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Journal articles on the topic 'Xhosa Cattle-Killing'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Peires, J. B. "The Central Beliefs of the Xhosa Cattle-Killing." Journal of African History 28, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029418.

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The Xhosa cattle-killing movement of 1856–7 cannot be explained as a superstitious ‘pagan reaction’to the intrusion of colonial rule and Christian civilization. It owes its peculiar form to the lungsickness epidemic of 1854, which carried off over 100,000 Xhosa cattle. The Xhosa theory of disease indicated that the sick cattle had been contaminated by the witchcraft practices of the people, and that these tainted cattle would have to be slaughtered lest they infect the pure new cattle which were about to rise.The idea of the resurrection of the dead was partly due to the Xhosa belief that the dead do not really die or depart from the world of the living, and partly to the Xhosa myth of creation, which held that all life originated in a certain cavern in the ground which might yet again pour forth its blessings on the earth. Christian doctrines, transmitted through the prophets Nxele and Mhlakaza, supplemented and elaborated these indigenous Xhosa beliefs. The Xhosa and the Christian elements united together in the person of the expected redeemer Sifuba-sibanzi (the broad-chested one). The central beliefs of the Xhosa cattle-killing were neither irrational nor atavistic. Ironically, it was probably because they were so rational and so appropriate that they ultimately proved to be so deadly.

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2

Peires, J. B. "‘Soft’ Believers and ‘Hard’ Unbelievers in the Xhosa Cattle-Killing." Journal of African History 27, no. 3 (November 1986): 443–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700023264.

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A substantial minority, perhaps 15 per cent of all Xhosa, refused to obey the prophetess Nongqawuse's orders to kill their cattle and destory their cornl. This divided Xhosaland into two parties, the amathamba (‘soft’ ones, or believers) and the amagogotya (‘hard’ ones, or unbelievers). The affiliation of individuals was partly determined by a number of factors – lungsickness in cattle, political attitude towards the Cape Colony, religious beliefs, kinship, age and gender – but a systematic analysis of each of these factors in turn suggests that none of them was sufficiently important to constitute the basis of either party.The key to understanding the division lies in an analysis of the indigenous Xhosa terms ‘soft’ and ‘hard’. ‘Softness’ in Xhosa denotes the submissiveness of the individual to the common will of the community, whereas ‘hardness’ denotes the determination of the individual to pursue his own ends, even at communal expense. Translated into social terms, the ‘soft’ believers were those who remained committed to the mutual aid ethic of the declining precolonial society, whereas the ‘hard’ unbelievers were those who sought to seize advantage of the new opportunities offered by the colonial presence to increase their wealth and social prominence. The conflict between the social and personal imperatives was well expressed by Chief Smith Mhala, the unbelieving son of a believing father, when he said, ‘They say I am killing my father – so I would kill him before I would kill my cattle.’ Certainly, the division between amathamba and amagogotya ran much deeper than the division between belief and unbelief, and the Xhosa, in conferring these names, seem to have recognized the fact.

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3

Offenburger, Andrew. "The Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement in History and Literature." History Compass 7, no. 6 (November 2009): 1428–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00637.x.

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4

Ashforth, Adam. "The Xhosa cattle killing and the politics of memory." Sociological Forum 6, no. 3 (September 1991): 581–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01114479.

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5

Stapleton, Timothy J. "Reluctant Slaughter: Rethinking Maqoma's Role in the Xhosa Cattle-Killing (1853-1857)." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 2 (1993): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219550.

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6

Davies, Sheila Boniface. "Raising the Dead: The Xhosa Cattle-Killing and the Mhlakaza-Goliat Delusion." Journal of Southern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 2007): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070601136517.

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7

Stapleton, Timothy J. "The Memory of Maqoma: An Assessment of Jingqi Oral Tradition in Ciskei and Transkei." History in Africa 20 (1993): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171978.

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Dominated by a settler heritage, South African history has forgotten or degraded many Africans who had a significant impact on the region. The more recent liberal and radical schools also suffer from this tragic inheritance. Maqoma, a nineteenth century Xhosa chief who fought the expansionist Cape Colony in three frontier wars, has been a victim of similar distortion. He has been characterized as a drunken troublemaker and cattle thief who masterminded an unprovoked irruption into the colony in 1834 and eventually led his subjects into the irrational Cattle Killing catastrophe of 1856/57 in which thousands of Xhosa slaughtered their herds on the command of a teenage prophetess. Recently, the validity of this portrayal has been questioned. Alan Webster has demonstrated that, throughout the 1820s and early 1830s, Maqoma attempted to placate voracious European raiders by sending them cattle tribute. Only after the British army and Boer commandos had forced his Jingqi chiefdom off its land for the third time did this ruler order retaliatory stock raids against the colony in late 1834.

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8

LEWIS, JACK. "Materialism and Idealism in the Historiography of the Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement 1856–7." South African Historical Journal 25, no. 1 (November 1991): 244–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479108671959.

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9

Hodgson, Janet, and J. B. Peires. "The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7." Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 1 (February 1991): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581098.

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10

Kros, Cynthia, and J. B. Peires. "The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 3 (1990): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219603.

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11

Packard, Randall M., and J. B. Peires. "The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163366.

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12

van Heyningen, Elizabeth, and J. B. Peires. "The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 1 (1992): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485420.

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13

Furlong, Patrick, and J. B. Peires. "The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7." African Studies Review 33, no. 2 (September 1990): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524482.

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14

Vail, Leroy, and J. B. Peires. "The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7." Ethnohistory 38, no. 3 (1991): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482359.

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15

Stapleton, Timothy J. ""They No Longer Care for Their Chiefs": Another Look at the Xhosa Cattle-Killing of 1856-1857." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 2 (1991): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219796.

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16

Offenburger, Andrew. "Millenarianism in Iowa and the Eastern Cape: Thinking through Field of Dreams and the Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement." English Studies in Africa 61, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138398.2018.1538008.

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17

EDGERTON, ROBERT B. "The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7. J. B. PEIRES." American Ethnologist 18, no. 2 (May 1991): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1991.18.2.02a00470.

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18

Schatteman, Renée. "The Xhosa Cattle-Killing and Post-Apartheid South Africa: Sindiwe Magona's Mother to Mother and Zakes Mda's The Heart of Redness." African Studies 67, no. 2 (July 18, 2008): 275–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180802242582.

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19

Nancy Mosothwane, Morongwa. "The Osteological composition of the alleged victims of the Xhosa Cattle-Killing Saga from Edward Street Cemetery, King William’s Town, South Africa." Journal of Conflict Archaeology 12, no. 3 (September 2, 2017): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15740773.2017.1480428.

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20

Hodgson, Janet. "PEIRES, J. B., The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7, Johannesburg, Ravan Press/London, James Currey/Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1989, xvi, 348 pp., £ 9.95 (paper), 0 86975 381 9." Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 1 (1991): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006691x00186.

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21

Fortuné Azon, Sènakpon Adelphe. "Crying for my Father’s Home: Poetics of Loss of the Father’s Land and Mourning in John Edgar Wideman’s The Cattle Killing." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 8, no. 6 (November 30, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.8n.6p.1.

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In a disjointed narrative drunkenness that straddles oneiric language, apocalyptic vaticinations, and alcoholic delirium, the narrative of the young itinerant preacher in John Edgar Wideman’s Cattle Killing unfurls. The narrative purports to be clear in launching the young lover into an asymptotic search for his soul mate who is nothing but a spirit akin to ogbanji, successively incarnated in deified women who experience an elusive existence and a tragic death. However, it fails to dispel, in readers, a deep doubt as to the intrinsic symbolism of this soul mate, and, finally, dissuades them that it is an ordinary love story. The Cattle Killing quilts the story of the deadly prophecy of Nongqawuse, decisive in the colonial conquest of the Xhosas in Southern Africa, into that of the epidemic yellow fever in Philadephia, and plunges the protagonist into a melancholic quest on which African people’s awakening is premised. Voudoun esthetics, Lacan’s theory of desire, and Genettian narratology constitute the major paradigm on which the textual analysis of this paper proceeds. Its aim is to highlight the narrative devices by which the poetics of affliction, melancholy and regret is activated in the work, with the aim of echoing its call for the improvement of the black people’s condition in the United States and all over the world.

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22

"The dead will arise: Nongqawuse and the great Xhosa cattle-killing movement of 1856-7." Choice Reviews Online 27, no. 04 (December 1, 1989): 27–2233. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-2233.

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23

Gifford, Paul. "The Vanguard of Colonialism: Missionaries and the Frontier in Southern Africa in the Nineteenth Century." Constellations 3, no. 2 (May 9, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons17204.

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In this essay, I undertake an examination of how Christian missionary societies facilitated the spread of European ideals and belief systems within an African community, and how this spread both prepared and weakened the African polities for increasing contact with colonial authorities. I specifically explore the role missionaries took in everyday functioning of African chiefdoms and kingdoms through their roles as interpreters and diplomats. Missionaries played a role in shaping the day-to-day existence of the polities in which they were based, as they saw themselves fighting in the “war for souls” in Africa. I examine the effects of this contact in syncretising African and European beliefs, focusing on the especially tragic example of the Xhosa cattle killing. Life on the frontier shaped a deterministic “Christian” identity amongst white settlers along the fringes of colonial life, a distance which in turn led to these fringe groups being seen as un-Christian by their own churches.

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24

"j. b. peires. The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856–7. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Ravan Press, Johannesburg; or James Curry, London. 1989. Pp. xv, 348. Cloth $37.50, paper $17.50." American Historical Review, April 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/96.2.576-a.

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