Academic literature on the topic 'Yemeni civil war'
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Journal articles on the topic "Yemeni civil war"
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Ahmed, Niaz. "YEMENI CIVIL WAR: CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES AND PROSPECTS." JDP (JURNAL DINAMIKA PEMERINTAHAN) 2, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36341/jdp.v2i2.943.
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Yemeni conflict reflects the failure of the Yemeni government to address the common needs to its citizen, the uprising of politically marginalized Houthis and the corrupt state, which bring the country into civil war. This article is an attempt to know the causes, consequences, and the role of foreign powers and also the entire situation of Yemeni civil war. Yemen is the poorest Arab country in the world. Due to the effect of the Arab Socialist Movement, Yemen’s Imamate ruling system disintegrated in 1970 and the country divided into two nations, North Yemen and South Yemen. Again in 1990 under the leadership of Ali Abdullah Saleh, both have been united into one nation. The corrupt rule of government, the unhealthy treatment of Houthi minority and the internal conflict made the country more unstable. Political transition happed in 2011 for the stabilization of the country, but it fails to bring peace and finally in 2015 Yemen faces a devastating civil war. Different attempts have been taken by the international community for normalizing the conflict, but all fail to bring peace. The country is suffering the worst humanitarian crisis. Saudi Arabia and Iran is the main player in the conflict. This qualitative study will try to highlight the different scenario of Yemen and also provide an overview of the civil conflict.
Keywords: Yemen, Houthis, Civil War, Humanitarian Crisis
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Klapprodt, Hannah. "Summer Camps and Civil War." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 12, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 44–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v12i2.514.
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This project investigates the rise of the Yemeni insurgent group, AnsarAllah (commonly known as the Huthis), from its conception in the summer camps of the Zaidi Believing Youth movement to its successful rebellion against the internationally-backed Yemeni government in September 2014. The Huthi movement gained a large following by protesting government corruption, injustice, and Saudi and American activity in Yemen. A constructivist analysis of these grievances reveals flaws in the Yemeni nation-state building process as nationalist narratives were created in opposition to Zaidism—the second most practiced branch of Islam in Yemen and a defining element of Huthi identity. Under the guise of “transitional democracy,” the Yemeni state developed as a pluralist authoritarian regime that marginalized Zaidi communities. Anti-Zaidi discourse created exclusionary categories of Yemeni identity, which were intensified by a series of hostile interactions between the state and Huthi leaders. In 2004, the state rationalized violence against the Huthis by framing them as a “national security threat” and an Iranian proxy. These discourses mobilized additional domestic and international actors against the Huthis and catalyzed a series of complex conflicts that eventually culminated in the current civil war. Overall, the Huthis’ journey from summer camps to militancy was driven by marginalization in the new Yemeni nation-state, perceived threats from Saudi Arabia and the United States, and the explosion of state violence against their dissidence.
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Almahfali, Mohammed. "Discourse of Yemeni TV broadcasters and the dilemma of regime criticism, 2015–19." Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00011_1.
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The discourse of the Yemeni TV broadcasters has undergone major changes since the Arab Spring in 2011. Moreover, since the outbreak of Civil War in 2015, this discourse has been diverse and has become a clear reflection of the contexts in which it is produced. This article analyses Yemeni media discourse by analysing the titles of news reports published on YouTube by five Yemeni TV channels belonging to five diversified discourses in terms of political, ideological, cultural and social orientation. The article adopts discourse framing as a methodological tool, with which we can address media discourse and thus reveal its social, political and cultural contexts. The article concludes that Yemeni TV broadcasters’ discourse depends on a limited number of keywords that have a cognitive and cultural balance in Yemeni society, words originally taken from cultural, religious and social backgrounds in the collective memory of Yemen. Knowing these keywords can be employed in different dimensions. While it can contribute to developing the recipient awareness, it can also help to raise the degree of professionalism in media performance in Yemen, especially in the stage of peace-building and post-war.
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Suvorov, Mikhail N. "Half-century of Sociopolitical Transformations in Yemen in Habib Saruri’s Columnist Style Novels." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 12, no. 3 (2020): 380–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2020.305.
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After the unification of North and South Yemen into a single state in 1990, some Yemeni writers tried to rethink in a literary form the country’s recent past, which was presented in the literature of the previous period in an ideologically embellished form. One of the first authors to do so was Habib Saruri, a Yemeni-born computer scientist who lives permanently in France. In his first novel, The Ruined Queen (1998), he described the life of South Yemen in the first half of the 1970s, during the period of active implementation of the theory of scientific socialism in the country. The success of the novel encouraged Saruri to continue writing, and to date he has published nine novels. In most of his works, the writer focuses on the sociopolitical transformations that Yemen has gone through over the past half-century, including the socialist experiment of the 1970–80s and the civil war of 1986 in the South, the consequences of this war for the losing side, the process of rapprochement and unification of the two parts of Yemen, the civil war of 1994 in the united Yemen and its consequences for the South, the spread of radical Islamism, the revolution of 2011 and further political chaos, the Houthis’ attempt to capture Aden in 2015, and the current military campaign of the Arab coalition against the Houthis. Saruri treats the events of Yemen’s modern history boldly and straightforwardly, in a manner characteristic of a columnist, and most of his works resemble journalism, presented in the form of a novel. This article examines the picture of the modern history of Yemen presented in six of Saruri’s novels: The Ruined Queen (1998), Damlan (2004), The Bird of Destruction (2005), Suslov’s Daughter (2014), The Grandson of Sinbad (2016), and Revelation (2018).
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Al-Otaibi, Saleh Zaid. "The impact of Arab Revolution on the security of the Arabian Gulf." Review of Economics and Political Science 5, no. 2 (September 28, 2019): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-02-2019-0022.
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Purpose This study aims to analyze the impact of Arab Revolution on the Arabian Gulf security by applying on Yemeni Revolution. This can be achieved by analyzing the threat of Arab Spring Revolutions to the national security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries after the breakout of demonstrations and protests in some of the member states. In addition to its analysis of threat of the Regional Security of the Gulf as a result of Yemeni Revolution and Civil War and Iranian intervention to support Houthis within light of regional anarchy and security competition according to the Neorealism and how the GCC Countries face such threats. Design/methodology/approach The study depended on the historical methodology to track the developments of some events related to the Gulf Security and crisis in Yemen. Moreover, it used the analytical approach to analyze the impact of Arab Revolutions and Yemeni Civil War on the Arab Gulf Security. In addition, it depended on the realistic approach to explain the security state at the national and regional level of the Arab Gulf countries within light of regional anarchy, security competition and Iranian support to Houthis “Non-State Actors” (Kenneth Waltz), as well as the offensive realism (John Mearsheimer). Findings The Arab Revolutions had an effect on the national security of GCC countries according to the Neorealism due to the breakout of demonstrations and protests in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Sultanate of Oman which reached to the degree of threatening the existence of the state as in Bahrain. The Gulf Regional Security is influenced by Revolution and Civil War in Yemen as a result of that Iranian support to Houthis within light of security competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the threat of the Arabian Gulf Security as Yemen is the southern gate to the GCC Countries and having joint borders with Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. Moreover, the GCC countries dealt with that threat individually, such as, performing internal reforms, or collectively through using military force, such as Bahrain and Yemen (Offensive Realism). Originality/value This study is an introduction to explain the Arab Spring Revolutions, conflict in Yemen and its threat to the Arab Gulf Security according to the Neorealism based on that the GCC countries sought to keep its existence and sovereignty in confrontation to the demonstrations and internal protests and to keep the regional security in confrontation to the threats of neighboring countries such as the Civil War in Yemen and the Iranian Support to Houthis in light of the regional anarchy.
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Ferris, Jesse. "Soviet Support for Egypt's Intervention in Yemen, 1962–1963." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.5.
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Drawing on documents and memoirs in Russian and Arabic, this article tells the unknown story of Soviet-Egyptian cooperation in the early phases of the Yemeni Civil War, a war that broke out while much of the world's attention was focused on the Cuban missile crisis and the war between India and Pakistan. Egypt's fateful decision to intervene in the conflict was dependent on substantial Soviet backing, which strengthened the relationship between the USSR and Gamal Abdel Nasser's government in Egypt. In response to a plea from Nasser, Nikita Khrushchev authorized the military transport branch of the Soviet Air Force to embark on a clandestine airlift operation ferrying Egyptian troops into Yemen to shore up the new government there.
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Bishku, Michael B. "The Kennedy Administration, The U.N. and the Yemeni Civil War." Middle East Policy 1, no. 4 (November 1992): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.1992.tb00050.x.
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Orkaby, Asher. "The Yemeni Civil War: The Final British–Egyptian Imperial Battleground." Middle Eastern Studies 51, no. 2 (September 26, 2014): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2014.942647.
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Dahmas, Sabrinaji, Zhongfu Li, and Mahmood Ahmad. "Evaluation of Implementation Preparation for CE based on BEACON model —Taking Construction Enterprises in Yemen as a Case of Illustration." Frontiers Research of Architecture and Engineering 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30564/frae.v3i1.1723.
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After decades of civil war, Yemen is in a desperate situation, and the construction industry has been suffering from low productivity and poor performance. In order to improve the productivity for the Yemeni construction industry, Construction enterprises must adopt the best and new technologies, new management concepts and philosophies such as Total Quality Management (TQM) and concurrent engineering (CE) owing to achieve improvements in the process of product development. To ensure the successful implementation of CE in the Yemeni construction industry, it is necessary to assess the readiness of those companies to implement CE. In this paper, the BEACON model is used to assess the readiness of the Yemeni companies to implement the concept of CE, that assist in overcoming the construction industry's poor productivity and performance. A study assessing CE implementation readiness will help to promote successful CE implementation in the construction industry and enhance the efficiency of construction companies. The results show that most of the construction companies in the Yemen are not ready to implement CE. The main reason is that the enterprises rely heavily on traditional management methods, and need to improve the organization and management technology. The research results can provide theoretical support for construction companies, especially Yemen companies, to establish basis in implementing an appropriate CE approach for improving performance, and also help international construction companies entering the Yemen construction market to cooperate and implement CE.
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Palik, Júlia. "Civil war theory testing: How greed, horizontal inequalities, and institutions explain the Yemeni civil war between 2004 and 2009?" Köz-gazdaság 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2019.01.16.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Yemeni civil war"
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Orkaby, Asher Aviad. "The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11420.
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The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al-Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana'a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic. A desperate appeal by Yemeni republicans brought the first Egyptian troops to Yemen. Saudi Arabia, pressured by Egyptian troops, border tribal considerations and earlier treaties with the Yemeni Imamate, supported the Imam's royalist opposition. The battleground between Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser and al-Badr was transformed into an arena for international conflict and diplomacy. The UN mission to Yemen, while portrayed as a symbol of failed and underfunded global peacekeeping at the time, was in fact instrumental in establishing the basis for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Bruce Condé, an American philatelist, brought global attention to the royalist-republican struggle to control the Yemeni postal system. The last remnants of the British Middle East Empire fought with Nasser to maintain a mutually declining level of influence in the region. Israeli intelligence and air force aided royalist forces and served witness to the Egyptian use of chemical weapons, a factor that would impact decision-making prior to the 1967 War. Despite concurrent Cold War tensions, Americans and Soviets appeared on the same side of the Yemeni conflict and acted mutually to confine Nasser to the borders of South Arabia. This internationalized conflict was a pivotal event in Middle East history as it oversaw the formation of a modern Yemeni state, the fall of Egyptian and British regional influence, another Arab-Israeli war, Saudi dominance of the Arabian Peninsula, and shifting power alliances in the Middle East.
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Moalim, Bostio Abdulahi. "Handling an epidemic during humanitarian crisis in a civil war - The case Yemen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-427899.
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Yemen is amid in three threats at the moment, during a civil war with a pandemic hitting them during a humanitarian crisis. The aim of this work was to understand how has the civil war in Yemen shaped and impacted their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response. A literature review was used in this study which helped to analyze the work. As a theoretical framework, it was used Michael E. Brown’s concept of Causes and dimensions of internal actors and Mary Kaldor’s concept of New Wars, which helped to outline and analyze the elements of this conflict and what effects internal and external Actors have in the conflict. Mason and Rychard´s conflict mapping tools were used as a method. Also, the inter-agency framework helped to analyze the structural causes and key actors in the conflict. These all helped answer the research question, how has the civil war in Yemen affected their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response? One of the important points that this conflict in Yemen tells us is the importance of local humanitarian workers when the conflict actors deny access to the areas. Without them, the work of international aid workers would be almost impossible, as the war continued around. The two humanitarian actors benefit from each other and this brings joint benefit to the Yemeni civilians. The main findings are as the war prolongs for a long time and externals actors intervene in it, followed by a humanitarian crisis affecting innocent civilians. Such a country will then be vulnerable to various pandemics. This has happened in the conflict in Yemen, as the situation is terrible and the COVID-19 pandemic disaster is coming to light there. One can state as a conclusion of the study that further research on the effect of COVID-19 could be helpful for the future to understand the real catastrophic effects this absurd conflict has brought.
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Shattock, Alexander Harry. "The legal limits of intervention by invitation of government in civil wars." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/288826.
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It has become widely accepted that if a state sends troops into another state following a government request, it will not breach the prohibition on the use of force set out in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. This is known as "intervention by invitation." However, it is clearly open to abuse, especially when invoked as a legal justification for intervening in a civil war, allowing allies of ineffective governments to help suppress genuine popular revolts. Thus, many 20th century writers argued that intervention by invitation in civil wars was not lawful, on the basis that it would necessarily breach the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. Several 21st century writers have maintained this position. This thesis will challenge those claims. Its focus will be on the legal limits on intervening in a civil war: the key question being what circumstances, if any, preclude a state from responding to a government invitation to intervene in a civil war. Part I will set out the key doctrinal issues and the scope of the research question, including the definition of a civil war. In contrast to previous studies of intervention by invitation, it will critique the alleged prohibition on intervention in civil wars by analysing its two constituent elements, self-determination and non-intervention, from a historical and theoretical perspective, concluding that neither principle is sufficiently clear in definition or application to support a general prohibition on intervention by invitation. Part II will analyse recent state practice on intervention by invitation, in order to determine whether it is an evolving norm in light of new developments such as the global war on terror and the apparent decline of the effective control doctrine. It will also consider potential limits to intervention by invitation in civil wars in the absence of a general prohibition, such as loss of government status, coercion and the ways in which an invitation can be communicated, and the extent to which these limitations have been challenged or confirmed by recent state practice.
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Mubarez, Abdeldayem M. "Foreign policy making in the Yemen Arab Republic civil war period : a study of four major decisions." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1407/.
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This study examines the way in which certain foreign policy decisions were made in the latter stages of the Republican-Royalist war of the 1960s. It seeks to explain how decisions were made, under what circumstances, who the decision-makers were, and what the influences were, internal as well as external, which bore on the foreign policy making of the Yemeni Republic. In addressing these questions four major decisions are analysed. These are: 1. The rejection of the Khartoum Agreement on Yemen concluded by the Egyptian President Djamal Abd al-Nasir and King Faysal of Saudi Arabia on 31 August, 1967; 2. The recognition of the independence of the People's Republic of South Yemen on 30 November, 1967; 3. The resumption of diplomatic relations with the Federal Republic of Germany on 15 July, 1969; 4. The acceptance of the proposed reconciliation agreement with Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni Royalists on 31 March, 1970. These decisions were all made in the second half of the war, beginning at a time when Egyptian influence in Yemen had receded and a more autonomous YAR policy was emerging. These decisions were made by different elites, in response to various stimuli, and under divergent settings and could thus be taken as representative of YAR decision-making in this period. This investigation confirms that in Yemen, as with other third world countries, the decision-making process was dominated by personalities, and in particular by the two heads of state, Marshal Abdallah al- Sallal and Kadi Abd al-Rahman al-Iryani. However, contrary to the assumption of the primacy in the decision-making process of the personal predispositions of the principal decision-makers, especially in stress situations, the personal predisposition of the two heads of the Yemeni Republic were largely subordinated to the supreme objective of the regime defined in terms of the survival of the Republican system. External factors helped to shape the decision-making process. The YAR, as a poor-resource developing state, had insufficient capacity to either defend itself against the Royalist military threat or achieve other less vital objectives such as economic development. For these, it had to rely on external assistance and as a result, other states, especially the UAR and USSR in the pre-1968 era, became important in the decision-making calculus. In another aspect, the Royalist threat dictated the need for solidarity within the YAR governing elite and facilitated the adoption of decisions on the crucial issue of security by consensus. Similarity of views and the existence of shared values among the post-November 5, 1967 government, ensured the perpetuation of this pattern of decision-making with respect to almost all issues. One of the objectives of the study is to contribute to analysing comparative foreign policy decision-making, and some conclusions are related to propositions pertaining to decision-making in third world countries. However, other conclusions show that, in the Yemeni situation, the existing theories have only limited applicability.
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Settembrini, Maria Maddalena. "The proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia: The case of the Yemeni Civil War." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18837.
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The conventional understanding of the term Proxy War or War by Proxy was defined during the Cold War period as a confrontation between two great powers using substitute actors to avoid a direct confrontation (Bar-Siman-Tov 1984). Focusing on the Middle East region, it is widely acknowledged that Iran and Saudi Arabia are involved in a long-term animosity that causes a strategic imbalance in regional policies. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 catapulted these two States into bitter rivalry. The fall of Saddam Hussein, the establishment of a Shiite Iraq and the Arab Springs of 2011, have increased the tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Both countries have not a direct military confront yet, but they have undoubtedly divided the region into two armed camps, based on political and religious ideologies, seeking regional allies and continuing the exploitation of the weakest countries in the region in a series of proxy wars, from the conflicts in Iraq to the war in Syria and the recent Yemeni conflict. This thesis will analyse the current Saudi-Iranian rivalry and how it affects the Civil War in Yemen. The relevance in analyzing this conflict derives from the situation of oblivion in which it finds itself in the international debate, which may already be considered the worst humanitarian crisis of the last decade.O entendimento convencional do termo Guerra Proxy ou Guerra por Proxy foi definido durante o período da Guerra Fria como um confronto entre duas grandes potências usando atores substitutos para evitar um confronto direto (Bar-Siman-Tov, 1984). Com foco na região do Oriente Médio, é amplamente reconhecido que o Irã e a Arábia Saudita estão envolvidos em uma animosidade de longo prazo que causa um desequilíbrio estratégico nas políticas regionais. A Revolução Iraniana de 1979 catapultou estes dois estados em uma rivalidade amarga. Com a queda de Saddam Hussein, o estabelecimento de um Iraque xiita e as Primaveras Árabes de 2011 aumentaram as tensões entre a Arábia Saudita e o Irã. Ambos os países não têm enfrentado militarmente, mas certamente dividiram a região em dois campos armados, com base em ideologias políticas e religiosas, buscando aliados regionais e continuando a exploração dos países mais fracos da região em uma série de guerras por procuração, os conflitos no Iraque, a guerra na Síria e o recente conflito iemenita. Esta tese vai analisar a atual rivalidade Arábia-iraniana e como isso afeta a guerra civil no Iémen. A relevância em analisar esse conflito deriva da situação de esquecimento em que se encontra no debate internacional, que já pode ser considerada a pior crise humanitária da última década.
Books on the topic "Yemeni civil war"
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Bryce, Loidolt, and Wells Madeleine, eds. Regime and periphery in Northern Yemen: The Huthi phenomenon. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2010.
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Salmoni, Barak A. Regime and periphery in Northern Yemen: The Huthi phenomenon. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2010.
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Simpson, Gerry J. Invisible civilians: The challenge of humanitarian access in Yemen's forgotten war. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2008.
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Orkaby, Asher. The Siege of Sana’a and the End of the Yemen Civil War. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0011.
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As Egyptian troops withdrew from Yemen in November 1967, Imam al-Badr’s royalist armies descended upon Sana’a to overthrow the republic. The subsequent seventy-day siege served as a defining moment for Yemen. The heroic efforts of Hassan al-‘Amri and timely Soviet airlifts helped defend the capital city and create the revolutionary ethos that defined the Yemeni republic for the next six decades. The lifting of the siege in February 1968 was the first step toward a gradual Yemeni-led cessation of hostilities. In the aftermath of the siege, international attention dissipated as quickly as it had arrived six years earlier, having transformed Yemen from an isolated imamate into a modern nation-state.
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Orkaby, Asher. Beyond the Arab Cold War. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.001.0001.
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Beyond the Arab Cold War brings the Yemen Civil War (1962–68) to the forefront of modern Middle East history, in a comprehensive account that features multilingual and multinational archives and oral histories. Throughout six years of major conflict Yemen sat at the crossroads of regional and international conflict as dozens of countries, international organizations, and individuals intervened in the local South Arabian civil war. Yemen was a showcase for a new era of UN and Red Cross peacekeeping, clandestine activity, Egypt’s counterinsurgency, and one of the first large-scale uses of poison gas since World War I. Events in Yemen were not dominated by a single power, nor were they sole products of US-Soviet or Saudi-Egyptian Arab Cold War rivalry. Rather, during the 1960s Yemen was transformed into an arena of global conflict whose ensuing chaos tore down the walls of centuries of religious rule and isolation and laid the groundwork for the next half century of Yemeni history. The end of the Yemen Civil War marked the end of both Egyptian President Nasser’s Arab nationalist colonial expansion and the British Empire in the Middle East, two of the most dominant regional forces. The legacy of the eventual northern tribal defeat and the compromised establishment of a weak and decentralized republic are at the core of modern-day conflicts in South Arabia.
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Orkaby, Asher. Recognizing the New Republic. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0003.
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The deposed Yemeni Imam Muhammad al-Badr escaped the shelling of his palace in September 1962 and fled north to gather loyal tribal militias. By the time al-Badr’s escape was revealed to the public, two months after the initial assault on Sana’a, most of the world had already recognized the new republic, under the assumption that al-Badr was dead. Egypt and the Soviet Union, which had both developed a close alliance with al-Badr before 1962, were compelled to recognize the republic or risk losing their political, economic, and strategic investments in Yemen. What emerged at the end of 1962 was a civil war between an Imam and his loyal tribesmen and a weak republic supported by Egypt and the Soviet Union.
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Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror. Blackstone Audio Inc., 2007.
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Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror. Blackstone Audio Inc., 2007.
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Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror, Library Edition. Blackstone Audiobooks, 2007.
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Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror. Blackstone Audiobooks, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Yemeni civil war"
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Nonneman, Gerd. "The Yemen Republic: From Unification and Liberalization to Civil War and Beyond." In The Middle East in the New World Order, 61–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25455-2_4.
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Rezk, Dina. "Civil War in Yemen." In The Arab World and Western Intelligence. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748698912.003.0006.
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In September 1962, a group of army officers led by Colonel Abdullah al Sallal overthrew the Hamid’Ud’Din royal family in Yemen. The coup provided just the occasion for Nasser to re-establish his credibility abroad as the vanguard of Arab revolution. Nasser immediately sent Egyptian troops to bolster the republican revolutionaries led by Sallal. They began a guerrilla war against royalist forces loyal to the deposed Imamate which was propped up by Saudi Arabia and the British. The Yemeni conflict quickly became a proxy war between these rival interests, causing a rift in the Anglo-American alliance and symbolising the division between ‘traditional’ dynasties against the ‘progressive’ republics in the Arab world. Analysts recognised that Nasser had no blueprint or master plan for revolution in Yemen and that he had underestimated the commitment the conflict would entail. Bound by his ‘face’ as the leader of Arab revolution, he was compelled to maintain support for the republicans despite the unassailable stalemate that ensued. Nevertheless, Nasser’s determination to capitalise on the protracted British withdrawal from Aden led to a revival of widespread hostility towards the nationalist.
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Hiro, Dilip. "Multi-front Cold War between Riyadh and Tehran." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 275–312. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0013.
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When rebel Houthis, followers of Zaidi Shia code, captured Sanaa in September 2014, and expelled Yemen’s Sunni President Abd Rabbu al Hadi, alarm bells rang in Riyadh. Deputy Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman led a coalition of friendly states to intervene in the Yemeni civil war in March 2015. This ignited protest by the Shias in Saudi Arabia. Their indignation intensified when, ignoring international appeals for clemency, the Saudi government executed their revered Ayatollah Nimr al Nimr in January 2016. This led to the severance of diplomatic ties between Riyadh and Tehran. In Iraq, whereas Iran dispatched its trained Shia volunteers to fight Islamic Sate in Syria and Iraq (ISIS), Riyadh lent four jet fighters to the Pentagon in Washington’s anti-ISIS campaign. When Riyadh backed Syrian opposition with cash and weapons, Russian President Vladimir Putin sent air force units to Syria, and shored up Assad’s depleted arms arsenal. With Assad’s recapture of Eastern Aleppo, an opposition stronghold, in December 2016, Iran established superiority over Riyadh in Syria. In July 2015, Iran and six major world powers signed an accord on Tehran’s denuclearization program, titled Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). It won universal approval except by Saudi Arabia and Israel.
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Anderson, George. "Yemen’s Failed Constitutional Transition." In Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions, 312–29. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836544.003.0017.
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This chapter examines why Yemen’s constitutional transition during the period 2011–15 failed. In 2011 a popular uprising forced Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to resign. Neighboring Arab countries soon got involved in steering the constitutional process, which included a National Dialogue to address the design of a new constitution. The dialogue recommended a new federal regime, but failed to resolve the critical issue of the number and boundaries of states. The document presented in January 2015 by the Constitutional Drafting Committee tasked to draft a new constitution was deeply flawed and became the trigger for civil war. The chapter first considers the context leading up to the National Dialogue before discussing the outcomes of the constitutional process and three lessons that can be drawn from it: the role and design of sub-national governance arrangements; political legitimacy and process in a constitutional transition; and a more integrated approach to transitions.
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Hiro, Dilip. "Conclusions." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 351–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0015.
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After Islamic revolutionary movement’s success in overthrowing Iran’s secular Pahlavi dynasty in 1979, Saudi royals felt that full cooperation between their theocratic kingdom and the Islamic Republic would follow. This was not to be. The basic differences between a republic and a monarchy were compounded by the two nations’ contradictory relations with America. The US, the ultimate protector of Saudi Arabia, was decried as the Great Satan by Khomeini. A détente between the two states, forged in 1994, fell apart in 2002. In the renewed rivalry, Riyadh tried to gain an upper hand by stressing Iran as a country of Shias, a minority sect in Islam. Tehran made gains by default in the aftermath of Washington’s disastrous invasion of Iraq in 2003, and as a result of the Riyadh-led diplomatic and commercial blockade of Qatar in 2017. Its strategic alliance with Syria, ruled by an Alawi president, remained intact. In the Yemeni civil war between Iran-backed Houthi rebels, occupying the capital, and the government of Riyadh-based President al Hadi, the conflict remained unresolved. Bin Salman failed to secure the expulsion of the pro-Iranian Hizbollah ministers from Lebanon’s national unity government. Overall, Tehran enjoyed superiority over Riyadh in the Middle East.
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"Comparative Evidence from Chad and Yemen." In Quagmire in Civil War, 176–208. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108762465.006.
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Ahram, Ariel I. "Southern Yemen." In Break all the Borders, 95–120. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917371.003.0004.
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Chapter 4 looks at the Southern Movement (SM) in Yemen. As in Libya, the Southern Movement took advantage of the ouster of a dictatorship and the crumbling of an already weak central government. The Yemen civil war, which erupted as Houthi forces from the north stormed Sana’a, gave the SM a new opportunity to take control in the south. The SM claimed the once-independent South Yemen as its direct forebear. There was disagreement within the SM about whether to seek outright secession or accept federalist devolution. Various factions within the SM vied for control over Yemen’s oil deposits and ports. The SM tried to win international support, particularly from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, claiming that it could be a force for stability.
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Hall, Bogumila. "Yemen's Failed Transition." In Social Movements and Civil War, 104–35. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315403106-5.
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Travis, Donald S. "Civil-Military Relations Post-9/11." In Landpower in the Long War, 61–82. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177571.003.0005.
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Post-9/11 civil-military challenges associated with sustained military operations against assorted enemies in Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, and other regions around the world are examined through the Clausewitzian concept known as the "paradoxical trinity" of the people, the military establishment, and the civilian government. As America's wars are conducted by a consortium of land forces that General Peter Schoomaker once characterized as a "new strategic triad" composed of the Army and Marines with Special Operations Forces (SOF), the Clausewitzian framework is employed to help reassess three interrelated lessons drawn from the Vietnam War: the legality of war, the use of advanced weapons and their associated strategies, and the persistent debates over how best to employ military power focused on conventional versus unconventional forces' roles, missions, and tactics. Potential futures of landpower and civil-military relations are identified and discussed to challenge current political and military policies and stimulate further inquiry.
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Ferris, Jesse. "The Road to War." In Nasser's Gamble. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691155142.003.0002.
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This chapter outlines the course of events from Syria's decision to secede from the United Arab Republic in September 1961 to Egypt's decision to intervene in the incipient civil war in Yemen exactly one year later. Sparked by humiliation at the Syrian secession, the intervention was the culmination of a decade of support for revolutionary movements on the Arabian Peninsula, which ultimately aimed at toppling the Saudi monarchy. The hastily made decision to send military forces to San‘ā’ was taken under the cloud of a power struggle within the Nasser regime, which carried serious consequences for military preparedness in June 1967.