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Journal articles on the topic 'Xhosa language'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Dlali, Mawande. "Proverbs as an agent of cultural wisdom and identity among the Xhosa speaking people." Lexicographica 39, no. 1 (November 1, 2023): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lex-2023-0002.

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Abstract The Xhosa speaking people, in common with other African people, possess a rich folklore tradition comprising mostly of tales, proverbs, riddles and poetry. Of these verbal arts, proverbs are by far the most frequently employed, in a number of ways for different purposes. In their daily communication, the Xhosa speaking people often resort to proverbs as an important and most effective strategy to optimize the rhetorical effectiveness of their speech messages. Because proverbs are frequently used in normal, everyday speech situations, the Xhosa speaking people, like any other African communities, assign great socio-cultural importance to the proverbs. This paper explores the moral nature and significance of the Xhosa proverbs which contribute to the norms and conventions and cultural wisdom well-ordered society. In the Xhosa culture, a feeling for language, imagery and expression of abstract ideas through compressed and allusive phraseology is realized in proverbs. Data were gathered from two published sources in Xhosa language titled Izaci namaqhalo esiXhosa by EWM Mesatywa (1954) and IsiXhosa 4 by JA du Plessis (1978). The data for this paper also included my knowledge, experience and introspection, based on being a Xhosa native speaker and experienced academic in language-related culture dimensions of African languages.

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2

Carstens, Vicki, and Loyiso Mletshe. "Radical Defectivity: Implications of Xhosa Expletive Constructions." Linguistic Inquiry 46, no. 2 (April 2015): 187–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00180.

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In Xhosa VSO clauses, subject agreement exhibits default features, objects cannot be pronominalized, a subject focus reading is obligatory, and experiencer verbs with two DP arguments are precluded. We argue that impoverished versions of T and v* in VSO clauses lack the probe features involved in subject agreement, EPP, object shift, and nominative/accusative valuation within Xhosa SVO sentences. Only an unusual focus-linked strategy can Case-license full DPs in VSO clauses, but this is incompatible with inherent Cases borne by arguments of experiencer verbs. We show that CPs and augmentless NPs appear in positions where DPs cannot surface because uCase is a feature of D. Given the striking evidence for abstract Case in Xhosa, we propose Case-friendly analyses for Bantu Case-theoretic anomalies that Xhosa shares.

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3

Thuynsma, Peter. "Xhosa Ntsomi: The Language of Gesture." English Academy Review 4, no. 1 (January 1987): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10131758785310071.

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4

Spinner, Patti. "Review article: Second language acquisition of Bantu languages: A (mostly) untapped research opportunity." Second Language Research 27, no. 3 (May 31, 2011): 418–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658310376217.

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This review article presents a summary of research on the second language acquisition of Bantu languages, including Swahili, Zulu, Xhosa and Lingala. Although second language (L2) research on these languages is currently very limited, work in morphosyntax and phonology suggests promising directions for future study, particularly on noun class, tense and aspect.

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5

Kaschula, Russell H. "Xhosa literary history: towards transformation in selected Xhosa novels." South African Journal of African Languages 23, no. 2 (January 2003): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2003.10587207.

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6

Bloom Ström, Eva-Marie, and Jochen Zeller. "Verum in Xhosa and Zulu (Nguni)." Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 42, no. 3 (December 1, 2023): 493–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfs-2023-2013.

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Abstract In this paper we investigate how verum is realized in Xhosa and Zulu, two Southern Bantu languages belonging to the Nguni group. The data for our study were collected through interviews with native speakers who were prompted to produce sentences in discourse contexts that typically license utterances with verum. We found that the main grammatical strategy for the expression of verum in Xhosa and Zulu involves the removal of phrasal constituents from the focus domain (the VP). This leaves the verb as the sole remaining focus host, and allows auxiliary features of the verb, such as polarity, to be marked as focus. Consequently, we analyse verum in Xhosa and Zulu as polarity focus, which is expressed indirectly, via the backgrounding of potentially focusable phrasal material. We also examined the prosodic properties of verum utterances in Xhosa. Based on findings from previous studies on Nguni intonation, we expected to observe lengthening of the penultimate vowels of phrase-final verbs and utterance-final words in our data. However, contrary to expectation, we did not find evidence of penultimate vowel lengthening in Xhosa sentences with verum, a (preliminary) result which suggests that the expression of verum may have an effect on prosody in Nguni languages.

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7

OPLAND, J., and J. A. Louw. "XHOSA ORAL POETRY." South African Journal of African Languages 5, sup1 (January 1985): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1985.10586640.

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8

de Klerk, Vivian. "Xhosa English as an institutionalised variety of English." English World-Wide 24, no. 2 (December 5, 2003): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.24.2.05dek.

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This paper aims to examine the English of Xhosa speakers (a significant proportion of speakers of Black South African English, since Xhosa is the second largest indigenous black language in South Africa), in terms of Williams’ (1987) criteria for Non-native Institutionalised Varieties of English (NIVEs). Using a corpus-based approach, the article reports on the results of analyses of a range of linguistic features in the newly-developed corpus of spoken Xhosa English (over 500 000 words), in an effort to go some way towards providing the evidence so necessary for the endorsement of newly established norms, and to counteract the pull of native English norms, “which tend to result in the stigmatisation of some of the major indexical markers of the non-native varieties” (Bamgbose 1998:3).

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9

Roux, J. C. "Xhosa: A tone or pitch–accent language?" South African Journal of Linguistics 16, sup36 (December 1998): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10118063.1998.9724401.

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10

Dowling, T., and L. Grier. "FROM WHITE BEADS TO WHITE WORDS: SYMBOLS AND LANGUAGE IN THE MARKETING OF XHOSA TRADITIONAL HEALERS." Southern African Journal for Folklore Studies 24, no. 2 (September 26, 2016): 134–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1016-8427/1613.

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Much research has been conducted on African traditional healers generally (Arden 1996; Chidester 1996; Chakanza 2006; Reeder 2011), and Xhosa diviners and herbalists specifically (Hammond-Tooke 1989; Hirst 1997, 2005), but none of this work focuses on their particular public discourse. Some researchers (Tyrrell 1976; Broster & Bourn 1982) describe outward symbols and publicly knowable signs of their identity, but do not analyse the implicit meanings of these symbols. In order to reach a more nuanced understanding of how Xhosa diviners and herbalists traditionally used to market themselves to their public (how they made themselves publically known), this paper draws on information from documented investigations into diviners and herbalists in South Africa; a description of their current marketing strategies is drawn from our own research and inquiries. We argue that Xhosa herbalists and diviners are key players in negotiating the socio-cultural aspects of their respective societies, and changes in the way they communicate their services highlight a shift in the South African linguistic and symbolic landscape. Diviners and healers now use current key symbols (including English and Western symbols) with a concurrent loss of Xhosa cultural expressions and symbols, which are only retained to reference non-secular (i.e. spiritual) or organic (i.e. natural) forms of healing.

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11

Louw, J. A. "Auxiliary verb in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 7, no. 1 (January 1987): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1987.10586678.

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12

Opland, Jeff. "Xhosa izibongo: Improvised line." South African Journal of African Languages 10, no. 4 (January 1990): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1990.10586854.

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13

Jokweni, M. W., and H. M. Thipa. "ATR harmony in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 16, no. 4 (January 1996): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1996.10587129.

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14

Crane, Thera Marie, and Bastian Persohn. "Notes on actionality in two Nguni languages of South Africa." Studies in African Linguistics 50, no. 2 (September 18, 2021): 227–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v50i2.123680.

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This paper presents some key findings of studies of actionality and the verbal grammar–lexicon interface in two Nguni Bantu languages of South Africa, Xhosa and Southern Ndebele. We describe interactions between grammatical tense marking (and other sentential bounding elements) and lexical verb types, arguing for the salience of inchoative verbs, which lexically encode a resultant state, and, in particular, a sub-class of inchoative verbs, biphasal verbs, which encode both a resultant state and the “coming-to-be” phase leading up to that state. We further discuss other important features of actional classes in Xhosa and Southern Ndebele, including topics such as the role of participant structure and the relative importance of cross-linguistically prominent distinctions such as that between Vendlerian activities and accomplishments. Although differences between Xhosa and Southern Ndebele are evident both in the behaviour of individual tense-aspect forms and in the interpretive possibilities of specific verbs, the general patterns are quite similar. This similarity suggests that the patterns are likely to extend to other Nguni languages, as well, and that cross-linguistic comparison of particular lexical items across these languages are both feasible and likely to bear fruit.

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15

de Klerk, Vivian. "Starting with Xhosa English towards a spoken corpus." International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 7, no. 1 (October 18, 2002): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijcl.7.1.02dek.

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This paper describes the underlying motivation for the proposed structure and design of a corpus of Xhosa English, which aims ultimately to form part of a larger corpus of Black South African English (BSAE). The planned corpus will be exclusively based on spoken spontaneous Xhosa English, and full justification for this decision is provided in the paper. In particular the paper argues that the current South African English component of the International Corpus of English (ICE) cannot be regarded as representative of any particular variety of South African English, because of the wide range of Englishes spoken in the country (by mother-tongue speakers, Indians, white and coloured Afrikaans speakers and the speakers of South Africa's nine indigenous languages). In addition, the article problematises theoretical concepts such as deciding what “educated” or standard English is (in a multilingual country with a very complex socio-political history), and argues that some of the text categories of ICE and other spoken corpora are inappropriate for the planned Xhosa English corpus.

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16

Gough, David H. "Xhosa beyond the textbook: an analysis of grammatical variation of selected Xhosa constructions." South African Journal of African Languages 15, no. 4 (January 1995): 156–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1995.10587073.

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17

de Klerk, Vivian. "To be Xhosa or not to be Xhosa … That is the Question." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 21, no. 3 (June 2000): 198–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434630008666401.

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18

du Plessis, J. A. "Category COMP and complementizerukubain Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 9, no. 1 (January 1989): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1989.10586771.

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19

du Plessis, J. A. "Complementizers and nouns in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 10, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1990.10586826.

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20

Brand, H. S. P., and J. C. Roux. "Devokalisasie in Xhosa: 'n herinterpretasie." South African Journal of African Languages 10, no. 3 (January 1990): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1990.10586842.

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21

Suzman, Susan M. "Kay McCormick & R. Mestrie (eds.), Post-Apartheid South Africa. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 136. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1999." Language in Society 30, no. 2 (April 2001): 265–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404501212056.

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In South Africa, the transition from an apartheid regime to a popularly elected government in 1994 made possible wide-ranging changes in power relations in every sphere of human interaction, including language. Under the new political dispensation, there are 11 official languages (listed in order of numbers of speakers): Zulu, Xhosa, Afrikaans, Tswana, North Sotho, English, South Sotho, Tsonga, Swati, Ndebele, and Venda. They replace English and Afrikaans, formerly the 2 official languages.

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22

Molate, Babalwayashe, and Carolyn McKinney. "Resisting the coloniality of language through languaging and making of a multilingual <i>ikhaya </i>in South Africa." Journal of Multilingual Theories and Practices 4, no. 2 (January 22, 2024): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmtp.26058.

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Multilingualism as a consequence of transnational mobility and migration is prominent in studies of language socialization and family multilingualism in the Global North. While mobility within and between the various regions in South Africa sustains multilingualism and aligns with the global dynamic of mobility, Indigenous multilingualism is inherently the norm. The officiation of 11 named languages positions the country as linguistically diverse. However, dominant ideologies from the coloniality of language continue to reinforce the power of colonial languages while African languages used by numerical majorities remain marginalized, especially in high-status domains such as education. In this article, we present ethnographic data from a case study of a Xhosa multilingual family traversing between their urban (township) homes and the main family homestead in a rural setting. The family includes a child who attends a suburban historically whites-only English medium school. Reflecting on the non-hierarchical use of languages within their homes, or their languaging, we show how they use their linguistic/semiotic and spatial repertoires to make family as well as to resist the hierarchical positioning of the colonial languages, English and Afrikaans, above isiXhosa (prefix isi- indicates the language of Xhosa people) at school. Informed by Siqwana-Ndulo’s (1998) challenge to the Western idea of the nuclear family, our analysis demonstrates how family is distributed across kinship ties and households. We introduce the notion of ikhaya – the isiXhosa word for both family and home (see Molate, forthcoming) – as a useful southern concept for accounting for the expansive nature of family kinship systems in African families.

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23

Barkhuizen, Gary P. "Xhosa L1 learners' perceptions of language classes mechanical mysteries." South African Journal of African Languages 21, no. 3-4 (January 2001): 333–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2001.10587483.

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24

Carstens, Vicki, and Jochen Zeller. "‘Only’ in Nguni: A Phrase-Final Particle Meets Antisymmetry Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 51, no. 2 (March 2020): 199–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00337.

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This article investigates the syntax of the phrase-final focus particles kuphela and qha ‘only’ in Zulu and Xhosa (Nguni; Bantu). We show that kuphela’s and qha’s associations with a focused constituent respect the complex topography of information structure in Nguni and, like English only, a surface c-command requirement. However, unlike English only, the Zulu and Xhosa particles typically follow the focus associate they c-command, a fact that poses a serious challenge for Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry theory. We demonstrate that the Nguni facts are incompatible with recent Linear Correspondence Axiom–inspired approaches to phrase-final particles in other languages and, after weighing the merits of several approaches, we conclude that kuphela is an adjunct and that syntax is only weakly antisymmetric: adjuncts are not subject to the LCA.

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25

Zerbian, Sabine. "Phonological phrases in Xhosa (southern Bantu)." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 37 (January 1, 2004): 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.37.2004.246.

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This paper investigates how syntax and focus interact in deriving the phonological phrasing of utterances in Xhosa, a Bantu language spoken in South Africa. Although the influence of syntax on phrasing is uncontroversial, a purely syntactic analysis cannot account for all the data reported for Xhosa by Jokweni (1995). Focus influences the phrasing in that it inserts a phonological phrase-boundary after the focused constituent. This generalization can account for the variation found in the phrasing of adverbials. The findings are dealt with in an OT-based framework following Truckenbrodt's work on Chichewa (1995, 1999) which is extended to the phrasing of adjuncts.

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26

de Klerk, Vivian. "Expressing levels of intensity in Xhosa English." English World-Wide 26, no. 1 (March 11, 2005): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.26.1.04dek.

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This article reports on patterns of adverbial usage in a 550 000-word corpus of informal spoken English collected from mother tongue (MT) Xhosa speakers for whom English is a second language. The focus is on the subset of intensifiers which accompany gradable adverbs and adjectives that allow comparison and modification (e.g. rather hard) and the benchmark used for comparison with so-called natural MT English usage is the spoken component of the International Corpus of New Zealand English (Holmes 1995; 1996). Results reveal that patterns of usage vary enormously between Xhosa English (XhE) and New Zealand English (NZE). Not only do they vary in overall frequency of use in all categories, with XhE speakers using fewer intensifiers, but the XhE speakers also draw from a smaller lexical range, which suggests a process of lexical focusing. Other characteristic patterns of intensifier usage include differences in adverbial placement as well as formulaic phrasing.

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27

Malinga, R. M. M. "Locative and comparative ku- in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 6, no. 2 (January 1986): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1986.10586656.

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28

Visser, Marianna W. "Cliticization and Case theory in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 6, no. 3 (January 1986): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1986.10586664.

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29

Roux, J. C. "Grapheme-to-phoneme conversions in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 9, no. 2 (January 1989): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1989.10586782.

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30

Neethling, S. J. "Proverbs: window on the Xhosa world?" South African Journal of African Languages 15, no. 4 (January 1995): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1995.10587078.

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31

Dowling, Tessa. "Satirical strategies in Xhosa under apartheid." South African Journal of African Languages 17, no. 2 (January 1997): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1997.10587160.

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32

Finlayson, Rosalie. "The Linguistic Implications of the Xhosa Initiation Schools." Language Matters 29, no. 1 (January 1998): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228199808566134.

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33

du Plessis, J. A. "The structure of nominal modifiers in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 5, no. 2 (January 1985): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1985.10586588.

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34

du Plessis, J. A. "Distribution of the complementizerukubain the Xhosa sentence." South African Journal of African Languages 9, no. 2 (January 1989): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1989.10586778.

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35

du Plessis, J. A., and Marianna Visser. "Co-ordination and the subjunctive in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 13, no. 3 (January 1993): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1993.10586968.

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36

de Klerk, Vivian, and Barbara Bosch. "Nicknaming among Xhosa-speaking children and adolescents." South African Journal of African Languages 17, no. 3 (January 1997): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1997.10587168.

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37

Jokweni, M. W. "Parametric phonology and boundary tonology in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 18, no. 2 (January 1998): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1998.10587184.

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38

Zapkin, Phillip. "Ubuntu Theater: Building a Human World in Yael Farber's Molora." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 136, no. 3 (May 2021): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812921000213.

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AbstractYael Farber's Molora blends themes from the Oresteia, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and Xhosa folk singing to produce an aspirational vision for an equitable postapartheid South Africa. This blending draws on ubuntu ethics—the living philosophy that holds that subjects become properly human only through their interaction with others and a commitment to making the world better—by combining these cultural forms and signs without hierarchically privileging any. Farber's revision of the plotline of the Oresteia emphasizes human community because the chorus of Xhosa women collectively introduce order and justice, as opposed to the imposition of order and justice by Athena in Aeschylus's play. The chorus protects Elektra and Orestes from violence and offers them—as well as Klytemnestra—the chance to return to a human community through forgiveness and the renunciation of violence. This is precisely ubuntu's aspiration.

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39

Dowling, Tessa. "‘Stressed and sexy’: lexical borrowing in Cape Town Xhosa." International Journal of Multilingualism 8, no. 4 (November 2011): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14790718.2011.604128.

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40

Bloom Ström, Eva-Marie. "Linguistic and Sociolinguistic Aspects of Variation in the Eastern Cape: Complexities of Xhosa Language Use." Studia Orientalia Electronica 6 (December 31, 2018): 90–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.75138.

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This paper presents the results of a micro-variation project in which linguistic diversity of the Eastern Cape of South Africa is examined. It shows that regional variation in the Xhosa dialect cluster is minimal and that many older forms and sounds that have previously been reported on are no longer in use. With a specific focus on morpho-syntactic variation, the paper gives examples from a corpus of recorded, transcribed and glossed speech collected across the Eastern Cape. It is argued that spontaneous speech is crucial in analysing morpho-syntactic variation when it is on a fine, intralinguistic level. The paper gives a detailed overview of previous publications on the dialects of the area and relates this to current findings based on the recordings. It is shown that the presumed decline in dialectal differences is not paired with a decrease in linguistic identity which is connected to separate clans and kingdoms. The dwindling use of regional variables is explained by a longstanding situation of personal mobility, standardization and schooling. This paper contributes to our understanding of the linguistic complexities of the Nguni subgroup of Bantu languages. It concludes that any experienced differences between standard Xhosa and the language spoken at home is not due to regional variation, and that their causes should be sought elsewhere.

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41

Wissing, Daan P. "Afrikaans." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 50, no. 1 (October 26, 2018): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100318000269.

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Of the official languages of South Africa, Afrikaans has the widest geographical, demographic and racial distribution (Webb 2003). According to the latest South African census of 2011 (StatsSA 2012), Afrikaans as first language is spoken by 13.5% of the country's inhabitants, only surpassed in numbers by Zulu (22.7%) and Xhosa (16%). In neighbouring Namibia, 10.4% of the population has Afrikaans as their first language. A noteworthy number of recent emigrants to United Kingdom, Australia, Europe and North America are likely to be Afrikaans speakers as well.1 A handful of elderly persons in Patagonia still speak Afrikaans; they are descendants of some 600 Afrikaans speakers who settled in Patagonia at the beginning of the 20th century (Du Toit 1995, Coetzee et al. 2018).

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42

Neethling, S. J. "Naming in Xhosa folk-tales: A literary device." South African Journal of African Languages 5, no. 3 (January 1985): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1985.10586598.

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43

du Plessis, J. A. "Some possibilities of the absolute pronoun in Xhosa." South African Journal of African Languages 5, no. 4 (January 1985): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1985.10586602.

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44

du Plessis, J. A. "Present tense in Xhosa: What does it mean?" South African Journal of African Languages 6, no. 2 (January 1986): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1986.10586654.

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45

Roux, J. C., and A. J. Holtzhausen. "An acoustic and perceptual analysis of Xhosa vowels." South African Journal of African Languages 9, no. 1 (January 1989): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1989.10586776.

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46

Mtintsilana, Priscilla N. "Polysemy, homonymy and hyponymy in Xhosa bilingual dictionaries." South African Journal of African Languages 10, no. 2 (January 1990): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1990.10586835.

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47

Mtuze, P. T. "The muted voice of the modern Xhosa poet." South African Journal of African Languages 11, no. 1 (January 1991): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1991.10586884.

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48

Neethling, S. J. "Eating forbidden fruit in a Xhosa oral narrative." South African Journal of African Languages 11, no. 3 (January 1991): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1991.10586896.

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49

Thipa, H. M. "THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN RURAL AND URBAN XHOSA VARIETIES." South African Journal of African Languages 12, sup1 (January 1992): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1992.10586950.

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Oosthuizen, G. C. "The Reverend Walther Bourquin—missionary and Xhosa linguist." South African Journal of African Languages 13, sup2 (January 1993): 26–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1993.10586988.

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