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Journal articles on the topic 'Yemeni civil war'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 September 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Ahmed, Niaz. "YEMENI CIVIL WAR: CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES AND PROSPECTS." JDP (JURNAL DINAMIKA PEMERINTAHAN) 2, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36341/jdp.v2i2.943.

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Yemeni conflict reflects the failure of the Yemeni government to address the common needs to its citizen, the uprising of politically marginalized Houthis and the corrupt state, which bring the country into civil war. This article is an attempt to know the causes, consequences, and the role of foreign powers and also the entire situation of Yemeni civil war. Yemen is the poorest Arab country in the world. Due to the effect of the Arab Socialist Movement, Yemen’s Imamate ruling system disintegrated in 1970 and the country divided into two nations, North Yemen and South Yemen. Again in 1990 under the leadership of Ali Abdullah Saleh, both have been united into one nation. The corrupt rule of government, the unhealthy treatment of Houthi minority and the internal conflict made the country more unstable. Political transition happed in 2011 for the stabilization of the country, but it fails to bring peace and finally in 2015 Yemen faces a devastating civil war. Different attempts have been taken by the international community for normalizing the conflict, but all fail to bring peace. The country is suffering the worst humanitarian crisis. Saudi Arabia and Iran is the main player in the conflict. This qualitative study will try to highlight the different scenario of Yemen and also provide an overview of the civil conflict. Keywords: Yemen, Houthis, Civil War, Humanitarian Crisis

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Klapprodt, Hannah. "Summer Camps and Civil War." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 12, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 44–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v12i2.514.

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This project investigates the rise of the Yemeni insurgent group, AnsarAllah (commonly known as the Huthis), from its conception in the summer camps of the Zaidi Believing Youth movement to its successful rebellion against the internationally-backed Yemeni government in September 2014. The Huthi movement gained a large following by protesting government corruption, injustice, and Saudi and American activity in Yemen. A constructivist analysis of these grievances reveals flaws in the Yemeni nation-state building process as nationalist narratives were created in opposition to Zaidism—the second most practiced branch of Islam in Yemen and a defining element of Huthi identity. Under the guise of “transitional democracy,” the Yemeni state developed as a pluralist authoritarian regime that marginalized Zaidi communities. Anti-Zaidi discourse created exclusionary categories of Yemeni identity, which were intensified by a series of hostile interactions between the state and Huthi leaders. In 2004, the state rationalized violence against the Huthis by framing them as a “national security threat” and an Iranian proxy. These discourses mobilized additional domestic and international actors against the Huthis and catalyzed a series of complex conflicts that eventually culminated in the current civil war. Overall, the Huthis’ journey from summer camps to militancy was driven by marginalization in the new Yemeni nation-state, perceived threats from Saudi Arabia and the United States, and the explosion of state violence against their dissidence.

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Almahfali, Mohammed. "Discourse of Yemeni TV broadcasters and the dilemma of regime criticism, 2015–19." Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00011_1.

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The discourse of the Yemeni TV broadcasters has undergone major changes since the Arab Spring in 2011. Moreover, since the outbreak of Civil War in 2015, this discourse has been diverse and has become a clear reflection of the contexts in which it is produced. This article analyses Yemeni media discourse by analysing the titles of news reports published on YouTube by five Yemeni TV channels belonging to five diversified discourses in terms of political, ideological, cultural and social orientation. The article adopts discourse framing as a methodological tool, with which we can address media discourse and thus reveal its social, political and cultural contexts. The article concludes that Yemeni TV broadcasters’ discourse depends on a limited number of keywords that have a cognitive and cultural balance in Yemeni society, words originally taken from cultural, religious and social backgrounds in the collective memory of Yemen. Knowing these keywords can be employed in different dimensions. While it can contribute to developing the recipient awareness, it can also help to raise the degree of professionalism in media performance in Yemen, especially in the stage of peace-building and post-war.

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Suvorov, Mikhail N. "Half-century of Sociopolitical Transformations in Yemen in Habib Saruri’s Columnist Style Novels." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 12, no. 3 (2020): 380–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2020.305.

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After the unification of North and South Yemen into a single state in 1990, some Yemeni writers tried to rethink in a literary form the country’s recent past, which was presented in the literature of the previous period in an ideologically embellished form. One of the first authors to do so was Habib Saruri, a Yemeni-born computer scientist who lives permanently in France. In his first novel, The Ruined Queen (1998), he described the life of South Yemen in the first half of the 1970s, during the period of active implementation of the theory of scientific socialism in the country. The success of the novel encouraged Saruri to continue writing, and to date he has published nine novels. In most of his works, the writer focuses on the sociopolitical transformations that Yemen has gone through over the past half-century, including the socialist experiment of the 1970–80s and the civil war of 1986 in the South, the consequences of this war for the losing side, the process of rapprochement and unification of the two parts of Yemen, the civil war of 1994 in the united Yemen and its consequences for the South, the spread of radical Islamism, the revolution of 2011 and further political chaos, the Houthis’ attempt to capture Aden in 2015, and the current military campaign of the Arab coalition against the Houthis. Saruri treats the events of Yemen’s modern history boldly and straightforwardly, in a manner characteristic of a columnist, and most of his works resemble journalism, presented in the form of a novel. This article examines the picture of the modern history of Yemen presented in six of Saruri’s novels: The Ruined Queen (1998), Damlan (2004), The Bird of Destruction (2005), Suslov’s Daughter (2014), The Grandson of Sinbad (2016), and Revelation (2018).

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Al-Otaibi, Saleh Zaid. "The impact of Arab Revolution on the security of the Arabian Gulf." Review of Economics and Political Science 5, no. 2 (September 28, 2019): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-02-2019-0022.

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Purpose This study aims to analyze the impact of Arab Revolution on the Arabian Gulf security by applying on Yemeni Revolution. This can be achieved by analyzing the threat of Arab Spring Revolutions to the national security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries after the breakout of demonstrations and protests in some of the member states. In addition to its analysis of threat of the Regional Security of the Gulf as a result of Yemeni Revolution and Civil War and Iranian intervention to support Houthis within light of regional anarchy and security competition according to the Neorealism and how the GCC Countries face such threats. Design/methodology/approach The study depended on the historical methodology to track the developments of some events related to the Gulf Security and crisis in Yemen. Moreover, it used the analytical approach to analyze the impact of Arab Revolutions and Yemeni Civil War on the Arab Gulf Security. In addition, it depended on the realistic approach to explain the security state at the national and regional level of the Arab Gulf countries within light of regional anarchy, security competition and Iranian support to Houthis “Non-State Actors” (Kenneth Waltz), as well as the offensive realism (John Mearsheimer). Findings The Arab Revolutions had an effect on the national security of GCC countries according to the Neorealism due to the breakout of demonstrations and protests in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Sultanate of Oman which reached to the degree of threatening the existence of the state as in Bahrain. The Gulf Regional Security is influenced by Revolution and Civil War in Yemen as a result of that Iranian support to Houthis within light of security competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the threat of the Arabian Gulf Security as Yemen is the southern gate to the GCC Countries and having joint borders with Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. Moreover, the GCC countries dealt with that threat individually, such as, performing internal reforms, or collectively through using military force, such as Bahrain and Yemen (Offensive Realism). Originality/value This study is an introduction to explain the Arab Spring Revolutions, conflict in Yemen and its threat to the Arab Gulf Security according to the Neorealism based on that the GCC countries sought to keep its existence and sovereignty in confrontation to the demonstrations and internal protests and to keep the regional security in confrontation to the threats of neighboring countries such as the Civil War in Yemen and the Iranian Support to Houthis in light of the regional anarchy.

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6

Ferris, Jesse. "Soviet Support for Egypt's Intervention in Yemen, 1962–1963." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.5.

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Drawing on documents and memoirs in Russian and Arabic, this article tells the unknown story of Soviet-Egyptian cooperation in the early phases of the Yemeni Civil War, a war that broke out while much of the world's attention was focused on the Cuban missile crisis and the war between India and Pakistan. Egypt's fateful decision to intervene in the conflict was dependent on substantial Soviet backing, which strengthened the relationship between the USSR and Gamal Abdel Nasser's government in Egypt. In response to a plea from Nasser, Nikita Khrushchev authorized the military transport branch of the Soviet Air Force to embark on a clandestine airlift operation ferrying Egyptian troops into Yemen to shore up the new government there.

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Bishku, Michael B. "The Kennedy Administration, The U.N. and the Yemeni Civil War." Middle East Policy 1, no. 4 (November 1992): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.1992.tb00050.x.

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Orkaby, Asher. "The Yemeni Civil War: The Final British–Egyptian Imperial Battleground." Middle Eastern Studies 51, no. 2 (September 26, 2014): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2014.942647.

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9

Dahmas, Sabrinaji, Zhongfu Li, and Mahmood Ahmad. "Evaluation of Implementation Preparation for CE based on BEACON model —Taking Construction Enterprises in Yemen as a Case of Illustration." Frontiers Research of Architecture and Engineering 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30564/frae.v3i1.1723.

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After decades of civil war, Yemen is in a desperate situation, and the construction industry has been suffering from low productivity and poor performance. In order to improve the productivity for the Yemeni construction industry, Construction enterprises must adopt the best and new technologies, new management concepts and philosophies such as Total Quality Management (TQM) and concurrent engineering (CE) owing to achieve improvements in the process of product development. To ensure the successful implementation of CE in the Yemeni construction industry, it is necessary to assess the readiness of those companies to implement CE. In this paper, the BEACON model is used to assess the readiness of the Yemeni companies to implement the concept of CE, that assist in overcoming the construction industry's poor productivity and performance. A study assessing CE implementation readiness will help to promote successful CE implementation in the construction industry and enhance the efficiency of construction companies. The results show that most of the construction companies in the Yemen are not ready to implement CE. The main reason is that the enterprises rely heavily on traditional management methods, and need to improve the organization and management technology. The research results can provide theoretical support for construction companies, especially Yemen companies, to establish basis in implementing an appropriate CE approach for improving performance, and also help international construction companies entering the Yemen construction market to cooperate and implement CE.

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10

Palik, Júlia. "Civil war theory testing: How greed, horizontal inequalities, and institutions explain the Yemeni civil war between 2004 and 2009?" Köz-gazdaság 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2019.01.16.

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11

Ramani, Samuel. "Deterrence through Diplomacy: Oman's Dialogue Facilitation Initiatives during the Yemeni Civil War." Middle East Journal 75, no. 2 (July 14, 2021): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.2.15.

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In contrast to other states in the Gulf Cooperation Council, Oman has declined to participate in the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen and has opted to facilitate dialogue between the conflict's warring parties. Oman has embraced a strategy of diplomatic deterrence in Yemen, facilitating dialogue to counter the perceived threats that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates pose to its foreign policy independence. The article explores how the Sultanate's diplomatic deterrence strategy manifests at the local, regional, and international levels, building on English- and Arabic-language source material and interviews.

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Bustamante, Jon Robin F. "No Cause, No Concern: U.S. Media’s Downplaying of the Yemeni Civil War." Asian Politics & Policy 12, no. 2 (April 2020): 258–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12526.

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Khan, Muhammad, and Zakir Ullah. "The Yemen Armed Conflict in the Perspective of International Humanitarian Law." Global Legal Studies Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2020(v-ii).02.

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Since the Arab Spring, Yemen became the center of worst humanitarian crisis in modern history. This paper investigates the fundamental causes of the current conflict in Yemen and also explicates the legal dimension of International humanitarian law. Political marginalization, social disenfranchisement, economic collapse, the failure of the Yemeni government to address and resolve the socioeconomic frustration of ordinary citizens and corrupt leaders are few reasons which led to the brutal civil war in Yemen. This systematic failure of government and intervention of regional players for their dominance and ascendency created political uprising, violence, and institutional collapse. Thousands of civilians have died, millions of people had been displaced and millions are on the brink of starvation. Several solutions were proposed by introducing the federal system, decentralization of state's power, improving basic infrastructure, negotiations with Houthis but none of these reforms implemented properly. This paper also scrutinized the intervention of regional actors in this ferocious conflict and how regional and international actors violated International Humanitarian law.

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De Souza, Laetícia R. "Correlates of child undernutrition in Yemen." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 4, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-017-0040-y.

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Malnutrition is part of a vicious cycle involving biological and social aspects. Some factors are directly associated with malnutrition, such as inadequate dietary intake and incidence of disease, while others (socio-economic in nature) are more distant but no less important. This paper aims at identifying the main correlates of stunting among Yemeni children through a logistic regression model. The results are based on the fourth round of the National Social Protection Monitoring Survey conducted in 2013; which makes this study a baseline assessment of Yemeni child undernutrition before the ongoing civil war. Primarily addressing the most significant factors associated with stunting in Yemen is urgent especially if one considers the country’s constant public budget shortages. There are significant differences—in prevalence of child stunting— between regions of residence that could be reduced by putting in place local policies aimed at increasing population access to adequate water and good hygiene practices. The Social Welfare Fund (SWF) programme is also important since this benefit is the only source of income for some families. However, if corruption, regional and civil conflict continues, improvements in the SWF will probably not matter. Such interventions, together with policies for changing attitudes towards women’s education, would also help to promote proper child feeding practices. Likewise, cultural aspects can explain the aetiology of children’s poor growth. Examples include feeding taboos that influence early initiation and duration of breastfeeding. With so many steps to be taken to prevent child malnutrition, it cannot remain an invisible problem.

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Ferro, Luca. "Western Gunrunners, (Middle-)Eastern Casualties: Unlawfully Trading Arms with States Engulfed in Yemeni Civil War?" Journal of Conflict and Security Law 24, no. 3 (2019): 503–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krz021.

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Abstract According to the United Nations Secretary-General, Yemen today constitutes the worst man-made humanitarian crisis in the world. It is fuelled by extensive third-state involvement, with none of the warring parties championing respect for international human rights and humanitarian law (to put it mildly). Conversely, primary rules of international law already prohibit arms transfers from the moment there is a significant risk that they could be used to commit or facilitate grave breaches, with the recipient’s past and present record of respect for international law qualifying as the crucial factor to predict future transgressions. From that perspective, it appears deeply disingenuous for western states to continue transferring military equipment to members of the multilateral coalition in Yemen while maintaining adherence to the international legal framework. This article thus aims to examine whether the legal framework lives up to its noble goals or rather serves to defend state decisions that primarily serve their economic interests. It is structured as follows: Section 1 starts with an overview of the facts, and the focus and aim of this article. Section 2 then sets out the international legal framework as it applies to the trade in conventional arms with states that are involved in a non-international armed conflict. Section 3 analyses key domestic judgments (in the UK, Canada, Belgium and France) to test the available facts against the legal framework as elaborated. Finally, Section 4 concludes.

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Serebrov, S. N. "REWIEW OF: RAIMAN AL-HAMDANI AND HELEN LACKNER. WAR AND PIECES: POLITICAL DIVIDES IN SOUTHERN YEMEN (JANUARY 2020)." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (11) (2020): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-1-303-316.

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A 30-page article written by Raiman al-Hamdani and Helen Lackner titled “War and Pieces: Political Divides in Southern Yemen” appeared among publications of the influential think-tank — European Council on Foreign Relations in January, 2020. It is certainly a noticeable pivlication in the research studies of the five-year old war in Yemen. R. al-Hamdani is a researcher and consultant focusing on issues of security and development in the Middle East and North Africa. Dr. Helen Lackner is an expert of the European Council for Foreign Relations and research associate at SOAS University of London. She is the editor of the Journal of the British-Yemeni Society and a regular contributor to Open Democracy, Arab Digest, and Oxford Analytica. Her most recent book is ‘Yemen in Crisis: Autocracy, Neo-Liberalism and the Disintegration of a State’ (published by Saqi Books in 2017; by Verso in 2019; and in Arabic in 2020). The reviewed article reveal the hidden sides of the conflict by offering different angle of approach — the southern part of Yemen completely lacking the “houthi factor”, which used to monopolize the bulk of attention in writings on this topic since the war began in March, 2015. The military clashes within Arab coalition between its Saudi and Emirati wings in the South in August, 2019 brought to surface the deep antagonism among coalition’s Yemeni ‘friends’, represented by the Internationally Recognized Government of President A. M. Hadi (IRG) from the one side, and Southern Transitional Council (STC) supported by UAE, from the other. The resulted withdrawal of IRG structures from the temporary capital Aden turned the regime to the merely “exile government” located in Riyadh. The blow put the whole concept of KSA-led military intervention in Yemen in a rather fragile position. It’s dedication to the myth of civil war between IRG and houthi rebels representing the shi`a minority of the country was seriously compromised. The profound knowledge of the real country’s complicity and authors’ great professional experience helped them to reach the very roots of southern separatism and factualism, the core of “southern question” which they actually see as the real focal point of the crises and conflict in Yemen. The same phenomena laid the foundation for the further geopolitical moves of KSA and UAE towards South disintegration. Recent Saudi attempt to cure the devastating result of the August rivalry between IRG and STC by signing the Riyadh agreement on November 5th, 2019 is considered by the authors as nearly void. Therefore the article calls EU states and international community to change policies and enforce proactive role in both narrowing warfare and launching the carefully designed state and nation building programs aiming to keep Yemen united. The review attempts to evaluate the main arguments of this important article in a critical way while sharing the overall direction and goals to reach soonest solution to that largest manmade hotbed of humanitarian catastrophe on the planet.

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Shaddad, Mohammed Ahmed Qasem, Ahmad Hidayat Buang, and Abdul Azeez Maruf Olayemi. "PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN ARMED CONFLICTS: A REVIEW OF THE YEMENI CIVIL WAR FROM SHARIAH AND LEGAL PERSPECTIVES." JOURNAL OF SHARIAH LAW RESEARCH 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jslr.vol2no1.3.

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Daniels, John Spencer, Ibrahim Albakry, Ramat Oyebunmi Braimah, Mohammed Ismail Samara, Rabea Arafa Albalasi, and Saleh Mana Mohammed Al Rayshan. "Damage control surgery (DCS) in the management of maxillofacial bomb blast patients during the Yemen civil conflict. Neighboring Level 1 trauma hospital experience." Craniomaxillofacial Trauma & Reconstruction Open 6 (January 1, 2021): 247275122110383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/24727512211038331.

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Study design: Application of Damage Control Surgery (DCS) in Oral and maxillofacial surgery is still evolving, therefore, the current study hopes to share our experience in the management of bomb blast patients. Objectives: The objectives of the current study is to share our experience in the management of maxillofacial bomb blast injuries emphasizing on DCS. Methods: This was a retrospective study of combatant Yemeni war patients who were transported across the border from Yemen and treated in Najran, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia from December 2015 to December 2019. Information such as etiology of injury, age, zone of injury and mechanisms of bomb blast associated injuries, treatment protocol and complications. The treatment protocols adopted include; DCS in which exploration to control soft tissue bleeding was done and when bone bleeding could not be controlled, immediate reduction and osteosynthesis of bone fractures was carried out. Early Definitive Surgery (EDS) was done in patients that were hemodynamically stable with open reduction and internal fixation (ORIF) of all facial bone fractures. Closed reduction and fixation were done with the use of arch bars while in conservative approach, patients were placed only on soft diet. Data was stored and analyzed using IBM SPSS Statistics for IOS Version 25 (Armonk, NY: IBM Corp). Results: A total of 235 (57.6%) patients sustained bomb blast injuries from the 408 war casualties. Other patients (42.4%) sustained other types of injuries. All the patients were males. Their ages ranged from 21 to 53 years with mean (SD) at 27.3 (5.6) years. DCS was carried out in a large proportion of the patients totaling 78 (33.2%) patients, while EDS was carried out in 58 (24.7%) hemodynamically stable patients. ORIF was the main treatment modality for the fractures in 136 (57.9%) of the patients. Conclusion: The result of the study showed a large proportion of the patients were managed with DCS. DCS should be seen as a strategy in stabilizing the patients before definitive surgery is performed.

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Humaini, Humaini. "KONFLIK SUNNI-SYIAH DI TIMUR TENGAH PERSPEKTIF GEOPOLITIK DAN DAMPAKNYA TERHADAP HUBUNGAN SUNNI-SYIAH DI INDONESIA." Jurnal CMES 12, no. 2 (December 12, 2019): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.12.2.37890.

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<p>Since the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, Sunni sentiments with Shia have been redistributed everywhere. Even though the Sunni-Shia sentiment is not the main source of conflict but political geography, which is related to borders and natural resources. Because, the Middle East is located in a strategic area so that it becomes a very important region in the global political map. Conflicts that are inseparable from Sunni-Shia sentiments in the Middle East include: Shiite Sunni conflict in the Gulf War, attacks on the commemoration of Ashura (Karbala Massacre), Shiite Sunni conflicts in Syria and Lebanon, and Shia Sunni conflicts in the Yemeni Civil War. This conflict has a huge impact on Shia Sunni relations in Indonesia. The impact of the conflict was the occurrence of Sunni Shia conflict in Indonesia, which included: the attack on the Shia Islamic Boarding School, the dissolution of the commemoration of the Ashura tradition, the dissolution of the anniversary of Fatimah Az-Zahra, the ban on the Rausyan Fikr Foundation in Yogyakarta, and the attack on the Shia community in Madura. This paper attempts to examine the impact of the Shia Sunni conflict from a Geopolitical perspective and the impact of the conflict on Sunni- Shia relations in Indonesia.</p>

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Antoncheva, O. A., and T. E. Apanasenko. "Content Analysis as a Way to Identify the Geopolitical Orientation of Subjects of International Relations (Using the Example of the Civil War in Yemen)." Administrative Consulting, no. 8 (September 30, 2020): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-8-36-44.

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Any subject of international relations is a potential ally of one of the superpowers. Sometimes traditional analysis does not allow to understand which one. Then a content analysis of the press language can come to the aid of traditional analysis. The language of the press is considered as an expression of collective consciousness, and its features — as an expression of collective unconscious. Collective consciousness and collective unconscious belong to a certain social group. This approach is based on the Marxist, Durkheim and Habermas traditions. A certain media may focus on national interest, or may not, as it may express social group values incompatible with that orientation. If a media that focuses on national interests sympathizes with a subject of international relations, such a subject is a potential ally of the country to which the media belongs, and vice versa. Whether the media sympathizes with a certain subject of international relations is revealed using content analysis.In this study, the Yemeni movement Ansar Alla (Houthis) was chosen as a subject of international relations with an ambiguous geopolitical orientation, the newspaper “Izvestia” which focus on the national interests and the newspaper “Gazeta.ru” which does not focus on the national interests was chosen as a mass media. Using content analysis, it was concluded that “Izvestia” sympathizes with Houthis, and “Gazeta.ru” treats the Houthis negatively. On the basis of the assumption that the language of the press expresses the true interests of the social group, it was concluded that the Houthis are a potential ally of Russia.

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Harpring, Russell, Amin Maghsoudi, Christian Fikar, Wojciech D. Piotrowicz, and Graham Heaslip. "An analysis of compounding factors of epidemics in complex emergencies: a system dynamics approach." Journal of Humanitarian Logistics and Supply Chain Management 11, no. 2 (March 2, 2021): 198–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhlscm-07-2020-0063.

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PurposeThis study aims to describe the compounding factors in a complex emergency, which exacerbate a cholera epidemic among vulnerable populations due to supply chain disruptions. Basic needs such as food, medicine, water, sanitation and hygiene commodities are critical to reduce the incidence rate of cholera and control the spread of infection. Conflicts cause damage to infrastructure, displace vulnerable populations and restrict the flow of goods from both commercial and humanitarian organizations. This study assesses the underlying internal and external factors that either aggravate or mitigate the risk of a cholera outbreak in such settings, using Yemen as a case study.Design/methodology/approachThis study adopts a system dynamics methodology to analyze factors that influence cholera outbreaks in the context of the Yemeni Civil War. A causal loop diagram with multiple components was constructed to represent the complexities of humanitarian situations that require critical decision-making. The model was built using data from humanitarian organizations, non-governmental organizations and practitioners, along with literature from academic sources. Variables in the model were confirmed through semi-structured interviews with a field expert.FindingsCompounding factors that influenced the cholera outbreak in Yemen are visualized in a causal loop diagram, which can improve the understanding of relationships where numerous uncertainties exist. A strong link exists between humanitarian response and the level of infrastructure development in a country. Supply chains are affected by constraints deriving from the Yemeni conflict, further inhibiting the use of infrastructure, which limits access to basic goods and services. Aligning long-term development objectives with short-term humanitarian response efforts can create more flexible modes of assistance to prevent and control future outbreaks.Research limitations/implicationsThe model focuses on the qualitative aspects of system dynamics to visualize the logistics and supply chain-related constraints that impact cholera prevention, treatment and control through humanitarian interventions. The resulting causal loop diagram is bounded by the Yemen context; thus, an extension of the model adapted for other contexts is recommended for further study.Practical implicationsThis study presents a systematic view of dynamic factors existing in complex emergencies that have cause-and-effect relationships. Several models of cholera outbreaks have been used in previous studies, primarily focusing on the modes and mechanisms of transmission throughout a population. However, such models typically do not include other internal and external factors that influence the population and context at the site of an outbreak. This model incorporates those factors from a logistics perspective to address the distribution of in-kind goods and cash and voucher assistance.Social implicationsThis study has been aligned with six of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), using their associated targets in the model as variables that influence the cholera incidence rate. Recognizing that the SDGs are interlinked, as are the dynamic factors in complex humanitarian emergencies, the authors have chosen to take an interdisciplinary approach to consider social, economic and environmental factors that may be impacted by this research.Originality/valueThis paper provides an insight into the underlying inter-relations of internal and external factors present in the context of a cholera outbreak in a complex crisis. Supply chains for food; water, sanitation and hygiene; and health products are crucial to help prevent, control and treat an outbreak. The model exposes vulnerabilities in the supply chain, which may offer guidance for decision makers to improve resilience, reduce disruptions and decrease the severity of cholera outbreaks.

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Yadav, Stacey Philbrick. "Fragmentation, Disintegration, and Resurgence: Assessing the Islamist Field in Yemen." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 1 (April 24, 2020): 14–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201004.

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The well-developed literature on Islamist politics has tended to focus on partisan and welfare institutions within the context of existing states. Civil war raises important questions about whether and how the relevance of such institutions changes when the state itself fragments. This article seeks to understand Islamism in Yemen as a kind of post-organizational political field. At a theoretical scale, Yemen’s civil war and the transformation of the country’s Islamist politics offers lessons about the fixity of categorical distinctions within and across forms of Islamist activity. This article works to map dynamics of fragmentation within pre-war Islamist organizations, the disintegration of authority among Islamist leaders in the context of war, and the effect of each of these processes on the resurgence and partial transformation of particular Islamist claims. The field, as an analytic approach less firmly tied to the state itself, allows for a consideration of Islamist politics as articulated locally but shaped as well by transnational engagement with ideas and institutions.

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Edwards, Aaron. "Yemen: Civil War and Humanitarian Catastrophe." Political Insight 10, no. 2 (May 17, 2019): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2041905819854310.

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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. "Yemen: Civil War or Transnational Crime?" Critical Criminology 27, no. 3 (September 2019): 503–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-019-09472-6.

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Alghazali, KhairAlah A., Boon-Teong Teoh, Shih-Keng Loong, Sing-Sin Sam, Nurul-Asma-Anati Che-Mat-Seri, Nur-Izyan Samsudin, Che-Norainon Yaacob, et al. "Dengue Outbreak during Ongoing Civil War, Taiz, Yemen." Emerging Infectious Diseases 25, no. 7 (July 2019): 1397–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid2507.180046.

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Elayah, Moosa, and Willemijn Verkoren. "Civil society during war: the case of Yemen." Peacebuilding 8, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 476–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2019.1686797.

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Petouris, Thanos. "Uzi Rabi. Yemen: Revolution, Civil War and Unification." Asian Affairs 48, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 372–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2017.1313611.

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Kfir, Isaac. "Yemen: Revolution, Civil War and Unification By Uzi Rabi." Journal of Islamic Studies 28, no. 3 (June 29, 2017): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etx050.

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Lackner, Helen. "Yemen, Revolution, Civil War and Unification, by Uzi Rabi." Middle Eastern Studies 52, no. 3 (March 30, 2016): 564–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1155258.

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Aljabali, Ahmed. "The effect of Yemen civil war on eye services." MedPulse International Journal of Ophthalmology 16, no. 3 (2020): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26611/10091632.

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Kostenko, Y. I. "ISRAEL'S INTERFERENCE IN YEMEN’S CIVIL WAR, 1964-1966." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 03, no. 03 (September 30, 2019): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2019-03-03-19-26.

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Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. "Yemen endures: civil war, Saudi adventurism and the future of Arabia." International Affairs 94, no. 4 (July 1, 2018): 950–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy113.

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Watkins, Eric. "Beyond the Arab Cold War: the international history of the Yemen civil war, 1962–68." International Affairs 94, no. 3 (May 1, 2018): 683–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy042.

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Shelby, Alexander. "Beyond the Arab Cold War: The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962–68." History: Reviews of New Books 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2019.1543515.

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Elayah, Moosa, Lau Schulpen, Luuk van Kempen, Ahamad Almaweri, Blikis AbuOsba, and Bakeel Alzandani. "National dialogues as an interruption of civil war – the case of Yemen." Peacebuilding 8, no. 1 (October 2, 2018): 98–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2018.1517964.

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Droz-Vincent, Philippe. "From Fighting Formal Wars to Maintaining Civil Peace?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000535.

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In the 2011 wave of popular uprisings shaking authoritarian rule in the Middle East, mass societal mobilizations have been the crucial factor. But institutional actors, especially armies, are also playing an active role. Armies in the region have generally had less and less involvement in formal interstate wars and consequently have played more of a role, willingly or not, in underpinning regimes. Recent events demonstrate two patterns: armies that have refused to play this role (Egypt, Tunisia) and armies that have been willing, at least for some time, to answer the regimes’ requests to engage in repression (Bahrain, Yemen, Syria) or even civil war (Libya). How can we account for the military's growing role in civil strife or civil peace?

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Heydemann, Steven. "Civil War, Economic Governance & State Reconstruction in the Arab Middle East." Daedalus 147, no. 1 (January 2018): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00473.

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Civil wars currently underway in Libya, Syria, and Yemen demonstrate that patterns of economic governance during violent conflict exhibit significant continuity with prewar practices, raising important questions along three lines. First, violent conflict may disrupt prewar practices less than is often assumed. Second, continuity in governance highlights the limits of state fragility frameworks for postconflict reconstruction that view violent conflict as creating space for institutional reform. Third, continuity of prewar governance practices has important implications for the relationship between sovereignty, governance, and conflict resolution. Civil wars in the Middle East have not created conditions conducive to reconceptualizing sovereignty or decoupling sovereignty and governance. Rather, parties to conflict compete to capture and monopolize the benefits that flow from international recognition. Under these conditions, civil wars in the Middle East will not yield easily to negotiated solutions. Moreover, to the extent that wartime economic orders reflect deeply institutionalized norms and practices, postconflict conditions will limit possibilities for interventions defined in terms of overcoming state fragility.

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조상현 and 이동식. "Historical Newlight of Yemen civil war and Meaning to Unification for Korean peninsula." Journal of Military History Studies ll, no. 132 (December 2011): 221–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17934/jmhs..132.201112.221.

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Sohlman, Eva. "Yemen Fractures on the Brink of Civil War as Al-Qaeda Gains Ground." American Foreign Policy Interests 33, no. 5 (September 2011): 236–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2011.620517.

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Jerrett, Martin. "Ginny Hill. Yemen Endures: Civil War, Saudi Adventurism and the Future of Arabia." Asian Affairs 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2018.1416019.

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Jones, Clive. "‘Among ministers, mavericks and mandarins’: Britain, covert action and the Yemen civil war." Middle Eastern Studies 40, no. 1 (January 2004): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200412331301917.

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Fain, W. Taylor. "Asher Orkaby. Beyond the Arab Cold War: The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962–68." American Historical Review 123, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 1437–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy178.

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Orkaby, Asher. "The North Yemen civil war and the failure of the Federation of South Arabia." Middle Eastern Studies 53, no. 1 (November 22, 2016): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198330.

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Spencer, James. "Yemen endures – civil war, Saudi adventurism and the future of Arabia, by Ginny Hill." Middle Eastern Studies 54, no. 6 (March 6, 2018): 1033–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1443268.

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Heller Pérache, André, Crystal van Leeuwen, and Chiara Fall. "The politics of exclusion: fighting for patients with Kidney failure in Yemen’s War." Journal of Public Health 42, no. 3 (December 13, 2019): e311-e315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pubmed/fdz133.

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Abstract Background To contribute toward the dialogue on addressing non-communicable and chronic disease in humanitarian emergencies, this article will explore the experiences of Médecins Sans Frontières in attempting to find support for the haemodialysis network in Yemen. With the changing profile of the global disease burden and a broadening concept of emergency health needs to include chronic illness and disability, the aid sector has committed through the World Humanitarian Summit and the Sustainable Development Goals to leave no one behind and thus to meet the health needs of these previously excluded and highly vulnerable people. The civil war in Yemen compromised the medical supply chain supporting the health facilities providing dialysis for patients with end-stage renal disease. The article will critique the aid sector’s slow response to this issue and expose the gap between principles, commitments, and practice related to noncommunicable disease in emergencies. Method Following direct experiences from the authors as leaders in the aid response in Yemen, reviews of grey literature from aid and health actors in Yemen were conducted along with a review of literature and policy documents related to noncommunicable disease in emergency. Key informant interviews and press statements supported analysis and events that took place in the time span of roughly 4 years that frames this period of analysis. Results Examination of the impacted patient population, interviews, literature and documented events indicates that there is discord between policy, commitments stated by aid donors and practice. Conclusion The aid sector must use a more contextualised approach when designing programmes to manage the burden of non-communicable diseases in health contexts where crises occur, particularly for lifesaving forms of therapy. Aid agencies and the global health community must increase pressure on donors and implementing agencies to live up to their commitments to include these patient populations.

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Ullah, Zakir. "Deconstructing Yemen's Civil War: Competing Interests of Regional Actors and Prospects for Peace." Strategy International Journal of Middle East Research 2, no. 2 (May 15, 2020): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29329/ijmer.2020.245.7.

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Hashim, Hashim Talib, Adriana Viola Miranda, Maryam Salma Babar, Mohammad Yasir Essar, Hasham Hussain, Shoaib Ahmad, Saema Tazyeen, et al. "Yemen’s triple emergency: Food crisis amid a civil war and COVID-19 pandemic." Public Health in Practice 2 (November 2021): 100082. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.puhip.2021.100082.

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Cormac, Rory. "Coordinating Covert Action: The Case of the Yemen Civil War and the South Arabian Insurgency." Journal of Strategic Studies 36, no. 5 (April 3, 2012): 692–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2011.651534.

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Mohammed Al-Subari, Saleh Musaed, Mohammad Saleem, Sitaram Khadka, Nagd Mohammed Ahmed Mahmood, Talal M. Ziad Alhouzani, and Dhan Bahadur Shrestha. "COVID-19 Pandemic in Yemen." Journal of Karnali Academy of Health Sciences 3, no. 2 (September 22, 2020): 159–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jkahs.v3i2.31383.

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COVID-19, a global pandemic, has threatened the whole world with its devastating nature. Though, initially it has affected the developed countries, the countries in low- and middle-income category also are not spared. Yemen is a country with low-income economy and has been in an ongoing civil war. The first case of COVID-19 was reported on 10th April 2020 and there have been a total of 1619 cases along with 447 total deaths as of 21st July 2020. The preventive measures such as lockdown, social distancing, and personal hygiene are practiced, however there is still lack of adequate resources for efficient healthcare facilities. No drugs and vaccines are approved to fully rely on for the treatment of COVID-19, therefore the concept of “do not take the virus and do not give the virus” with different approaches of preventive aspects through hand-washing, social distancing, wearing masks and gloves, and making people aware in mass utilizing audio-visual media are helpful. Aids from different agencies and collaborative efforts of all the stakeholders are in need for the containment of COVID-19 cases in Yemen. By strengthening and increasing healthcare set-ups and resources, preparation of management guidelines by the government and mobilizing such resources to different parts for awareness, adequate reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) tests, contact tracing, and safe quarantine and isolation services are essential.

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Albrecht, Holger, and Dorothy Ohl. "Exit, Resistance, Loyalty: Military Behavior during Unrest in Authoritarian Regimes." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 1 (March 2016): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715003217.

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A few years into the most recent wave of popular uprisings—the Arab Spring—studying regime trajectories in countries such as Syria, Egypt, and Yemen still seems like shooting at a moving target. Yet what has not escaped notice is the central role military actors have played during these uprisings. We describe how soldiers have three options when ordered to suppress mass unrest. They mayexitthe regime by remaining in the barracks or going into exile,resistby fighting for the challenger or initiating a coup d’état, or remainloyaland use force to defend the regime. We argue that existing accounts of civil-military relations are ill equipped to explain the diverse patterns in exit, resistance, and loyalty during unrest because they often ignore the effects of military hierarchy. Disaggregating the military and parsing the interests and constraints of different agents in that apparatus is crucial for explaining military cohesion during such crises. Drawing on extensive fieldwork we apply our principal-agent framework to explain varying degrees and types of military cohesion in three Arab Spring cases: Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria. Studying military hierarchy elucidates decision-making within authoritarian regimes amid mass mobilization and allows us to better explain regime re-stabilization, civil war onset, or swift regime change in the wake of domestic unrest.

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