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Journal articles on the topic 'Xhosa (African people) – History'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Matshabane, Olivia P., Megan M. Campbell, Marlyn C. Faure, Paul S. Appelbaum, Patricia A. Marshall, Dan J. Stein, and Jantina de Vries. "The role of causal knowledge in stigma considerations in African genomics research: Views of South African Xhosa people." Social Science & Medicine 277 (May 2021): 113902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.113902.

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2

Chapman, Michael. "Red People and School People from Ntsikana to Mandela: The Significance of ‘Xhosa Literature’ in a General History of South African Literature." English Academy Review 10, no. 1 (December 1993): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10131759385310061.

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3

Bank, Leslie J., and Benedict Carton. "FORGETTING APARTHEID: HISTORY, CULTURE AND THE BODY OF A NUN." Africa 86, no. 3 (July 7, 2016): 472–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000346.

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ABSTRACTIn 1952, the African National Congress (ANC) initiated its Defiance Campaign, opposing apartheid laws through organized civil disobedience and African nationalism. On Sunday 9 November, the city of East London became a site of political mobilization when 1,500 Xhosa-speaking ANC sympathizers peacefully protested in Bantu Square, the hub of a township named Duncan Village. Police arrived and fired on the crowd, igniting ‘spontaneous riots’. An Afrikaner salesman and an Irish nun were killed in the ensuing unrest. Rumours circulated that a mob ate the white woman; troop reinforcements then fanned into the township to wage a retaliatory war, shooting and bayoneting their victims. Upwards of 200 Africans may have died but only nine fatalities were recorded. If the revised toll is credible, the bloodshed exceeds that of Sharpeville, the worst one-day massacre in apartheid South Africa. Oral sources explain why the slaughter in Duncan Village is not widely known. Township residents secretly carted the dead to rural graves, fearing to report their losses as people mourned the tragic slaying of the nun named Sister Aidan. Today, ANC rulers of East London seem content to silence the memory of a mass killing reputedly spawned by chaos and cannibalism. At the centre of this incident is Sr Aidan's mutilation for the purpose of makingmuthi, a shocking incident that dominates the story of violence on Black Sunday. Using archival documents and oral histories, and incorporating the methodologies of Jennifer Cole, Donald Donham and Veena Das, this article reconstructs a narrative of ‘critical events’ surrounding the nun'smuthimurder. The scrutinized witness testimonies relay how township residents framed their fierce encounters with a symbolic (white person) and ubiquitous (militarized police) enemy. Oral sources reject the notion that an aimless ‘riot’ occurred on 9 November. Instead, they reflect on cultural enactments of purposeful violence through scripted assaults andmuthiritual. Ultimately, they view the fatal attack on Sr Aidan as an evolving customary act of defensive retribution and symbolic warning, submerging truths in apartheid and hindering reconciliations in democracy.

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Ntozini, Anathi Nomanzana, and Ali Arazeem Abdullahi. "Perceptions of Traditional Male Circumcision among University Male Students at a South African University." Men and Masculinities 21, no. 2 (June 6, 2016): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x16652657.

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In the past decade, traditional male circumcision, known as ulwaluko among the Xhosa-speaking people in the Eastern Cape Province, has become a burning issue in South Africa. The discourse has led to the emergence of two opposing camps: the supporters of ulwaluko who rely on “traditional ideology” to justify the cultural relevance of the practice, and the opposing camp who believe that ulwaluko is no longer in tandem with the reality of the twenty-first century. Amid the ongoing debate, this study investigated the perceptions of ulwaluko among South African university students at the University of Fort Hare, South Africa. Open-ended individual interviews were conducted among nine male students at the university. The study relied on “hegemonic masculinity” as the theoretical framework. The study revealed mixed feelings about the ulwaluko ritual among the students interviewed. In spite of the exposure to modernization and Western education, the students interviewed were still emotionally and culturally attached to ulwaluko, especially as a rite of passage. While some doubted the ability of the ritual to change “bad boys” into “good boys,” virtually all the participants believed that morbidity and mortality recorded during and after ulwaluko were not sufficient grounds to abolish it. This finding suggests ulwaluko may have, over the years, consciously or unconsciously, constructed an idealized masculine identity that is morally upright, faced with challenges to the ritual and burdened by a prescriptive set of masculine role expectations.

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Niehaus, Dana, Esme Jordaan, Riana Laubscher, Taryn Sutherland, Liezl Koen, and Felix Potocnik. "Do South African Xhosa-Speaking People with Schizophrenia Really Fare Better?" GeroPsych 33, no. 1 (March 2020): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1662-9647/a000217.

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Abstract. Objectives: Results from multinational WHO studies suggest that schizophrenia patients in developing countries may have more favorable prognoses and morbidity outcomes than those in developed settings. This study serves to establish whether mortality outcomes in South African Xhosa-speaking schizophrenia patients are more favorable than in the general South African population. Methods: We recruited a group of 981 patients from September 1997 to March 2005 as part of a genetic study in the Western, Southern, and Eastern Cape provinces of South Africa. For this substudy, participants were included when they reached the age of 60 years during the study period (8–15 years). We examined factors associated with the probability of dying and computed survival times using national census data as reference. Results: At the time of follow-up, 73 individuals were 60 years or older (21.9% could not be traced); some 40% of the sample had died at the time of the follow-up assessment (mean age at death = 60.12 years, SD = 4.97). Univariate survival analysis, using duration of disorder, revealed that the number of hospitalizations and psychotic episodes impacted survival time. Compared to the age-specific death rates of the general South African population, the death rate in the Xhosa-speaking schizophrenia sample was higher than expected in the 60–69 years category, but lower than expected in the 70+ years category. Conclusion: This study suggests that increased exposure to inpatient mental healthcare (expressed as number of hospitalizations) at baseline, and number of psychotic episodes, improve survival probability in a group of older South African Xhosa-speaking schizophrenia patients.

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Peires, J. B. "The Central Beliefs of the Xhosa Cattle-Killing." Journal of African History 28, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029418.

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The Xhosa cattle-killing movement of 1856–7 cannot be explained as a superstitious ‘pagan reaction’to the intrusion of colonial rule and Christian civilization. It owes its peculiar form to the lungsickness epidemic of 1854, which carried off over 100,000 Xhosa cattle. The Xhosa theory of disease indicated that the sick cattle had been contaminated by the witchcraft practices of the people, and that these tainted cattle would have to be slaughtered lest they infect the pure new cattle which were about to rise.The idea of the resurrection of the dead was partly due to the Xhosa belief that the dead do not really die or depart from the world of the living, and partly to the Xhosa myth of creation, which held that all life originated in a certain cavern in the ground which might yet again pour forth its blessings on the earth. Christian doctrines, transmitted through the prophets Nxele and Mhlakaza, supplemented and elaborated these indigenous Xhosa beliefs. The Xhosa and the Christian elements united together in the person of the expected redeemer Sifuba-sibanzi (the broad-chested one). The central beliefs of the Xhosa cattle-killing were neither irrational nor atavistic. Ironically, it was probably because they were so rational and so appropriate that they ultimately proved to be so deadly.

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7

Mesthrie, Rajend. "English in South Africa." English Today 9, no. 1 (January 1993): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400006891.

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8

de Klerk, Vivian. "Starting with Xhosa English towards a spoken corpus." International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 7, no. 1 (October 18, 2002): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijcl.7.1.02dek.

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This paper describes the underlying motivation for the proposed structure and design of a corpus of Xhosa English, which aims ultimately to form part of a larger corpus of Black South African English (BSAE). The planned corpus will be exclusively based on spoken spontaneous Xhosa English, and full justification for this decision is provided in the paper. In particular the paper argues that the current South African English component of the International Corpus of English (ICE) cannot be regarded as representative of any particular variety of South African English, because of the wide range of Englishes spoken in the country (by mother-tongue speakers, Indians, white and coloured Afrikaans speakers and the speakers of South Africa's nine indigenous languages). In addition, the article problematises theoretical concepts such as deciding what “educated” or standard English is (in a multilingual country with a very complex socio-political history), and argues that some of the text categories of ICE and other spoken corpora are inappropriate for the planned Xhosa English corpus.

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9

Klemz, Bruce R., Christo Boshoff, and Noxolo‐Eileen Mazibuko. "Emerging markets in black South African townships." European Journal of Marketing 40, no. 5/6 (May 1, 2006): 590–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03090560610657859.

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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to assess differences between the guidance offered by cultural studies in the services literature and the retailing literature for emerging markets. To research these differences, the role that the contact person has towards South African township residents' willingness to buy is to be assessed.Design/methodology/approachA services quality survey of black (ethnic Xhosa) township residents was performed for two different retail types: new, small, independently owned grocery retailers located within the townships, and established, large, national chains located within the city centres. The influence of these services quality measures on willingness to buy was assessed using the partial least squares method for each of the two retail types. Differences between the model parameters for these two retail types were assessed using ANOVA.FindingsThe results show that, consistent with the retailing literature, the contact people in these new, small, local and independently owned retailers focus extensively on empathy to influence willingness to buy, while the contact people in the large, traditionally white‐owned national retailers jointly focus on assurance and responsiveness to influence willingness to buy, and spend very little effort on empathy.Research limitations/implicationsResearch implications are based on the usefulness of supporting theory, namely that the guidance offered by the cultural studies in the retailing literature is more predictive than that in the services literature for the emerging South African retailing market.Practical implicationsIt is found that core elements in relationship marketing are well ingrained in collectivist Xhosa cultural norms. The results suggest that these cultural norms can, and should, be leveraged by the new independently owned grocery retailers.Originality/valueThe research addresses a key concern within emerging markets and offers practical help for retail development within this dynamic economic setting.

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10

Haring, Lee, and Jeff Opland. "Xhosa Oral Poetry: Aspects of a Black South African Tradition." Western Folklore 45, no. 1 (January 1986): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1499619.

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11

BEINART, WILLIAM. "History of the African People." South African Historical Journal 18, no. 1 (November 1986): 223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582478608671614.

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Mungazi, Dickson A., and Robert W. July. "A History of the African People." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 1 (1993): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219213.

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13

Booth, Alan R., and Les Switzer. "Power and Resistance in an African Society: The Ciskei Xhosa and the Makin of South Africa." American Historical Review 100, no. 2 (April 1995): 564. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169127.

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Jordaan, Esmè R., Dana J. H. Niehaus, Liezl Koen, Cathlene Seller, Irene Mbanga, and Robin A. Emsley. "Season of Birth, Age and Negative Symptoms in a Xhosa Schizophrenia Sample from the Southern Hemisphere." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 40, no. 8 (August 2006): 698–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/j.1440-1614.2006.01870.x.

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Objectives: Seasonality of birth, more specifically winter/spring births, has been implicated as a risk factor for the development of schizophrenia. The primary aim of this study was to determine whether schizophrenia patients of Xhosa ethnicity born in autumn/ winter have different symptom profiles to those born in spring/summer. The secondary aim was to determine whether the autumn/winter and spring/summer birth rates for schizophrenia patients of Xhosa ethnicity were similar to that of the general Xhosa population. Method: Individuals with a diagnosis of schizophrenia, born in the Western and Eastern Cape Provinces of South Africa (n = 386), were categorized as autumn/winter-born (March to August) patients or summer/spring-born (September to February) patients. Negative global scores of the schedules for the assessment of negative symptoms were categorized as normal (rating of 0 and 1) or positive (rating of 2 to 5). Results: Patients born in autumn/winter were more likely to have avolition/apathy than those born in summer/spring. The results also showed that the age of the patients played a significant role in modifying the effect of the season of birth on symptoms of schizophrenia. Especially older people (more than 30 years old) born in autumn/winter had a higher incidence of avolition/apathy than those born in summer/spring (p = 0.026). Furthermore, in the relationship of birth season and avolition/apathy, the marital status of the patient was a significant independent explanatory variable, while gender was not. The study also showed a spring excess of 4% in birth rate compared with the general Xhosa population. Conclusion: The results from our study support the existence of a seasonal birth pattern in an African schizophrenia population and suggest that avolition/apathy may underpin this seasonal pattern.

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15

Nantambu, Kwame. "Book Review: Review Article: Africa and African People in World History: Understanding Contemporary Africa, African History, a History of the African People, Plundering Africa's Past." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 28, no. 2 (December 1996): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132559702800204.

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Naidoo, S. "THE STRUGGLE FOR AUTHORITY IN GEORGE MCCALL THEAL’S KAFFIR FOLKLORE (1882)." Southern African Journal for Folklore Studies 24, no. 1 (September 30, 2016): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1016-8427/1674.

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This article focuses specifically on George McCall Theal’s collection of folktale texts, Kaffir Folklore (1882), as an example of an early South African ethnographic publication, and argues that the folktale transcriptions contained therein, although a part of Theal’s general colonialist project, are hybrid, containing the voices of both coloniser and colonised. The key argument is that the presence of the African voices in this text reveals simultaneously that Theal’s editorial aspirations were never absolutely imposed, and that agency and influence (albeit limited) of the colonised Xhosa co-authors were present. The article offers an analysis of the paratext (the preface, the introduction and the explanatory notes) of Kaffir Folkore, rather than a close reading of the tales themselves. To facilitate an understanding of Theal’s editorial practice, Kaffir Folkore is compared to Harold Scheub’s The Xhosa Ntsomi (1975). More generally, drawing on postcolonial folklore and book-history scholarship, the article explores how folklore texts of the colonial era, although contributing to the establishment of a literary and cultural orthodoxy in modern South Africa, constitute a telling hybrid genre, which invites a re-evaluation of colonial relations, and of individual texts themselves. In short, these texts synthesise different literary traditions (European and African), different mediums (the oral and the written), different disciplinary approaches (ethnography, folklore, literature), and most significantly, the voices of different subjects. Kaffir Folklore (1882) epitomises this synthesis.

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Cody, Cheryll Ann, and William S. Pollitzer. "The Gullah People and Their African Heritage." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 3 (August 2001): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070030.

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18

Scully, Pamela, and Les Switzer. "Power and Resistance in an African Society: The Ciskei Xhosa and the Making of South Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 2 (1995): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221627.

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Ayittey, George B. N. "African People in the Global Village: An Introduction to Pan African Studies (review)." Journal of World History 12, no. 1 (2001): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2001.0003.

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Higgs, Catherine, and Les Switzer. "Power and Resistance in an African Society: The Ciskei Xhosa and the Making of South Africa." Labour / Le Travail 35 (1995): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143955.

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Stapleton, Timothy J. "The Memory of Maqoma: An Assessment of Jingqi Oral Tradition in Ciskei and Transkei." History in Africa 20 (1993): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171978.

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Dominated by a settler heritage, South African history has forgotten or degraded many Africans who had a significant impact on the region. The more recent liberal and radical schools also suffer from this tragic inheritance. Maqoma, a nineteenth century Xhosa chief who fought the expansionist Cape Colony in three frontier wars, has been a victim of similar distortion. He has been characterized as a drunken troublemaker and cattle thief who masterminded an unprovoked irruption into the colony in 1834 and eventually led his subjects into the irrational Cattle Killing catastrophe of 1856/57 in which thousands of Xhosa slaughtered their herds on the command of a teenage prophetess. Recently, the validity of this portrayal has been questioned. Alan Webster has demonstrated that, throughout the 1820s and early 1830s, Maqoma attempted to placate voracious European raiders by sending them cattle tribute. Only after the British army and Boer commandos had forced his Jingqi chiefdom off its land for the third time did this ruler order retaliatory stock raids against the colony in late 1834.

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Zungu, Evangeline Bonisiwe, and Nomvula Maphini. "Out with old, in with the new: Negotiating identity in re-naming a Xhosa umtshakazi." AFRREV LALIGENS: An International Journal of Language, Literature and Gender Studies 9, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/laligens.v9i1.6.

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Umtshakazi (singular) is a bride and abatshakazi (plural) are brides in isiXhosa language. The word is derived from the word ‘tsha’ which means new in isiXhosa. The word is popularly known as Makoti in other African languages, such as isiZulu. In short, a bride is a woman about to be married or newly married and thus a “new member” of the husband’s family. In a South African context, naming is not reserved for new-born children as there are circumstances whereby older people get new names. In Xhosa re-naming of abatshakazi, is a religious practice where name-givers bestow a name on a newlywed and then expect brides to live up to their newly acquired names. Like most things cultural, the brides have no choice but to accept the new name, embrace what the name entails and live up to the family’s expectations. Through the re-naming process the bride assumes a new identity which means taking the responsibility that comes with it. This article examines how such a process gives brides new roles to play; how brides make a conscious effort to live up to the name and how this changes their identity. This article is going to take a phenomenology stance. The phenomenology theory is a theoretical proposition which focuses on people’s perceptions of the world in which they live and what it means to them. It focuses on people’s lived experiences. This theory is essential in this article as the article focuses on the individual experiences of Xhosa abatshakazi in the naming process. Key Words: gender, culture, names, identity, marriage

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Beckerleg, Susan. "African Bedouin in Palestine." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212240.

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AbstractThe changing ethnic identity and origins of people of Bedouin and African origin living in southern Israel and the Gaza Strip are explored in this paper. For thousands of years, and into the twentieth century, slaves were captured in Africa and transported to Arabia. Negev Bedouin in Palestine owned slaves, many of whom were of African origin. When Israel was created in 1948 some of these people of African origin became refugees in Gaza, while others remained in the Negev and became Israeli citizens. With ethnic identity a key factor in claims and counter claims to land in Palestine/Israel, African slave origins are not stressed. The terminology of ethnicity and identity used by people of African origin and other Palestinians is explored, and reveals a consciousness of difference and rejection of the label abed or slave/black person.

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Beck, Bernard. "Extraordinary People: Hero Movies for African American History Month." Multicultural Perspectives 23, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15210960.2021.1915089.

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Winch, Julie, and James Oliver Horton. "Free People of Color: Inside the African American Community." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 4 (November 1994): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211091.

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Levine, Roger S. "Cultural Innovation and Translation in the Eastern Cape: Jan Tzatzoe, Xhosa Intellectual and the Making of an African Gospel, 1817–1833." African Historical Review 42, no. 2 (November 2010): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2010.517401.

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Campbell, Megan M., Olivia P. Matshabane, Sibonile Mqulwana, Michael Mndini, Mohamed Nagdee, Dan J. Stein, and Jantina De Vries. "Evaluating Community Engagement Strategies to Manage Stigma in Two African Genomics Studies Involving People Living with Schizophrenia or Rheumatic Heart Disease." Global Health 2021 (June 26, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/9926495.

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In global health research and genomics research specifically, community engagement has gained prominence in enhancing ethical conduct, particularly in managing the risk of stigmatization, but there is minimal scientific evidence on how to do this effectively. This article reports on community engagement evaluation strategies in two African genomics studies: the Stigma in African Genomics Research study and the Genomics of Schizophrenia in South African Xhosa People (SAX) study. Within the Stigma in African Genomics Research study, a self-report rating scale and open-ended questions were used to track participant responses to an experiential theatre workshop. The workshop focused on participant experiences of living with schizophrenia or rheumatic heart disease (RHD). While the schizophrenia group reported more alienation and less stigma resistance than the RHD group, both groups demonstrated increased stigma resistance over time, after participating in the workshops. Hearing from others living with and managing the same illness normalised participants’ own experiences and encouraged them. Within the SAX study, a short rating scale and qualitative feedback methods were used to evaluate a Mental Health Literacy Day targeting mental health stigma. Information talks about (i) the symptoms of schizophrenia and treatment options and (ii) the illness experiences of a patient in recovery were rated as the most helpful on the day. Audience members reported that these talks challenged negative perceptions about severe mental illness. Three important learnings emerged from these evaluations: firstly, integration of evaluation strategies at the research study planning phase is likely to promote more effective community engagement. Secondly, a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods that draw on simple descriptive statistics and thematic analysis can provide nuanced perspectives about the value of community engagement. Thirdly, such evidence is necessary in establishing and promoting the science of community engagement in genomics research and health research more broadly.

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Stapleton, Timothy J. "Oral Evidence in a Pseudo-Ethnicity: The Fingo Debate." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171922.

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There is a disturbing trend emerging in South African history. Unquestioning acceptance of African oral tradition threatens to become a requirement of politically correct scholarship. The African voice knows all. Julian Cobbing has been sharply criticized for ignoring oral evidence in his revision of early nineteenth-century South African history. Cobbing claims that African migration and state formation in the 1820s was caused by the illegal activities of colonial slave raiders who covered up their operations by claiming that the Zulu kingdom under Shaka had laid waste to the interior of southern Africa. This cover story was incorporated into South African history as the mfecane (or crushing) and served to justify white supremacy by portraying blacks as inherently violent. Carolyn Hamilton attacks Cobbing for ignoring the African voice which allegedly supports the orthodox mfecane by placing Shaka at the center of events. In response, Cobbing claims that the largest record of Zulu oral evidence was distorted by James Stuart, the colonial official who collected it at the turn of the last century. Although Elizabeth Eldredge rejects the Zulucentric mfecane in favor of a broad compromise theory based on environmental and trade factors plus the activities of a few Griqua labor-raiders on the High veld, she accused Cobbing of developing a Eurocentric hypothesis which robs Africans of initiative within their own history. More critically, Jeffrey Peires, whose work on the Xhosa is deeply rooted in the conventional mfecane, describes Cobbing as “a reactionary wolf dressed up in the clothing of a progressive sheep” and implies that his ideas are nothing short of racist.

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PETERSON, DEREK R. "CULTURE AND CHRONOLOGY IN AFRICAN HISTORY." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006164.

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Sources and methods in African history: spoken, written, unearthed. Edited by T. Falola and C. Jennings. Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2004. Pp. xxi+409. ISBN 1-58046-140-9. £50.00.Honour in African history. By John Iliffe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xv+404. ISBN 0-521-54685-0. £16.99.Black experience and the empire. Edited by P. Morgan and S. Hawkins. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Pp. xv+416. ISBN 0-19-926029-x. £39.00. Muslim societies in African history. By D. Robinson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. xx+220. ISBN 0-521-533566-x. £10.99.The study of African culture stands in a uneasy relationship with the study of African history. Historians work by pegging people, places, and events to a place on time's ever-lengthening yardstick. For the historical discipline, time is a structure that stands behind and lends meaning to human events. Culture, by contrast, is often claimed to be timeless, the unique inheritance of a distinct group of people. Culture builders work by short-circuiting chronology. They poach events, names, clothing styles, and other inspirational elements from the past and marshal them as a tradition to be proud of. The study of cultural history enters into a field where the partitions between past and present are being trampled by the traffic of human imagination.

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White, Shane, and James Oliver Horton. "Free People of Color: Inside the African American Community." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081269.

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Thompson, Leonard, and Peter Warwick. "Black People and the South African War, 1899-1902." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, no. 1 (1985): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204353.

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32

Williams, Richard Allen. "The African Exchange: Toward a Biological History of Black People." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 261, no. 14 (April 14, 1989): 2134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1989.03420140136045.

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Suzman, Susan M. "Names as pointers: Zulu personal naming practices." Language in Society 23, no. 2 (April 1994): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500017851.

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ABSTRACTChildren in many African societies have meaningful names – unlike their Western counterparts, whose names are primarily labels. In Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho, Tswana, and many other cultures, namegivers traditionally chose personal names that pointed to a range of people and circumstances that were relevant at the time of the child's birth. These highly individual or unique names were part of particular social frameworks that have long been evolving with Western acculturation. Like the social frameworks within which they are embedded, naming practices are in the process of change.This article investigates change in Zulu naming practices as a reflection of wider social changes. Taking historical accounts as the source of traditional namegiving, an analysis of rural, farm, and urban names shows quantitative and qualitative differences in naming practices. Contemporary names differ significantly from traditional ones, and provide evidence that the world view within which names are given is in the process of redefinition. (Anthropological linguistics, naming, South Africa, Zulu)

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Curry, Leonard P., and James Oliver Horton. "Free People of Color: Inside the African American Community." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168941.

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Wilde, Richard H., and Peter Warwick. "Black People and the South African War, 1899-1902." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852789.

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Mall, Sumaya, Jonathan M. Platt, Henk Temmingh, Eustasius Musenge, Megan Campbell, Ezra Susser, and Dan J. Stein. "The relationship between childhood trauma and schizophrenia in the Genomics of Schizophrenia in the Xhosa people (SAX) study in South Africa." Psychological Medicine 50, no. 9 (August 7, 2019): 1570–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291719001703.

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AbstractBackgroundEvidence from high-income countries suggests that childhood trauma is associated with schizophrenia. Studies of childhood trauma and schizophrenia in low and middle income (LMIC) countries are limited. This study examined the prevalence of childhood traumatic experiences among cases and controls and the relationship between specific and cumulative childhood traumatic experiences and schizophrenia in a sample in South Africa.MethodsData were from the Genomics of Schizophrenia in the South African Xhosa people study. Cases with schizophrenia and matched controls were recruited from provincial hospitals and clinics in the Western and Eastern Cape regions in South Africa. Childhood traumatic experiences were measured using the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ). Adjusted logistic regression models estimated associations between individual and cumulative childhood traumatic experiences and schizophrenia.ResultsTraumatic experiences were more prevalent among cases than controls. The odds of schizophrenia were 2.44 times higher among those who experienced any trauma than those who reported no traumatic experiences (95% CI 1.77–3.37). The odds of schizophrenia were elevated among those who experienced physical/emotional abuse (OR 1.59, CI 1.28–1.97), neglect (OR 1.39, CI 1.16–1.68), and sexual abuse (OR 1.22, CI 1.03–1.45) compared to those who did not. Cumulative physical/emotional abuse and neglect experiences increased the odds of schizophrenia as a dose–response relationship.ConclusionChildhood trauma is common in this population. Among many other benefits, interventions to prevent childhood trauma may contribute to a decreasing occurrence of schizophrenia.

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Baker, Bruce E. "A Working People: A History of African American Workers since Emancipation." Labor 13, no. 1 (February 2016): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-3342830.

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Lambert, John. "‘An Unknown People’: Reconstructing British South African Identity." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 37, no. 4 (November 19, 2009): 599–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530903327101.

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Nshimbi, Christopher Changwe. "Pan-African Aspirations Drive a New Free Trade Pact." Current History 118, no. 808 (May 1, 2019): 188–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2019.118.808.188.

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Frazier, Denise. "The Nickel: A History of African-Descended People in Houston’s Fifth Ward." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (March 24, 2020): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010033.

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This paper will chronicle the unique stories that have come to exemplify the larger experience of Fifth Ward as a historically African American district in a rapidly changing city, Houston. Fifth Ward is a district submerged in the Southern memory of a sprawling port city. Its 19th century inception comprised of residents from Eastern Europe, Russia, and other religious groups who were fleeing persecution. Another way to describe Fifth Ward is much closer to the Fifth Ward that I knew as a child—an African American Fifth Ward and, more personally, my grandparents’ neighborhood. The growing prosperity of an early 20th century oil-booming Houston had soon turned the neighborhood into an economic haven, attracting African Americans from rural Louisiana and east Texas. Within the past two decades, Latino communities have populated the area, transforming the previously majority African American ward. Through a qualitative familial research review of historic documents, this paper contains a cultural and economic analysis that will illustrate the unique legacies and challenges of its past and present residents. I will center my personal genealogical roots to connect with larger patterns of change over time for African Americans in this distinct cultural ward.

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GRAY, RICHARD. "People and Empires in African History: Essays in memory of Michael Crowder." African Affairs 92, no. 368 (July 1993): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098651.

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SHERWOOD, M. "The Black Handbook: The people, history and politics and the African Diaspora." African Affairs 98, no. 390 (January 1, 1999): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007998.

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Hiller, Rachel M., Sarah L. Halligan, Mark Tomlinson, Jackie Stewart, Sarah Skeen, and Hope Christie. "Post-trauma coping in the context of significant adversity: a qualitative study of young people living in an urban township in South Africa." BMJ Open 7, no. 10 (October 2017): e016560. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2017-016560.

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ObjectiveCompared with knowledge of the post-trauma needs of young people living in developed countries, little is known about the needs of those in low-middle-income countries. Such information is crucial, particularly as young people in these environments can be at increased risk of experiencing trauma, coupled with less available resources for formal support. The aim of this study was to explore post-trauma coping and support-seeking of young people living in a high-adversity settlement in South Africa.DesignSemistructured qualitative interviews analysed using thematic analysis.SettingAn urban settlement (‘township’) in Cape Town, South Africa.Participants25 young people, aged 13–17 years, who had experienced trauma. Events included serious car accidents, hearing of a friend’s violent death, and rape, and all reported having experienced multiple traumatic events. All participants identified as black South African and spoke Xhosa as their first language.ResultsSocial support was considered key to coping after trauma, although the focus of the support differed depending on the source. Parents would most commonly provide practical support, particularly around safety. Peers often provided an avenue to discuss the event and young person’s emotional well-being more openly. Outside of social support another key theme was that there were numerous community-level barriers to participants receiving support following trauma. Many young people continued to be exposed to the perpetrator of the event, while there was also the realistic concern around future traumas and safety, community stigma and a perceived lack of justice.ConclusionThis study provides insight into how young people cope and seek support following trauma when they are living in a context of significant adversity and risk. Overall, most young people identified helpful sources of support and thought talking about the event was a useful strategy, but concerns around safety and trust could impede this process.

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Schoenbrun, David, Felix Chami, Gilbert Pwiti, and Chantal Radimilahy. "People, Contacts, and the Environment in the African Past." International Journal of African Historical Studies 35, no. 2/3 (2002): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097665.

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McDonald, Roderick A., and James Oliver Horton. "Free People of Color: Inside the African American Community." Journal of the Early Republic 14, no. 3 (1994): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124544.

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Hargreaves, J. D. "African History: The First University Examination?" History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171957.

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The first generation of history students from Africa to graduate from British universities inevitably had to face extended examinations, with specialized papers largely centered on European history. When Kenneth Onwuka Dike arrived in Aberdeen University in 1944 he had already contended successfully at Fourah Bay College with the Durham syllabuses for the General BA. Now, however, thanks to the goodwill of Professor J. B. Black (best known as author of The Reign of Elizabeth in the standard Oxford History of England), he obtained permission to sit what was probably the first examination on the history of tropical Africa to be set by any European university.In a lecture delivered almost thirty years later Dike recalled:cautiously approaching my Head of Department, the late Professor J B Black, and mildly protesting that of the thirteen final degree papers I was required to offer in the Honours School of History, not a single paper was concerned with the history of Black people. I requested that in place of the paper on Scottish constitutional law and history, which I found intolerably dull, I should be permitted to offer the History of Nigeria. The old professor took off his glasses, uttered not a word, but from the way he looked at me demonstrated that he was not a little shocked by my temerity, nevertheless, and after a series of animated discussions, the Department of History, to its great credit, accepted my proposal. Since there was no one competent to teach Nigerian history at Aberdeen, they sent me to Oxford during the summer months to study under Dame Margery Perham and Professor Jack Simmons.

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Hutchinson, Janis. ": The African Exchange: Toward a Biological History of Black People . Kenneth F. Kiple." American Anthropologist 91, no. 2 (June 1989): 513–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1989.91.2.02a00810.

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Accone, Darryl. "“Ghost people”: Localising the Chinese self in an African context." Asian Studies Review 30, no. 3 (September 2006): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820600897671.

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Miller, Randall M. "American Founders: How People of African Descent Established Freedom in the New World." Journal of American History 107, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 726–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa357.

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VAN DEN BERSSELAAR, DMITRI. "WHO BELONGS TO THE ‘STAR PEOPLE’? NEGOTIATING BEER AND GIN ADVERTISEMENTS IN WEST AFRICA, 1949–75." Journal of African History 52, no. 3 (November 2011): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185371100048x.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the different trajectories of advertising for schnapps gin and beer in Ghana and Nigeria during the period of decolonisation and independence up to 1975. It analyses published newspaper advertisements alongside correspondence, advertising briefs, and market research reports found in business archives. Advertising that promoted a ‘modern’ life-style worked for beer, but not for gin. This study shows how advertisements became the product of negotiations between foreign companies, local businesses, and consumers. It provides insights into the development of advertising in West Africa, the differing ways in which African consumers attached meanings to specific commodities, and possibilities for the use of advertisements as sources for African history.

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