Academic literature on the topic 'Yezidi women – Crimes against – Iraq'

Even though almost three years have passed since the black banners of the terror organisation, calling themselves the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) were first hoisted throughout the Yezidi heartland of Sinjar, the Yezidi community continues to be targeted by ISIS, militias. 300,000 vegetate in camps as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Iraqi Kurdistan; thousands of others have been killed, are missing, or remain in captivity where they are subjected to unspeakable sexual and physical abuse. With deference for these victims of violence, and without detracting from the collective suffering and trauma of the entire Yezidi community of Sinjar (families, women, men, and children alike), the authors have chosen to focus the present article on the plight and misery of the females; who were, and still are, facing despicable sexual abuses, unfathomable atrocities, and unfettered human rights violations. In doing so, they highlight the views of the fundamentalist Islam practiced by ISIS that encourages sex-slavery, while elaborating on the complacent acceptance of ISIS terror tactics by the local Sunni population of the territories they control. The work goes on to describe how survivors escaped, as well as how they are received and treated by the Yezidi community and state authorities. This discussion includes an overview of the national and international mechanisms available for prosecuting ISIS members for their crimes of genocide against the Yezidi people. The authors further stress that the genocide has contributed to, and even accelerated the process of the Yezidi selfidentification as a unique ethno-religious entity; which, in turn, has produced changes to their religious traditions. These changes will be briefly covered by examining a new approach to the institution of the Kerāfat.

After conquering large swathes of northern Iraq, the Islamic State undertook an aggressive genocidal campaign against the Yezidi people in which they not only executed and enslaved thousands of innocent civilians, but also damaged or destroyed several key Yezidi temples and shrines. Drawing on a small sample of in-depth semi-structured interviews with Yezidi men and women from two regions conquered by the Islamic State, this article documents the effect this wave of persecution has had on these Yezidi individuals. It finds that the attacks by the Islamic State on Yezidis and their heritage sites have caused considerable suffering among the community, in part because of their inability to practise their intangible religious rituals and customs. However, the Yezidi people have also demonstrated remarkable resistance and resilience to the Islamic State genocide in terms of returning to their ancient homelands, reconstructing their heritage sites and the re-emergence of their intangible religious heritage practices. The article concludes by noting that the new insights gleaned from these interviews are a step towards better understanding the relationship between tangible and intangible heritage in the wake of conflict, genocide and mass heritage destruction.

Several questions remain unanswered in light of the heinous crimes against women committed by ISIS in Iraq. This article will examine Iraq's current criminal framework to see if prosecutions for these violations were appropriate in light of international criminal law principles and the security council measures taken after ISIS took control of Mosul and other areas in Iraq in 2014. As an illustration of the kinds of topics we will cover in this paper: Is the Iraqi criminal justice system capable of investigating and holding ISIS accountable? Why did the Iraqi government make a request to the Security Council for help in 2017 if the reaction is positive? In light of what Iraqi women have been subjected to for three years now? While Iraq's criminal framework may have a legislative vacuum or contradiction, why did the Council of Representatives of Iraq not address these issues in its legislative policy, either by amending current legislation or drafting a new law to prosecute crimes like genocide or crimes? Against humanity, in the first place?.

Since 2014, Daesh has been perpetrating mass atrocities against the population of Syria and Iraq, and beyond, and especially, crimes targeting religious minorities in Syria and Iraq. These included atrocities specifically targeting women and girls, including, rape, sexual abuse, and sexual slavery, and many more. Nonetheless, Daesh fighters are not being prosecuted for such crimes against women and girls and their (few) prosecutions are being conducted for terror-related offences only. The paper explores the use by Daesh of rape and sexual violence against minority women and girls. It considers some of the evidence of the use of rape and sexual violence in conflict, and most specifically, in the case study regarding the genocide committed by Daesh. It further examines the necessary changes that need to happen to address the issue. This includes an analysis of what legal measures have been taken to date to bring the Daesh perpetrators to justice, and specifically, for their atrocities perpetrated against women and girls.

Brutality and sexual violence perpetrated by the Islamic State (IS) group against women and girls held in captivity have left traumatic effects on survivors and their communities. In this context, the German federal state of Baden-Württemberg launched a novel ‘Special Quota’ Humanitarian Admissions Programme to receive one thousand vulnerable women and children. They are predominantly from the Yezidi religious minority in Iraq and its autonomous Kurdistan Region. The programme serves as a noble precedent for new and expanded forms of international protection to those affected by conflict-related sexual violence and associated trauma. This article draws, however, on interviews with participants of the programme in order to consider critically the gendered assumptions embedded within its design, implementation and related discourse. Research findings indicate that explicit exclusion of all adult male family members from accompanying the vulnerable “womenandchildren” [1]to Germany is against the wishes and self-perceived best interests of some women survivors. Moreover, women’s inability to maintain family unity compounds their lack of agency to determine the conditions of their own recovery and future within the programme framework.[1] This article borrows the one-word compound term coined by feminist writer Cynthia Enloe to evoke the treatment of women within a conflated conceptual category of diminished personal agency and essentialised vulnerability.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIXelaskirina yên saxmayî. Jinên êzidî, Dewleta Îslamî û bernameya Almanyayê ya qebûlê Wehşet û şideta cinsî ya ji hêla Dewleta Îslamî pêk hatî li hember jin û keçên dîl tesîrên trawmatîk li ser ên xelasbûyî û li ser cemaetên wan hiştiye. Di vê çarçoveyê de, eyaleta Alman a Baden-Württemberg bernameyeke nû “Kotaya Taybet” a Bernameya Însanî ya Qebûlkirinê da destpêkirin da ku hezar jin û zarokên di rewşa hesas de qebûl bike. Ew jî bi piranî ji kêmîneya olî ya êzidiyan pêk tên li Iraqê û li Herêma Otonom ya Kurdistanê. Bername wek pêşengeke hêja ye ji bo awayên nû û berfireh ên vehewandin û parastina navneteweyî ji wan kesan re ku ketine ber şideta seksî ya ji ber şer û trawmayên ji wê çêbûyî. Ev meqale xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên ligel beşdarên bernameyê ji bo ku bi awayekî rexneyî li wan pêşferzên cinsî yên di binyad û dîzayn û tetbîq û gotara wê de. Encamên lêkolîne nîşan didin ku bi eşkereyî rênedana hemû endamên mêr ên malbatê da ligel “jin û zarokên” di rewşa hesas de werin Almanyayê li dijî daxwaz û baştirîn feydeya (bi baweriya wan) hin ji wan jinên xelasbûyî ye. Herwiha, zehmetiya jinan ji bo parastina yekîtiya malbatên xwe kêmasiya bikeriya wan jî xurttir dike ku ew bi xwe karibin biryarê bigrin ji bo şert û mercên qencbûna xwe û dahatûya xwe di nav çarçoveya bernameyê de.ABSTRACT IN SORANIRizgarkrdinî zîndûmawan, jinanî êzdî, Dewlletî Îslamî û programî wergirtinî EllmanîEw weḧşiyet û tundûtîjîye sêksîyey û ke le layen grupî Dewlletî Îslamîyewe le dijî jinan û kiçanî be dîlgraw hatote encam dan, karîgerîy tirawmatîkî le ser zîndûmawan û komellgakanyan be cê hêştûwe. Lem kontêkste da wîlayetî fîdirrallîy Baden Wurtembêrgî Ellmanya programêkî be nawî pişkî taybet (Special Quota) dest pê kird ke brîtîye le prrogramêkî xêrxwazîy bo wergirtin, bo pêşwazîkirdin le yek hezar jin û mindallî brînbar. Zortirînyan ser be kemîney ayînî êzdîn le 'Êraq û herêmî Kurdistanin. Ew prrograme wek despêşxerîyekî nayab şwênî xoy kirdotewe bo brewdan be şêwazî nwêtir û berfrawantirî parastinî nêwneteweyî bo ewaney ke kewtûnete jêr karîgerîy tundûtîjîy sêksî û ew tirawmayey ke bew hoyewe tûşyan bûwe. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtingelî encamdraw legell beşdarbûwanî programeke da em meqaleye be şêweyekî rexnegirane ew grîmane cenderîyane şî dekatewe ke le naw nawerrok û şêwazî cêbecêkirdin û gutarî peywendîdar dan. Encamekanî lêkollînewe derî dexen ke xistinederî tewawî endame nêrînekanî xêzan ke hawşanî "jinan û mindallan"î brînbar birron bo Ellmanya le dijî wîst û pêdawîstîye kesîyekanî hendêk le jine zîndumawekane. Herweha nebûnî twanayîy ewey ke jinekan xêzanekanyan be yekgirtûwîy bihêllinewe, rêga le karabûnyan degirêt le pêkhênanî mercekanî çareserî û dahatûyan le çwarçêwey ew programe da.

Rape has been used as a tool of war throughout the history of mankind. With the establishment of the International Criminal Court, rape was included in the Rome Statute, being internationally recognized as a war crime, a crime against humanity and a means to commit genocide. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, in its war to establish the caliphate, has carried out a campaign of sexual violence against women of religious minorities such as the Yazidi. This article examines the evolution of the definition of rape in International Criminal Law and applies the current definition to the crimes committed by ISIS against the Yazidi. The study assesses the elements of the actus reus of genocide and considers that the actions carried out by the Islamic State towards the Yazidi could qualify as a genocide by means of rape.

The importance of research: The heavenly canons and all laws affirm the guarantee of everyone's right to life, but a look at daily practices reveals that a large number of women are killed daily under the background of honor killings. His race and his religion, is considered today a necessity and a priority heavily placed on the collective conscience. The exacerbation of the phenomenon of honor murders, or the liquidation of women who has rebel against family laws, and the pretext that she is an adulterer, is a dangerous indication of underestimating the right of women to life and is a sign of social discrimination practiced on the basis of gender. The phenomenon of the exacerbation of honor murders indicates a crisis of relationships within the family and society, a crisis of relations within the community of women, the continued dominance of some customs over laws in contemporary societies, and the institutionalization of violence against women and their sacrifice. Iraq society is a tribal society and accepts the idea of killing of women as a means of dishonor. However, killings under this concept have increased as a result of the tyranny of tribal values, and they increased even more after the occupation of Iraq on 9/ 4 / 2003 Research objectives: abolishing the legal articles that encourage the killing of women under any pretext, and making the crime of murder under the pretext of washing shame a premeditated murder, like all murders, and subject to its provisions without wearing the garment of a mitigating excuse and allowing the perpetrators to escape from punishment and activating the implementation of international conventions and respecting them. Part of the national legislation for ratification by Iraq. As well as respect for the constitutional texts being the highest in the application. When talking about treating this crime and setting up a solution for it, the law must be the other side, without a law that protects women, clarifies the limits and provisions of this crime, and establishes appropriate punishment for its images in a way that does not allow the perpetrators to escape from punishment, then there will be no benefit from all that was said It is said about violence against women.

In January 2012, the Secretary of State, in accordance with Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), designated the Islamic State in Iraq Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). Based on this, the United States could take administrative measures against foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) associated with IS, including women. As of January 2023, the United States had formally repatriated 39 citizens. At least 11 more citizens returned of their own accord outside of formal processes, including two women. To date, 11 adults affiliated with the Islamic State, formally repatriated from Syria and Iraq to the United States, have faced charges for terrorism-related crimes. The aim of this research is to characterize the approach to female terrorist returnees in the United States. The following research problem is central to this article: How does the United States deal with the prosecution and conviction of women returnees involved in the activities of the Islamic State? The author focused research on case studies. Research methods include: analysis, synthe-sis, classification, generalization, and statistical data analysis. Women who are left on their own and remain in camps and prisons in Iraq and Syria can impose the ideology of the Islamic State on others, including their children. It is important not to treat the problem of repatriation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of camp residents shortsightedly and to take a long-term solution.

The issue is considered, which aims to establish the connection between violence against women and armed conflict and to determine the different degrees of severity of this crime in international law and in national criminal legislation.The analysis of modern international relations shows that humanity has not yet managed to get rid of wars and other armed conflicts, which are mostly armed conflicts of a non-international nature. This is evidenced by the events in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia, and the Caucasus, and since 2014 Ukraine has not been an exception, the international armed conflict on whose territory since February 24, 2022 has grown into a full-scale war waged by the Russian Federation on the scale of which Europe has not knew since the Second World War.Modern international relations are characterized by a change in the nature of the conflict, the emergence of a number of new categories and situations, an increase in the number of victims among the civilian population, and the increasing internationalization of armed conflicts of a non-international nature. In this regard, the question of the qualification of various manifestations of genocide is extremely relevant, especially in the conditions of the ongoing full-scale war unleashed by Russia.Special attention is paid by the author to the provisions of the statute of the International Criminal Court and the statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which essentially form the modern doctrine of criminal responsibility for war crimes and the crime of genocide.It is worth noting that violence against a woman appears as a war crime in most cases when participants in a military conflict commit acts that constitute the crime of rape for personal purposes, but as soon as these acts appear within the policy or plan of the leadership, they are committed by order of the command and for the purpose of intimidation, in the context of ethnic cleansing, inflicting severe psychological trauma, extermination of a certain group of people united by any features that are common to such a group and identify it, we can clearly speak about the presence of a crime against humanity in the actions of criminals and genocide. We must also state that violence against women was and remains an integral element of armed conflict, and unlike the precedent of the terrible rampant violence witnessed by the world community in the former Yugoslavia, which became known mainly thanks to the work of the Tribunal, other armed conflicts do not give us such the completeness of consideration of the scale of violence against women, since these crimes are ignored, and due to the lack of an effective mechanism for bringing criminals to justice, we do not have the ability to assess the full scale of crimes committed against women during the conflict. There is hope that this situation will change, since the IСС is functioning, which should effectively resolve such situations.This article actually confirms the relevance of the application of international humanitarian law in national legislation and points to significant gaps that cannot be filled without the help of international law as a whole.With his work, the author tries to draw the attention of domestic legislators to the problems of implementing international humanitarian law into the national law of Ukraine, and to single out the most important directions in this area.

The World Economic Forum in its report, The Global Gender Gap Index 2020, ranked Pakistan at 151th position out of 153 countries just above Iraq and Yemen. Women form almost 50% of Pakistan’s total population yet the laws generally lag in properly addressing crimes that violate or deprive the rights of women and girls in the country. Even the laws designed to address issues related to gender-based violence like the “The Protection Against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2010” lacks in its purview by not granting protection to women who work in informal workplaces. Despite the Constitution of the country granting rights to each citizen irrespective of their gender and status, discrimination and violence against women and girls is pretty pertinent in Pakistan. This paper takes into account the harrowing situation of gender parity in Pakistan by discussing statistics from different reports and studies while illuminating the gap between rhetoric and implementation on state level. And in that context argues that the state should move to ‘securitize’ the issue of ‘Gender (In)security’, given that it concerns a large portion of its population. Gender Security is also an extremely important factor in achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper also puts forth recommendations for all three pillars of the state i.e., executive, parliament and judiciary for the addressal of these issues.

During the period confined between 2014-2017, the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) took control of a number of important cities in Iraq, and the organization led a wide campaign of violence and systematic violations of human rights and international law, which amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity. 0 The Iraqi people were subjected to the largest brutal crime in the history of humanity when these terrorist elements targeted women, children, civilians and minorities, as well as religion and belief, and committed many crimes of genocide against them.

"Abstract On the 3rd of August 2014, ISIS fighters attacked the Sinjar region in northern of Iraq, mostly populated by Yazidis, a religious minority. In almost 3 days, most of the villages in the region were vacated and their residents captured. These events mark the beginning of a campaign of extreme violence that has left men and women apart. Adult men were massacred while girls and women were held for sale as sex slaves. More than 7 years after these events, no prosecution has been brought by International Criminal Court. States are unwilling to try their nationals guilty of crimes of genocide against the Yazidis. This paper aims to analyze the genocide of the Yazidis from the perspective of sexual violence and in particular to determine whether it can be considered to the status of genocide. The origins and legal sources of the genocide are first analyzed. This violence is then examined in the light of certain elements constituting the crime of genocide. Finally, the challenges to be met in the fight against impunity in International Criminal Court are mentioned in the conclusion."