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1
Bryce, Loidolt, and Wells Madeleine, eds. Regime and periphery in Northern Yemen: The Huthi phenomenon. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2010.
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2
Salmoni, Barak A. Regime and periphery in Northern Yemen: The Huthi phenomenon. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2010.
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3
Simpson, Gerry J. Invisible civilians: The challenge of humanitarian access in Yemen's forgotten war. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2008.
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4
Orkaby, Asher. The Siege of Sana’a and the End of the Yemen Civil War. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0011.
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As Egyptian troops withdrew from Yemen in November 1967, Imam al-Badr’s royalist armies descended upon Sana’a to overthrow the republic. The subsequent seventy-day siege served as a defining moment for Yemen. The heroic efforts of Hassan al-‘Amri and timely Soviet airlifts helped defend the capital city and create the revolutionary ethos that defined the Yemeni republic for the next six decades. The lifting of the siege in February 1968 was the first step toward a gradual Yemeni-led cessation of hostilities. In the aftermath of the siege, international attention dissipated as quickly as it had arrived six years earlier, having transformed Yemen from an isolated imamate into a modern nation-state.
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Orkaby, Asher. Beyond the Arab Cold War. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.001.0001.
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Beyond the Arab Cold War brings the Yemen Civil War (1962–68) to the forefront of modern Middle East history, in a comprehensive account that features multilingual and multinational archives and oral histories. Throughout six years of major conflict Yemen sat at the crossroads of regional and international conflict as dozens of countries, international organizations, and individuals intervened in the local South Arabian civil war. Yemen was a showcase for a new era of UN and Red Cross peacekeeping, clandestine activity, Egypt’s counterinsurgency, and one of the first large-scale uses of poison gas since World War I. Events in Yemen were not dominated by a single power, nor were they sole products of US-Soviet or Saudi-Egyptian Arab Cold War rivalry. Rather, during the 1960s Yemen was transformed into an arena of global conflict whose ensuing chaos tore down the walls of centuries of religious rule and isolation and laid the groundwork for the next half century of Yemeni history. The end of the Yemen Civil War marked the end of both Egyptian President Nasser’s Arab nationalist colonial expansion and the British Empire in the Middle East, two of the most dominant regional forces. The legacy of the eventual northern tribal defeat and the compromised establishment of a weak and decentralized republic are at the core of modern-day conflicts in South Arabia.
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Orkaby, Asher. Recognizing the New Republic. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0003.
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The deposed Yemeni Imam Muhammad al-Badr escaped the shelling of his palace in September 1962 and fled north to gather loyal tribal militias. By the time al-Badr’s escape was revealed to the public, two months after the initial assault on Sana’a, most of the world had already recognized the new republic, under the assumption that al-Badr was dead. Egypt and the Soviet Union, which had both developed a close alliance with al-Badr before 1962, were compelled to recognize the republic or risk losing their political, economic, and strategic investments in Yemen. What emerged at the end of 1962 was a civil war between an Imam and his loyal tribesmen and a weak republic supported by Egypt and the Soviet Union.
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Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror. Blackstone Audio Inc., 2007.
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Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror. Blackstone Audio Inc., 2007.
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9
Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror, Library Edition. Blackstone Audiobooks, 2007.
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Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror. Blackstone Audiobooks, 2007.
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11
Temple-Raston, Dina. The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror, Library Edition. Blackstone Audiobooks, 2007.
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12
The Jihad Next Door: The Lackawanna Six and Rough Justice in an Age of Terror. PublicAffairs, 2007.
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13
Hiro, Dilip. Cold War in the Islamic World. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.001.0001.
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For four decades Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have vied for influence in the Muslim world. At the heart of this ongoing Cold War between Riyadh and Tehran lie the Sunni-Shia divide, and the two countries’ diverse histories, socio-economic compositions, and claims to exceptionalism. Saudis present their rivalry with Iran stemming from conflict between Sunnis and Shias. But, according to Iran's ruling clerics, their republic is founded on Islamic precepts whereas Saudis’ dynastic rule lacks legitimacy in Islam. This foundational schism has played out in a geopolitical competition for dominance in the region and beyond: Iran has acquired influence in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon, while Saudi Arabia's hyperactive crown prince, Muhammad bin Salman, has intervened in the Yemeni civil war against the Tehran-backed Houthis, and tried to destabilize Lebanon and isolate neighboring Qatar.. In his lucid narrative, peppered with penetrating analysis, Dilip Hiro examines the toxic rivalry between the two nations, tracing its roots to the eighteen-century Arabia, and examines whether the current Cold War in the Islamic world is likely to end in the near future.
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Orkaby, Asher. Epilogue: Echoes of a Civil War. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0012.
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The war in Yemen that began in 2014 between northern tribes and the exiled republic is the bookend to six decades of conflict that began in 1962. The Houthi northern tribal alliance is a modern reincarnation of the royalists who had supported Imam al-Badr during the 1960s. The Houthis see themselves as rectifying the unjust political settlements left over from the Yemen Civil War. The current conflict reached a turning point with a tribal conquest of Sana’a, reminiscent of 1968, aimed at overthrowing the post-revolutionary generation of urban leadership and its republican government in decline. In a demonstration of history repeating itself, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the ICRC, the UN, and large groups of mercenaries returned to Yemen for another round of unwinnable interventions that closely resemble the original conflict.
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Orkaby, Asher. Beyond Paradigms. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0001.
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September 26, 1962, marked the end of a thousand-year religious dynasty in Yemen. Muhammad al-Badr, the last ruling imam, was overthrown and replaced by a weak republic. Over the next six years, Yemen was dominated by a civil war between al-Badr’s royalists and the supporters of the new republic. The conflict in Yemen did not conform to the ideological divides of either the Global Cold War, between the United States and the USSR, or the Arab Cold War, between Saudi-led Arab monarchies and Egypt-led Arab nationalists. Rather, the chaos of the Yemen Civil War opened the doors of this previously isolated country to a combination of international organizations, clandestine operations, and visionary individuals who transformed Yemen into an arena for global conflict.
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Orkaby, Asher. Local Hostilities and International Diplomacy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0004.
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During the early months of the civil war, Yemen’s mountainous terrain was a particular challenge for the Egyptian army, which was equipped for desert warfare. By the beginning of 1963, Nasser had begun to employ a counterinsurgency strategy against royalist tribal armies that relied on Egypt’s overwhelming advantage in artillery and air power. Between 1963 and 1964, Egypt launched the Ramadan and Haradh offensives in an attempt to conquer northern territories, cut off royalist supply lines from Saudi Arabia, and create a buffer zone protecting the republic’s “strategic triangle” of Sana’a, Ta’iz and Hodeidah, Yemen’s three largest cities. Each Egyptian offensive was followed by internationally orchestrated diplomatic overtures that collectively failed as a consequence of royalist counterattacks that reversed Egyptian territorial successes and placed constraints on Nasser’s bargaining power in Yemen.
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Yemen endures: Civil war, Saudi adventurism and the future of Arabia. Oxford University Press, 2017.
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18
Orkaby, Asher. Beyond the Arab Cold War: The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-68. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2020.
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19
Beyond the Arab Cold war: The international history of the Yemen civil war, 1962-68. 2017.
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20
Brandt, Marieke. Tribes and Politics in Yemen. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673598.001.0001.
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Tribes and Politics in Yemen tells the story of the Houthi conflict in Sa’dah Province, Yemen, as seen through the eyes of the local tribes. The Houthi conflict, which erupted in 2004, is often defined through the lenses of either the Iranian-Saudi proxy war or the Sunni–Shia divide. Yet, as experienced by locals, the Houthi conflict is much more deeply rooted in the recent history of Sa’dah Province and northern Yemen. Its origins must be sought in the political, economic, social and sectarian transformations since the 1960s civil war and their repercussions on the local society, which is dominated by tribal norms. From the civil war to the Houthi conflict these transformations involve the same individuals, families and groups, and are driven by the same struggles over resources, prerogatives, and power. This book is based on years of anthropological fieldwork both on the ground and through digital anthropological approaches. It offers an intimate view of the local complexities of the Houthi conflict and its historical background. By doing so, it underscores the absolute imperative of understanding the highly local, personal, and non-ideological nature of internal conflict in Yemen.
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Orkaby, Asher. The Anglo-Egyptian Rivalry in Yemen. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0008.
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The Yemen Civil War brought about the end of the British Empire and represented the final stage of an Anglo-Egyptian rivalry that had begun with Lord Palmerston’s 1839 conquest of Aden and the struggle against Muhammad Ali’s Egyptian army. Post-WWII British foreign policy had, until the end of the 1960s, been strongly influenced by the Conservative Suez Group, later renamed the Aden Group, which wasvehemently anti-Nasser. Members of the Aden Group established a mercenary organization to aid the royalist guerrilla war against Egypt, while Nasser supported anti-British nationalist groups in South Yemen during the 1960s. This clandestine war helped bring about the mutual defeat and withdrawal of British and Egyptian imperial designs in Yemen.
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Orkaby, Asher. The UN Yemen Observer Mission (UNYOM). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0005.
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In 1963, the “shuttle diplomacy” efforts of Ellsworth Bunker and Ralph Bunche between Riyadh, Cairo, and Sana’a led to an agreement for the withdrawal of Egyptian and Saudi intervention in the Yemen Civil War. The UN Yemen Observer Mission, which ran from 1963 to 1964, was given the responsibility to oversee this withdrawal. Contemporary and historic perceptions of UNYOM have been tainted by a clash of personalities between the mission leader, Carl von Horn, who embodied the old European leadership of the UN, and Secretary General U Thant, who represented the new Asia-Africa bloc in the UN. UNYOM has been portrayed as the first failure in a new era of “tin-cup peacekeeping” that could scarcely feed and supply UN personnel. The reality, gleaned from interviews in addition to newly available UN and Canadian archives, is starkly different. The mission was in fact a success, limited only by the global conflict that overshadowed UNYOM.
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Orkaby, Asher. The Impact of Individuals. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0010.
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No single foreign or domestic power was able to exercise control over events in Yemen, which created an opportunity for many to have a lasting presence in South Arabia. Three individuals, in particular, made inroads in Yemen that impacted the course of the civil war and the future of the country: Bruce Condé, an eclectic American philatelist, became postmaster general of Imam al-Badr’s tribal areas and singlehandedly brought tribal nonstate actors a level of international legitimacy. André Rochat brought the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to Yemen for the first time and played an important role in royalist healthcare and the adoption of Geneva Conventions in Yemen. Dr. James Young led a group of Southern Baptist missionaries in founding a modern Western hospital in the rural village of Jibla, amidst one of the most religiously conservative societies in the world.
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Jones, Clive. Britain and the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1965: Ministers, Mercenaries and Mandarins: Foreign Policy and the Limits of Covert Action. Sussex Academic Press, 2004.
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25
Luca, Ferro, and Ruys Tom. Part 3 The Post 9/11-Era (2001–), 65 The Saudi-led Military Intervention in Yemen’s Civil War—2015. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198784357.003.0065.
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This chapter addresses the intervention in Yemen’s civil war launched by Saudi Arabia on 26 March 2015. The intervention was supported by Gulf Cooperation Council and other Arab countries, and received technical and logistical support from the United States and the United Kingdom. After retracing the origin and development of the internal conflict, the contribution provides an overview of the legal positions of its main protagonists and the reaction (or lack thereof) by other States. Closer scrutiny of the operation’s legality nonetheless reveals that the self-defence justification, which is primarily relied upon, does not provide a convincing legal basis. Moreover, the intervention is problematical from the perspective of the intervention by invitation doctrine and exposes its indeterminacy and proneness to abuse. As a result, the authors argue in the final section that if the concept of ‘counter-intervention’ (as a possible exception to the prohibition on intervention during civil war) is to be more than an empty shell, it should be subject to a proportionality test.
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Brandt, Marieke. Elite Transformations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673598.003.0003.
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This chapter reconstructs the twisted evolution of the republican order in northernmost Yemen. It traces the research area’s profound socio-political and economic transformations since the beginning of the 1962 revolution and civil war that led to the overthrow of the Zaydi imamate, and describes the transition from the imamic kingdom into the republican order. Incomplete state building, underdevelopment, and the political and economic empowerment of certain influential tribal leaders (shaykhs) through the politics of co-optation and patronage resulted in severe political and economic imbalances which prepared the ground for growing dissatisfaction among the area’s average population.
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Ozavci, Ozan. Dangerous Gifts. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852964.001.0001.
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From Napoleon Bonaparte’s invasion of Egypt in 1798 to the foreign interventions in the ongoing civil wars in Syria, Yemen, and Libya today, global empires or the so-called Great Powers have long assumed the responsibility of bringing security to the Middle East. The past two centuries have witnessed their numerous military occupations to ‘liberate’, ‘secure’, and ‘educate’ local populations. Consulting fresh primary sources collected from some thirty archives in the Middle East, Russia, the United States, and Western Europe, Dangerous Gifts revisits the late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century origins of these imperial security practices. It questions how it all began. Why did Great Power interventions in the Ottoman Levant tend to result in further turmoil and civil wars? Why has the region been embroiled in a paradox—an ever-increasing demand for security despite the increasing supply—ever since? It embeds this highly pertinent genealogical history into an innovative and captivating narrative around the Eastern Question, freeing the latter from the monopoly of Great Power politics, and also foregrounding the experience and agency of the Levantine actors: the gradual yet still forceful opening up of the latter’s economies to global free trade, the asymmetrical implementation of international law from their perspective, and the secondary importance attached to their threat perceptions in a world where political and economic decisions were ultimately made through the filter of global imperial interests.
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Ahram, Ariel I. Break all the Borders. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917371.001.0001.
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Since 2011, civil wars and state failure have beset the Arab world, underlying the perceived misalignment between national borders and identity in the region. This book is about the separatist movements that aim to remake those borders—the Southern Movement in Yemen, the federalists in eastern Libya, Kurdish nationalists in Syria and Iraq, and the Islamic State (IS). These movements took advantage of state breakdown to seize territory and set up states-within-states. They ran schools, hospitals, and court systems. Their militias provided security to those whom the state had failed. Separatists drew inspiration from the ideals of self-determination that emerged after World War I during the brief “Wilsonian moment.” They built off the historical legacies of prior state-building projects that had failed to gain recognition. New international norms, such as responsibility to protect, offered them hope to correct mistakes of the past. Separatists reached out to the international community for acknowledgement and support. Some served as crucial allies in the campaign against terrorism. Yet the United States and the rest of the international community refused to grant them the recognition they sought. This book shows how understanding the separatist movements’ efforts to break borders in their own terms can help illuminate avenues toward a more stable regional order in the Arab world.
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Gelvin, James L. The New Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190653996.001.0001.
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Since Muhammad Bouazizi set himself on fire in Tunisia on December 17, 2010, galvanizing the Arab uprisings that continue today, the entire Middle East landscape has changed in ways that were unimaginable years before. In spite of the early hype about a so-called "Arab Spring" and the prominence observers gave to calls for the downfall of regimes and an end to their abuses, most of the protests and uprisings born of Bouazizi's self-immolation have had disastrous results across the whole Middle East. While the old powers reasserted their control with violence in Egypt and Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria have virtually ceased to exist as states, torn apart by civil wars. In other states, namely Morocco and Algeria, the forces of reaction were able to maintain their hold on power, while in the "hybrid democracies" of Lebanon, Palestine, and Iraq, protests against government inefficiency, corruption, and arrogance have done little to bring about the sort of changes protesters have demanded. Simultaneously, ISIS, along with other jihadi groups (al-Qaeda, al-Qaeda affiliates, Ansar al-Shariahs, etc.) has thrived in an environment marked by state breakdown. This book explains these changes, outlining the social, political, and economic contours of what some have termed "the new Middle East." One of the leading scholars of modern Middle Eastern history, James L. Gelvin lucidly distills the political and economic reasons behind the dramatic news arriving each day from Syria and the rest of the Middle East. He shows how and why bad governance, stagnant economies, poor healthcare, climate change, population growth, refugee crises, food and water insecurity, and war increasingly threaten human security in the region.
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Sriram, Chandra, ed. Transitional Justice in the Middle East and North Africa. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190628567.001.0001.
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The social and political uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, designated the “Arab Spring” because the most visible ruptures appeared in the spring of 2011, drew global attention not only because they presented broad-based political protest against regimes which were long- entrenched, whether authoritarian or monarchical. They were landmark events because they led to the removal of several heads of state, and prompted discussions of institutional reform. Notably, they also entailed a broad range of human rights claims, both those related to abuses by prior regimes of civil and political rights and bodily integrity, but also of socio-economic rights. In short, they not only put transitional justice on the political agenda in a region of the world where it was seldom discussed (despite limited experiments in Morocco), but also put forward a broader view of transitional justice than that which has traditionally been implemented. However, many of these transitions have since stalled, leaving transitional justice similarly stalled, stunted, or manipulated for political ends. These phenomena are not unique to the MENA region, but rather experiences from elsewhere with limited or frozen transition may be informative to the region. The chapters in this volume, written largely by experts in the region, draw upon pre- and post-Arab Spring use of transitional justice mechanisms in a range of countries, including Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Libya, Morocco, and Bahrain.