): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.16.05.

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In Xenophon’s Symposium and Oeconomicus we can observe two ways of manifestation of Eros: eros paidikos (i.e. pederasty) and matrimonial love between man and woman. On the one side, Xenophon describes eros paidikos as a power creating true, lasting and deeply affectionate friendship, which, still, may not include sexual intercourses; on the other, matrimonial love can offer erotic reciprocity and mutual respect, but a man and his wife remain quite different and, in fact, unequal. This picture helps us to understand reasons of the ancient controversy between followers of these two kinds of eros

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Morrison, Donald. "On Professor VIastos’ Xenophon." Ancient Philosophy 7 (1987): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil198772.

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Waterfield, Robin. "The return of Xenophon." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 37 (2007): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20073784.

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Altman, William H. F. "Xenophon and Plato’s Meno." Ancient Philosophy 42, no. 1 (2022): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20224212.

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Not only was it a reference to Ismenias the Theban (Men. 90a4-5) that allowed nineteenth-century scholars to establish a date of composition for Plato’s Meno on the basis of Xenophon’s Hellenica but beginning with “Meno the Thessalian” himself, immortalized as a scoundrel in Xenophon’s Anabasis, each of the four characters in Plato’s dialogue is shown to have a Xenophontic resonance, thus revealing Meno to be Plato’s tombeau de Xénophon.

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Reinfelder, Martin. "Xenophon, De Vectigalibus 4,40." Philologus 162, no. 2 (2018): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2018-0009.

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Plastira-Valkanou, Maria. "Dreams in Xenophon Ephesius." Symbolae Osloenses 76, no. 1 (2001): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003976701753387996.

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Nadon, Christopher. "Leo Strauss's First Brush with Xenophon: “The Spirit of Sparta or the Taste of Xenophon”." Review of Politics 83, no. 1 (2020): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000728.

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AbstractLeo Strauss is most well known for his thesis on the philosophic practice of exotericism. One of strangest aspects of his work is the amount of attention he devoted to Xenophon. This article attempts to explain how these two important facets of Strauss's thought are connected by examining their connection in his first published treatment of them both: “The Spirit of Sparta or the Taste of Xenophon.”

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Whitehead, Ian. "The Periplous." Greece and Rome 34, no. 2 (1987): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028126.

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The naval tactic, the periplous, referred to by both Thucydides and Xenophon has yet to be convincingly identified by any scholar. πɛρπλους and πɛριπλω are widely used in their non-tactical sense to mean ‘a voyage round a stretch of coast’, and ‘to sail round’. The only passages in which we can be certain that Thucydides and Xenophon are writing about the naval tactic are not accounts of battles but passages setting the scene for naval battles, theorizing about sea warfare. The problem then is to separate and identify the tactical from the normal usage. If we study the nature of the theoretica

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O'Connor, Stephen. "THE AGORANOMOI AT COTYORA (XEN. AN. 5.7.21–9): CERASUNTIANS OR CYREANS?" Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (2016): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000082.

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In the late spring of 400 b.c.e., when the Ten Thousand were encamped outside the city of Cotyora, Xenophon addressed the soldiers gathered in assembly in order to defend himself against accusations that he was planning to lead them on a colonizing expedition to the land of the Phasis river. Having demonstrated that he was not misleading the soldiers (that is, that his true intentions were not to lead them to the Phasis) by proving that he could not hope to deceive them into travelling east, Xenophon then moved on to what he presented as a more serious matter for the assembled mercenaries: the

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