Journal articles on the topic 'Yoko (1960-....)'

Este artigo tem por finalidade analisar, à luz do efervescente cenário dos anos 1960, o engajamento político de John Lennon e Yoko Ono, perceptível desde suas produções solo, e consolidado com o início de seu relacionamento, momento a partir do qual acabaram fortalecendo e ampliando seus atos artístico-políticos. Sendo assim, busca-se refletir sobre as produções musicais de tais artistas a partir da segunda metade da década 1960, demonstrando como também a música pode ser um ato revolucionário, para além dos protestos nas ruas, nos campi universitários e dos jornais e revistas undergrounds.

German Literature, written by Authors whose First Language is different to German, has a long tradition (18th and 19th Century). In the 1960s und 1970s a new Generation of Authors entered the Stage of Literature. This Essay deals with History and Development of their kind of German Literature from its beginnings as „Gastarbeiterliteratur“ until today, outlinig several of its phases: Immigration from Turkey, Italy, Yugoslavia and other Countries into Germany 1960–1985, Literature and Changes in Europe’s Political Map 1989/90, Growing Variety of Literary Styles 1990–2005, Success and Recognition of „Chamisso-Literature“ in the last ten years (Feridun Zaimoglu, Yoko Tawada, Ilija Trojanow, Artur Becker, Ilma Rakusa, Terézia Mora, and Others), Present Situation.

Adventures in Language: Yoko Tawada’s Exophonic Explorations of German. Yoko Tawada (1960) is for good reason one of the prime examples for contemporary German exophonic literature. She is a very successful writer in Japanese and in German and provides in her Germanophone writings an ethnography of the German worldview, as Wilhelm von Humboldt famously called languages, or of the German language-mindset. This article focuses on her 2010 poetry volume Abenteuer der deutschen Grammatik (‘Adventures of German Grammar’) to demonstrate how exophonia can allow us to develop an acute awareness of the ways in which language structures shape our patterns of thinking. Coming from a very differently organised language, Japanese, Tawada comments in playful ways on the implications of German, and compares it translinguistically with Japanese. Looking at German from an outside position enables her to be very creative and to make Germans discover their language with new eyes. Translingual writing, even though also present in a real mixing of languages in Tawada, appears here as a way to understand how much our ideas are shaped by our linguistic structures, and that there are alternative worldviews. It thus contributes greatly to a relativisation of one’s own perspective and helps to open up to difference and creativity.

In the article the concepts-signified as “Russian” and “Soviet” expressed in the works of the German-Japanese writer Yoko Tavada (born 1960) are touched upon. The concepts signified as “Soviet” and “Russian” do encompass everything that is connected with Russian culture, literature and the Soviet Union. The empirical material for the given depiction were the essay and novel by Tavada “Suspicious passengers of your night trains” (2002, 2009). Based on the example of this novel the attitude of the younger generation of the socialist countries of late 1980s to the Russian language is revealed. The transition of the socialist bloc (Yugoslavia) is described on the example of clothes (jeans, aluminum fork, and pizza), the younger generation (good manners vs. bad manners), and language skills (English vs. Russian). The heroine’s journey along the Trans-Siberian Railway (Moscow – Irkutsk – Khabarovsk) enabled the author to reveal the micro-historical realities of the last decade of the Soviet era. The plot of the novel showed that in the last decades of the Soviet era there was already a “nostalgia” for household goods, the style of clothing and music, and Western pop culture (Jimi Hendrix, Elvis Presley). During the contact with the main character, the Russian soul (benevolence, openness, hospitality) and low standards of eco-awareness and disrespect for non-smokers in public transport (train) are revealed. The Soviet era is also confessed at the level of smell and food (garlic, cheap cigarettes, onions, black bread, porridge, soup butter drips, vodka, etc.). In the course of the narrative and communication with the surrounding people the Siberian “real” world is indicated, i.e. the poverty of the interior of the Siberian villages of the Soviet era. In the course of describing the Siberian expanse its natural and climatic constants such as cold, snow, bathhouse and birch, the latter as a symbol of all of Russia with its mythological stratum, were presented. The attributive cycle of the Siberian natural-climatic and “material” world is completed by the theme of androgyny opened up in the Siberian bathhouse, which is a space for identifying all types of physical things, that is, of female and male in woman and man.

Yoko Ono’s performance Cut Piece (1964) is anchored by the instructions Cut Piece that the artist had produced in 1962 and in 1966, where the concept of the work lies. The clothing the performer wears is equally an important component of the work, and its cutting is what activates it. These aspects will be examined under the theoretical framework built on Kant’s and Derrida’s concept of the parergon, Heidegger’s ‘Gelassenheit’ (releasement), destruction and retrieval, Agamben’s clothing/nudity apparatus and Mauss’ notion of the gift-giving exchange. Cut Piece’s concern with the power relation between author and reader will also be examined throughout the article, with recurrent reference to Yoko Ono’s earlier work, Audience Piece (1962), and through Sartre’s and Levinas’ theories on Being for the Other and the limits of freedom. In search of the fons et origo of Cut Piece, the investigation will use Derrida’s method of deconstruction and further on discuss its displacement and recontextualization. Seamlessly, it will decipher the many layers of meanings it conceals and unveils, and will bring forth a number of viewpoints, reminding us that since the artist’s attempt is to realize her ideas in the actions of Others, it inevitably means that the work projects a range of ongoing interpretations.

The article is devoted to the fundamental academic work «Liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish yoke» (Vol. I-III. Moscow, 1961-1967) consisting of three volumes of documents and other materials. The work was arranged by members of the Institute of Slavic studies and USSR archive workers in collaboration with Bulgarian historians and archivists within the framework of international scientifi c cooperation. The author considers the contents of this three volume work and pays special attention to the contribution made by historians specialising in the history of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 and «Liberation of Bulgaria» working on the edition.

This article elucidates major transnationalism and minor transnationalism through an analysis of works by New York-based Japanese artist Yoko Inoue (b. 1964). Inoue engages in social criticism through varied media such as ceramics, installations, and performance art. Her works demonstrate minor transnationalism observed in the relationships she has built with other transmigrants and minoritized individuals over such issues as xenophobia and racism after 9/11, as well as Hiroshima/Nagasaki and related contemporary nuclear issues. Inoue also addresses the disparities in collective memory and narratives between Japan and the US plus socio-economic inequalities between nation-states and the movement of people/goods/money within Trans-Pacific power dynamics, all of which illustrate major transnationalism in the Trans-Pacific.

The family Perilampidae is reported for the first time from the Arabian Peninsula. Krombeinius almokha Darling n. sp. is described from Yemen and seven species of Perilampus Latreille are recorded and illustrated from Yemen and the United Arab Emirates. Two species are recognized in the P. auratus group, Perilampus ardens Yoo & Darling n. sp., P. awbalus Yoo & Darling n. sp., one species in the P. laevifrons/chrysopae group, Perilampus khor Yoo & Darling n. sp., three species in the P. tristis group, Perilampus rainerius (Argaman), 1990, P. houbaraensis Yoo & Darling n. sp., P. yemenensis n. sp., and Perilampus microgastris Ferrière, 1930. The species show primarily Afrotropical and Palaearctic affinities. Comparisons and images are also provided for five extralimital species, P. auratus Panzer, 1798, P. tristis Mayr, 1905, P. chrysonotus Förster, 1859, P. seyrigi Risbec, 1952, and P. noemi Nikol’skaya, 1952, and a lectotype is designated for P. microgastris (present designation). The biogeographic affinities of the Arabian Peninsula Perilampidae are discussed as is “dwarfism” in desert Hymenoptera.

Fluxus was the brain-child of a Lithuanian-born artist named George Maciunas whose family fled to Germany in the Second World War, where they eventually became displaced persons and later emigrated to the USA. Maciunas studied art and architecture in Pittsburgh and New York before working as an architect and graphic artist and founded the Fluxus movement at the beginning of the 1960s. During his student years, he became fascinated by nomadic art in Asia and Eastern Europe that would later influence his life’s work. This essay considers the relationship between his interest in nomadism and the nature of the Fluxus movement that spread across the world, breaking down barriers between art and life, privileging concrete and conceptual art, and staging unusual events. It applies Braidotti’s notion of the nomadic subject to Maciunas’ encouragement of radical styles of performance art, such as Yoko Ono’s minimalist conceptual work and Joseph Beuys’s Tatar-influenced use of fat and felt.

Various floating debris in the waterway can be used as one kind of visual index to measure the water quality. The traditional image processing method is difficult to meet the requirements of real-time monitoring of floating debris in the waterway due to the complexity of the environment, such as reflection of sunlight, obstacles of water plants, a large difference between the near and far target scale, and so on. To address these issues, an improved YOLOv5s (FMA-YOLOv5s) algorithm by adding a feature map attention (FMA) layer at the end of the backbone is proposed. The mosaic data augmentation is applied to enhance the detection effect of small targets in training. A data expansion method is introduced to expand the training dataset from 1920 to 4800, which fuses the labeled target objects extracted from the original training dataset and the background images of the clean river surface in the actual scene. The comparisons of accuracy and rapidity of six models of this algorithm are completed. The experiment proves that it meets the standards of real-time object detection.

The “long 1950s,” once written off as a conservative era, now figure in many histories as the height of American “high modernity,” the apogee of a scientific outlook rooted in instrumental reason. This portrait suggests that the “Enlightenment project” took firm hold of American thought and culture in the early Cold War years, having finally defeated those who sought to yoke scientific rationality to one or another system of moral restraints. Despite nascent movements of opposition, the story goes, a rationalistic, technocratic form of liberalism dominated national life until the left and right mobilized against it in the 1960s.

This study employs the Mundell (1963) and Fleming (1962) traditional flow model of exchange rate to examine the long run behaviour of rupee/US $ exchange rate for Pakistan economy over the period 1982:Q1 to 2010:Q2. This study investigates the effect of output levels, interest rates and prices and different shocks on exchange rate. Hylleberg, Engle, Granger, and Yoo (HEGY) (1990) unit root test confirms the presence of non-seasonal unit root and finds no evidence of biannual and annual frequency unit root in the level of series. Johansen and Juselious (1988, 1992) likelihood ratio test indicates three long-run cointegrating vectors. Cointegrating vectors are uniquely identified by imposing structural economic restrictions on purchasing power parity (PPP), uncovered interest parity (UIP) and current account balance. Finally, the short-run dynamic error correction model is estimated on the basis of identified cointegrated vectors. The speed of adjustment coefficient indicates that 17 percent of divergence from long-run equilibrium exchange rate path is being corrected in each quarter. US war with Afghanistan has significant impact on rupee in short run because of high inflows of US aid to Pakistan after 9/11. Finally, the parsimonious short run dynamic error correction model is able to beat the naïve random walk model at out of sample forecasting horizons. JEL Classification: F31, F37, F47 Keywords: Exchange Rate Determination, Keynesian Model, Cointegration, Out of Sample Forecasting, Random Walk Model

Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856–1920) attempted throughout his public life to mobilize the Indian populace for mass political action. He did this by means of his speeches, journalism, leadership and philosophy. His desire was to throw off the yoke of British colonialism, to deliver his countrymen out of bondage. To this end Tilak sought a cogent and comprehensive, yet distinctly Indian, justification for anti-British pro-Hindu activism. He believed that the divergent sects of India could converge to form ‘a mighty Hindu nation’ if they would only follow the original principles of the Hindu tradition as set forth in such texts as the Rāmāyana and the Bhagavadgītā. And this convergence should be the goal of all Hindus.1 Tilak's interpretations of these texts, especially the Gītā, provided him with his ‘justification’ which rationalized his political work in religious guise.

Eleven day-neutral strawberry cultivars were released by the University of California between 1979 and 1990. All were derived from a 1955 hybrid between `Shasta' and a staminate Fragaria virginiana glauca clone from the Wasatch Mountains near Salt Lake City, Utah. The first backcrosses to standard cultivars were made in 1958. the second in 1965 and the third in 1969-70. The first three releases came from the third backcross generation in 1979; `Aptos', `Brighton' and `Hecker'. The second group of releases came from the fourth backcross generation: `Fern' and `Selva' (1983); `Muir', `Mrak' and `Yolo' (1987). Of these eight, `Selva' has a proven commercial performance record in California, presently ranking second. The third group of releases all come from the fifth backcross generation: `Irvine' (1988); `Seascape' and `Capitola' (1990). Relative day-neutrality strength and fruiting and vegetative responses to plant conditioning are compared.

The years 1997–1998 witnessed Britain's return of Hong Kong to China; the fiftieth anniversary of the independence of India and Pakistan; and the much less publicized 500th anniversary of the arrival of the Portuguese in Asia. So were marked the beginnings and end of European empire in the East, and so, too, a new global distribution of power was recognized. The appearance on 20 May 1498 of a Portuguese fleet commanded by Vasco da Gama at Calicut (Kerala, S. India), combined with the penetration of the Caribbean six years earlier by a Spanish flotilla under Christopher Columbus were, it has often and eloquently been urged, the prelude to a fearful saga. In next to no time Europe was enriched, non-European populations and ecologies destroyed, indigenous states and economies overthrown, a peculiarly European violence introduced into lands previously innocent of such ways, and the yoke of European colonial rule and hegemony eventually imposed. In short, as India's Independence Day Pledge (1930) pithily put it, subjection to empire meant economic, political, cultural and spiritual ruin.

Adventitious shoots and viable plants were regenerated from bell pepper (Capsicum annuum L.) cultivars and dihaploid lines (DHLs) obtained from F1 hybrids via androgenesis (Dolcet-Sanjuan et al., in press). Hypocotil and cotyledon sections from in vitro-germinated seeds were used as explants. A modified MS medium (Murashige and Skoog, 1962) supplemented with IAA (0 to 3.2 μM) and BAP (0 to 100 μM) was used in a 3-week-long shoot primordia induction phase. Shoot elongation was best performed in the same basal medium, but supplemented with silver thiosulfate and GA3. Shoots were regenerated from eight selected DHLs (`C213', `C215', `C218', `C2123', `C2125', `C3111', `C3113', and `P493') and two cultivars (`Padrón' and `Yolo Wonder'). The percentage of cotyledon sections with shoot primordia after the induction phase was not genotype-dependent and always higher than with hypocotil sections (93.4% and 17.9%, respectively). The number of shoot primordia per responsive cotyledon section was also higher than with hypocotil sections (3.3 and 1.7, respectively). The genotype had a significant effect on the number of shoots regenerated per responsive cotyledon (1.1 to 5.5) or hypocotil (0.5 to 3.5) section. All adventitiously regenerated plants were fertile. This adventitious shoot regeneration protocol is being used to obtain transgenic plants from sweet bell pepper genotypes.

La aplicación del método radiográfico al estudio de los sistemas vasculares, mediante la introducción de sustancias de contraste radiopacas dentro de su luz, ha permitido un mejor conocimiento de su anatomía, fisiología, patología y tratamiento. Esto en un principio estuvo dirigido solamente a los sistemas venoso y arterial (9), en los cuales las técnicas quirúrgicas alcanzaron gran auge gracias a este procedimiento, dejando de lado el sistema linfático debido quizá a las dificultades de carácter técnico para su estudio. Sin embargo se hicieron varias tentativas para tratar de visualizarlo, mediante la introducción subcutánea o intraperitoneal del medio de contraste, sin éxito, abandonándose temporalmente este estudio. Los primeros éxitos fueron obtenidos por Funaoka en 1930 quien inyectó mercurio y sales de yodo dentro del sistema linfático; le siguieron: Carvalho y colaboradores (1931, 1934), Toreff y Stoppani (1932), Monville y Ané (1932), Monke (1932), Zolothrekin (1934), Bennett y Shivas (1954), quienes utilizaron diversos medios de contraste (39). Fue Kinmonth y colaboradores (1952), a quien le correspondió iniciar un método verdaderamente valioso, la linfangiografía (23) (24), en el estudio del sistema linfático del hombre, y cuya técnica con ligeras variantes se utiliza hasta la actualidad como pauta por diversos investigadores, permitiendo de esta manera una standarización de los métodos de estudio.

Dünyada farklı zamanlarda yaşanan, sanayileşme, şehirleşme ve modernleşme süreçleri, fiziksel çevre ve çevre değerlerini belirli ölçülerde değişikliğe uğratmıştır. Özellikle, 1950 yılından sonraki süreçte uygulanan kentleşme politikaları sonucunda, yok olma tehlikesiyle karşı karşıya kalan kültürel mirasın korunması için, özel bölgeler, korunması öncelikli alanlar ve yapılar tespit edilmiştir. Burdur Kentinde inşa edildiği dönem ve konum itibariyle, günümüz yerleşim alanının başlangıç noktası olarak kabul edilebilecek "Tarihi Ticari Merkez" bu alanlardan bir tanesidir. Çalışmada, Osmanlı kent kültüründeki çarşı mekansal özelliklerini taşıyan, alanın gelecek nesillere aktarılmasının ön koşulu olan korumanın en iyi şekliyle gerçekleştirilebilmesi için, yapıların özgün durumlarına dair bilgilerin aktarılması hedeflenmektedir. Koruma ve onarım sürecinde doğru müdahalelerin gerçekleştirilebilmesini sağlayacak bu bilgiler içerisinde, çarşının süreç içerisindeki gelişimi, konumu, dükkânların yerleşimi, plan tipleri, cephe elemanları ve bezeme unsurları yer almaktadır. Çalışmada yöntem olarak, arşive dayalı araştırma, yerinde gözlem ve uygulamaya yönelik alan çalışması kullanılmıştır. Arşiv çalışmasında, alanın tarihsel sürecine ilişkin bilgiler elde edilmiş, fiziksel ve sosyo-kültürel dönüşümleri belirlenmiştir. Alan çalışmasında, her yapı için yapı bilgi fişleri hazırlanmış, rölöve tekniği ile yapıların plan krokileri çıkarılmış, yapılar fotoğraflama yöntemi ile belgelenmiş, gerçekleştirilen birtakım onarım çalışmaları yerinde gözlemlenerek takip edilmiş ve ulaşılabilen en eski tarihli yapıların kullanıcıları ile kişisel görüşmeler gerçekleştirilmiştir.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine some factors that influence the intensity of fertilizer use in Malawi. Design/methodology/approach – The study uses Engle-Granger, Engle-Yoo three steps and autoregressive distributed lags (ARDLs) approaches to examine the long-run and the short-run dynamics among the variables using annual data from 1961 to 2006. Findings – The econometric results indicate that all the variables exert significance influence on the quantity of fertilizer demanded excluding population growth, while the results of the short-run model indicate that the responsiveness of fertilizer demand to all the variables is significant. Research limitations/implications – Although, this study has provided some helpful results in understanding the major factors responsible for low fertilizer consumption in the study but some time series data on important factors are lacking. Originality/value – The work is different from already existing literature in Malawi. The authors included subsidy and real gross domestic product to account for the effect of macroeconomic shocks and policies, which has not been accounted for by other related empirical studies. Moreover, this study used ARDLs techniques that can overcome the problem of insufficiently long time series data which is a significant contribution to the existing literature.

Abstract Since the 2010 elections, the current Hungarian government has proven to be a very active and restless “memory warrior” (Bernard and Kubik 2014). The ruling party, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz, shows both a neat understanding of national history and the ability to transmit it by the adoption of different tools. This politics of memory is instrumental in granting the government political legitimacy. By ruling out oppositional actors and their historical narratives from the public sphere, Fidesz presents itself as the primary champion of Hungarian national sovereignty. Hungarians is, then, portrayed as a nation that has long suffered from the yoke of external oppression in which the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, the Soviets and eventually the Europeans figure as the enemies of the Hungarians. Specific collective memories, including the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Nazi occupation (1944–5) and socialist period (1948–90), are targeted so as to enact a sense of national belonging and pride, as well as resentment against foreigners. Moreover, in its rejection of the pluralism of memories and yearn for the homogenization of national history by marginalizing unfitting elements, this politics of memory is consistent with the System of National Cooperation (Batory 2016) that Fidesz’s administration has tried to establish in Hungary. This paper carries out an in-depth analysis of Fidesz’s multilayered politics of memory by investigating both its internal and external dimensions separately. In the final section, conclusions are drawn up to summarize its key tenets. Official speeches, legislative acts, and four interviews with key historians of Hungary have been used as sources.

The aim of this article is to compare repression policies of the Stalinist regime on the territories annexed by the Soviet Union in September 1939 and June–August 1940. The planning and implementation of deportations from the west of Ukraine and Belorussia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had much in common. All the deportations were prepared and carried out on the basis of decisions carefully worked out by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist (Bolshevik) Party and was an important element of the sovietization policy on these territories. Deportation was a part of measures designed to destroy political, judicial, social, economic, national, cultural and moral fundamentals and to impose the Soviet order in the annexed territories. Methods of their organization and implementation were absolutely identical. All these deportations were crimes against humanity. At the same time there were certain differences. The planned capture of armies did not take place at the time of the Soviet invasion of the Baltic states. There were no such mass shootings of officers, policemen and jail inmates as in case of Poland. The scale of deportation was not as large as on territories of eastern Poland. This could be explained by the fact that the peoples of the Baltic states considered Sovietization as national humiliation to much larger extent than the peoples who had suffered under Polish or Romanian yoke. It forced the Stalinist ruling elite of the USSR at first to demonstrate a certain respect towards local customs, carry out nationalization of industry and banking slowly and more cautiously, to refrain from collectivization and not carry out mass deportation until the very eve of war between the Soviet Union and Hitler’s Germany.

‘GOD HAS TAKEN POWER FROM WHITE MEN THROUGHOUT THE WORLD’EARLY on the morning of 5 September 1906, at a small asbestos mine in the northern Cape, six African workers entered the tent of their white foreman and his family. They assaulted the sleepers with stones, knobkerries, the leg of a chair and an ox-yoke. The foreman, Dirk Mans, died of his injuries eighteen hours later, while his son, Jan, who had been sleeping in another tent, ran away. Dirk Mans's wife also had a narrow escape. She woke up when a blow narrowly missed the head of her three-year-old child, who was sleeping in her bed. Both could flee in the general mêlée. Another victim, the well digger, William Swanepoel, was bludgeoned to death so ferociously that his skull ‘was entirely knocked out of shape [and] separated in halves’. The perpetrators tried to kill more whites, but dispersed in the ensuing confusion. The six men were tracked down by the police after several days. The Griqualand West Supreme Court in Kimberley sentenced four of the culprits to death; they were hanged in March 1907.The ringleader of the Hopefield gang, Hendrik Bekeer, told the policeman who had followed his tracks for several days, that ‘he was glad to be caught, although he knew that his life would be at an end’. He could hardly wait to tell the prison warder that the group had planned to kill all whites in South Africa. In court, the eloquent Bekeer explained:I admit that I am guilty. I, Hendrik Bikier [sic], laid hands on these two souls. I have a craving in my heart which must be made known to everyone. I admit that I am a worker of God. I confess to the Court and all the white people that I am placed here by the Lord, and that I do his will. … The time when the whites had the upper hand is past. This is for Africa alone, but God has taken power from white men throughout the world.

Tarık Buğra'nın (1918-1994) sıradan yaşamın kesitlerine yer verdiği hikâyelerinde insan olmanın türlü beşeri yönlerine şahit olunur. Bu özellikteki edebî metinlerden biri de insanın varoluşsal gayesini yitirerek anlam kaybıyla yaşama çabasını işleyen "Var Olmak Veya Olmamak" adlı hikâyedir. Hikâyede otuz dört yaşında çirkin, evde kalmış bir kız olarak tarif edilen ve Cumhuriyet modernleşmesine tanıklık ettiği anlaşılan bir öğretmenin intiharla sonuçlanan trajedisine yer verilir. Müntehir öğretmenin yeğeni tarafından anlatılan hikâye, onun bir gemideki son anlarına ve geçmişteki kırılma noktalarına odaklanır. Bu anlatım üzerinden, gün geçtikçe artan yalnızlığın kendisinde çirkinlik düşüncesini yol açtığı ve gelişen aşağılık kompleksinin yaşama sevincine ve uyum sağlama çabasına zarar verdiği anlaşılır. Çocukluktan itibaren "bir erkek gibi" hayatı yenmenin her şey olarak görülmesi de kendiliği oluşturacak alanlardan yoksunlukla neticelenir. Bu çalışma, söz konusu trajedinin temelindeki çatışmayı, evde kalmanın erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki (1923-1950) anlamı üzerinden irdelemeyi amaçlar. Bekârlık, çirkinlik ve ölümün yan yana geldiği anlatıda kendi olmanın anlamından, gücünden mahrum kalan hikâye kişisinin var olamamasına yol açan psikolojik ve toplumsal bağlamı incelemeyi esas alır. Bu çerçevede, geleneksel yaşam biçimlerinin ve Cumhuriyet dönemi modernleşmesinin kadın üzerinde ağır bir toplumsal beklentiye ve travmatik etkilere yol açtığı görülür. Kadın öğretmenin kamusal alanda kendine güçlü bir yer edinmesine karşın toplumda kök salan ataerkil değerler karşısında ezilişi, toplumun bağımsız kadın figürlerine yabancı olmasıyla ilgili olabilmektedir. Kadının yanında erkek olmaksızın hissettiği eksiklik duygusu da toplumun (ön) yargılarını kolektif bir özne olarak içselleştirmenin sonucu olarak değerlendirebilir. Ancak fail bir özne olarak kendini var edemeyiş; kişisel ve resmî eğitim sürecinde iyi bir vatandaş yetiştirmeye odaklanan zihniyet kalıplarının bireyselleşme üzerindeki menfi tesiri olarak okunabilir. Cumhuriyeti kuran neslin kız çocuklarının bulundukları kamusal alanlarda içten içe yok oluşu; kadını sadece anne, eş gibi belli rollerle sınırlandıran yerleşik toplumsal algıların dönüştürülmesindeki güçlüğe ve bununla edilecek mücadelenin zorluğuna işaret eder.

Following World War II, Lithuanian academic youth, who found themselves and continued their studies at the US universities, joined various organizations, as a result active social, cultural and societal life of students took place. The main organizations uniting Lithuanian students in the US (the Lithuanian Student Union, the Catholic Student Union Ateitis, the Academic Scout Movement, the Lithuanian student group Santara) perceiving the impact of information, took special care of their press publications that had become one of the main tools in helping to gather academic youth, to disseminate organizational / ideological ideas not only among students but also among the wider society. This article presents and analyzes one-time and continuous publications published by Lithuanian students in the US, which have not received wider attention from researchers so far. The main attention is focused on the publications published by one of the organizations - Lithuanian student group Santara (since 1957 Santara-Šviesa Federations), as well as the analysis of the publications published by other organizations - the Lithuanian Student Union, the Academic Scout Movement, the Catholic Student Union Ateitis - their repertoire, content, significance in student life. The study covers the period of the 1950s-1960s allowing the observation of the most intensive activity of Lithuanian students in the US, their active participation in the public life of the Lithuanian community and a great deal of attention to own press problems. At that time, the main Lithuanian student organizations published various publications for their members and the general public: from one-time (humorous, occasional or camp) publications, newsletters intended for members only to successful and none too successful attempts to publish their own periodicals. The Lithuanian American Student Union established in 1951 for the purpose of informing members since March 1954 began publishing Lietuvių Studentų Sąjungos JAV biuletenis (the US Newsletter of the Lithuanian Student Union), which soon became a serious student magazine, Studentų gairės (Student Guidelines), published by in a printing house, and from 1954, students launched the English-language magazine Lituanus, which became an academic magazine for foreigners, published to this day. Ideological organizations (scouts, members of Ateitis and Santara), which had student columns in the major Lithuanian press, and published various one-time or continuous publications, took a very active part in the press work. The organizations had their own newsletters: the Academic Scout Movement (ASM) published the newsletter Ad meliorem for ASM members, the Catholic Student Union Ateitis in Cleveland since 1951 published Gaudeamus, in 1957-1961, Santara published the newsletter Žvilgsniai (Glances). Newsletters of separate columns (such as New Yorko Santara - New York Santara) also appeared, although they were irregular, often only published for a short time. Various one-off publications were popular among young people: occasional, humoristic (e. g. Krambambulis, Sumuštinis - Sandwich), a gathering or a camp publications (Arielkon – To Homemade Vodka, Niekšybės paslaptis - The Secret of Villainy, Po nemigos - After Insomnia etc.). These publications were self-published in a very small circulation and distributed only among members of the organization. Many of them have not survived or if survived are kept by private archives or archival institutions. The place of publication and circulation of these publications were usually not indicated, unmarked; publishers, editors, authors of articles and illustrations are left unknown, periodicity of publications and even the number of published publications – unclear. The content of most student published publications was analogous. The publications contained a variety of information – from serious texts analyzing issues on Lithuanian identity and social activities relevant to the young generation of the diaspora, as well as brief organizational information, humour columns, photographs and friendly banter addressed to self and colleagues. Despite their quality and sometimes seemingly insignificant content, these publications become an important, often the only one source revealing to researchers the peculiarities of the little-known American youth camping, the peculiarities of student social and community life.

The purpose of the study of this article is to highlight the history of the discovery of horse harnesses and rig at the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and their characteristics. That objects belonged to Chorniyfamily from Kiev and were transferred in 1979 to create an exposition of museums. Presently, the items of horse harnesses and harnesses from the stock collection NHER «Pereyaslav» are exhibited in the museums «Postal Station», «Museum of the National Land Transport of the Middle Dnieper».These museums are located on the territory of the first Museum of Folk Architecture and Life of the Middle Dnieper, established in 1964 in Pereyaslav-Khmelnytskyi city and is the part of the National Historical and Ethnographic Reserve «Pereyaslav». This collection has been gathering for decades. Mikhail Zham (1927–2002) was an ideological inspiration and active collector of horse harness and rigs. Among the large number of horse ruminant, which is in the exposition of museums, there are 25 harnesses and rigsof I. Chorniy. At the beginning of the twentieth century Ivan Chorny, like his father was. I. Chorny, was engaged in camping, had a camping and caravan artillery, a large collection of vehicles, horse harnesses and rigs. Horse rigs – a collection of items for harness, as well as a way to harness them. Rigs should be distinguished from harness, which is a more general term and includes both objects and accessories for harnessing, and for hanging horses and other animals (for horseback riding, or the use of pets). Among the items (harnesses and rigs) belonging to the Black family are: Yoke – a cervical part of a horse's rigs, through which the weight of the transported cargo is transmitted to the horse's neck. There are four in their collection. The arc is a part of a horse's rigs from a bent trunk of a tree, which serves to attach a hawk (one of the two poles, attached to the ends of the front of the car's vehicle) to the yoke. There are three of them. Squares – a long belt, a rope, etc., by which horses are ruled, fixed on both sides to the bridle. The stock collection consists of four units of the box. Bridle («knot») – a piece of harness, which is worn on the animal's head to control it. The collection consists of five pieces of bridles. Breast-bandis a long belt that covers the horse's body and holds the band from slipping around the neck, for example, during descent from the mountain, braking. The collection has four units. Сherezsidelko- a strap that passes through a saddle from one hole to the other, supporting them. Saddle – a part of the rig, in the form of a pillow, which is enclosed under the cherezsidelko. Serves to convey force on the back of a horse. There are 3 of them in collection. Attention is focused on the features of manufacturing, material, technology, and the analysis of harnesses and rigs were made. Also, authors focus on the fact that, depending on the used harness, rigs are divided into: «holobelʹno-postoronkovyy» harness, sidewalk harness; a combined harness. An overview of the declared assembly, analysis of the species, typological, structural features of the horse harness, the comparison of these elements, shows that the samples presented in it are the same type of design, material, technology and characteristic of the entire territory of Ukraine. At the same time, some of them are distinguished by the original artistic decoration, which is a manifestation of the preferences and artistic tastes of the masters who made them. The horse harness and rigs of Chorniy family organically complements the structure and subjects of the exposition of the Museum of National Land Transport and the Museum «Postal Station» of the National Historical and Ethnographic Reserve «Pereyaslav».

In recent years, the issue of childbirth in the life of communities belonging to the same ethnic community has been given increased attention in any country. And this is not by chance. The situation in the world itself is of interest to learn more about each other, about their neighbors. This is necessary primarily to consolidate the communities themselves, to develop a unity of goals, interests in everyday life, such concepts as “he is a representative of this kind”, “he is from a kind of talented people”, “belonging to one or another kind is laudable” and so on. In other words, in practice, belonging to a clan acts as a brand, a business card in a certain situation, recognition in the society itself, in fact, representation from a particular clan. In this regard, the formation and history of the genus, the assessment of its role and place of two or one person in this society, in the gens. In Russia during the Civil War, the Great Patriotic War, in Korea during the war years 1950-1953 representatives of many Korean clans (Kim, Lee, Ogay, Choi, and others) participated. All of them glorified themselves with heroic feats, realizing the main goal – the establishment of the power of the Soviets, the achievement of victory over fascism, the liberation of the outcome of the Japanese yoke. They made a notable contribution to the consolidation of the Soviet state, actively participating in the restoration of the national economy and the revival of the culture of the peoples in the USSR. More than 500 representatives of different clans from Soviet Koreans were active participants in the process of strengthening Korean statehood in North Korea, North Korea, preserving the integrity of this state, increasing its power and spiritual potential, similar actions took place in the history of Western European countries, when representatives of different clans acted in the vanguard of the struggle to preserve the integrity of a particular statehood, its consolidation. Their efforts were focused on the development of priority sectors of the economy. Many of their undertakings were reflected in the life of the Korean family – Ogay. All the representatives of this kind mentioned in the essay, working in Kamchatka, in Primorye, in the republics of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, in certain regions of the Western European part of the RSFSR, received a volume reflection. Of course, the Korean clans underwent a transformation due to the presence of Soviet education, based on the principles of patriotism and Confucian thinking, including in conditions of rapidly developing migration processes and the functioning of civil society institutions.

When, beginning on June 22, 1941, German forces sliced through Soviet defenses, Soviet citizens severed their ties with the Stalinist state. In the Western Borderlands, annexed in 1939–1940 as a result of the Hitler-Stalin pact, locals welcomed the invaders with bread and salt as liberators from the Bolshevik yoke. Red Army men hailing from these regions left their posts and went home. Soldiers from the pre-1939 Soviet territories stationed in Ukraine deserted, too, reasoning that the Bolsheviks had “sucked our blood for twenty-five years, enough already!” A group of two hundred soldiers, including an outspoken Siberian, “decided to force our way back, at all cost, toward the Germans.” When army commissars tried to stop them, “[w]e killed them and moved on.” Further East, collective farmers in the pre-1939 territories greeted the German “liberators” in some localities, while displaying a “wait-and-see” attitude in others. One day after the start of the war an inhabitant of Leningrad region reacted to the news of his mobilization by threatening the official bearing the news with a revolver, exclaiming “I will not fight for Soviet Power, I will fight for Hitler!” Urban dwellers rejoiced at the arrival of the long-awaited apocalypse, believing that “the fascists kill Jews and Communists, but don't touch Russians.” As Moscow descended into panic in October 1941, crowds stopped functionaries leaving the city, pulled them out of their cars, assaulted them, and scattered the contents of their luggage on the ground. “Beat the Jews,” yelled the crowd, and protesting their non-Jewishness did not help the victims; to the mob, “Jew” and “functionary” were one and the same. On October 19, workers struck in Ivanovo, an industrial center with a long tradition of militancy. Excited by the spectacle of the advancing Germans and the apparent inability of the Stalinist leadership to stop them, rioters destroyed administrative and Party buildings and beat up state and Party activists, including the first secretary of the region. They demanded “Soviets without communists,” while discussing seriously whether life would be better under Hitler or Stalin. Meanwhile, back at the frontline, where news of the “massive beating up of Jews” in Moscow quickly spread, the state's enforcement agencies arrested soldiers voicing their discontent. They also ensured that both the confused and the hostile would fight. By October 10, People's Commissariat Internal Affairs (NKVD) forces had detained 657,364 soldiers separated from their units. The majority were returned to the front and thrown back into battle; 25,878 were arrested, 10,201 of them shot.

Contemporarity of history: Ottoman cultural heritage and its Bulgarian perception (from the Balkan perspective)The article offers an analysis of subsequent phases of Bulgarian historiography and the way in which they have portrayed the nation’s Ottoman past and the impact it had on the history of Bulgarians. The author seeks to address the question of the influence historical stereotypes have on modern perceptions of the Ottoman heritage.At the dawn of Bulgarian historiography, the Ottoman past was seen through the prism of the new science’s nation-forming tasks and thus interpreted as a “historical misfortune,” a discontinuity, a rupture in the natural process of Bulgarians’ national development, a traumatising element in historical memory. The period itself was in turn referred to as the “Turkish slavery” or “Ottoman yoke.” Narratives of the deeds of the national heroes who gave their lives for freedom thus became the foundation of national pride. This trend prevailed until after World War II.It was only in the 1960s, with the development of Ottoman studies as a scholarly discipline and the emergence of professional researchers willing to draw on the immense Ottoman archives, that these stereotypes began to be questioned. So much so that in the 1970s the term “Turkish slavery” was even abandoned. At the beginning of 21st century, the tension between so-called “traditional historiography” of “older” generations of historians and postmodern approach of “younger” innovators fuelled the “backstage” dispute on the present situation and perspectives in further roads of history as a science. Współczesność historii. Bułgarskie obrazy osmańskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego (z perspektywy bałkańskiej)Artykuł poświęcony jest analizie poszczególnych etapów bułgarskiej historiografii, w której uobecnia się przeszłość osmańska i jej wpływ na dzieje Bułgarów. Autorka szuka odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu stereotypy historyczne wpływają na współczesny odbiór dziedzictwa osmańskiego. W okresie narodzin bułgarskich nauk historycznych przeszłość osmańska była postrzegana w świetle zadań narodowotwórczych i analizowana jako „zły los historyczny”, naruszenie ciągłości, przerwanie naturalnego rozwoju historycznego Bułgarów, naznaczające traumą pamięć historyczną. Sam okres określano za pomocą terminów „niewola turecka”, „jarzmo osmańskie”.W związku z tym narracje na temat czynów bohaterów narodowych, którzy poświęcili życie za wyzwolenie, stawały się podłożem narodowej dumy. Ta tendencja utrzymywała się również po drugiej wojnie światowej. Dopiero w latach siedemdziesiątych XX wieku, wraz z rozwojem osmanistyki jako dyscypliny naukowej i wykształceniem profesjonalnych badaczy sięgających do ogromnych zasobów archiwów osmańskich, zaczęto podważać stereotypy na temat przeszłości, do tego stopnia, że w latach dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku doszło wręcz do odrzucenia terminu „niewola turecka”. W początkach XXI wieku napięcie między tak zwaną „historiografią tradycyjną”, uprawianą przez „stare” pokolenia historyków, a postmodernistycznym podejściem „młodych” historyków nowatorów stało się podłożem niejawnego sporu na temat obecnej sytuacji i dalszych perspektyw nauk historycznych.

The changeover of the ruling of the modern Ukrainian territory between East and West had lasted for around 800 years beginning from the Mongol-Tatar invasion. It was that time when Batu Khan defeated Ancient Rus that the present territory of Ukraine came under complete and absolute ruling of the Tatar East. In the 16th century as a part of Lithuania Ukraine was included into the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and then passed under the rule of the Polish magnates, under the yoke of the Western Polish civilization. In 1569 the Union of Lublin was signed that formalized the accession of the Ukrainian territory to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the period from the 10th to the 19th centuries there was no such state as Ukraine on the world political map. In the 10th century some part of the territory of present Ukraine was taken by Kievan Rus, in the 13th century — by Golden Horde, in the 14th-15th centuries — by Lithuania, Golden Horde and Russia. In the next centuries the territory of Ukraine was controlled by the Ottoman Empire, Poland and Russia. And only in 1918 the state of Ukraine appeared on the political map.Single Soviet Ukraine created by Bolsheviks did not present any internal cultural and language unity as it was always shared by different empires being the hostile and irreconcilable centers of force in Europe — the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Russian Empire and Austro-Hungarian Empire.In 1917-1920 about dozens of different republics were established in the territory of Ukraine. They were isolated within the borders of their formations. Accordingly, it may be said that in 1917-1920 Ukraine presented a mosaic of different formations which were often formed due to ambitions of some scoundrels and political adventurers striving to get to power and to become the leader of a state. But only the tough policy of Bolsheviks aimed to prevent the disintegration process permitted Ukraine to preserve its territory. After its election the Supreme Council started preparation of the Draft Declaration of Ukraine State Sovereignty simultaneously with the Draft Law on Ukraine State Sovereignty. Both drafts were considered in May 1990. After their discussion it was decided to develop the Draft Declaration of State Sovereignty.On July 16, 1990 the Ukrainian Parliament after long discussions adopted the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine by majority voting. This declaration which did not change and substitute the Constitution of Ukrainian SSR became a very important document for establishment of the Ukrainian statehood having laid the basis for the future Constitution of Ukraine.The concept of the new Constitution of Ukraine envisaged the establishment of the presidential republic. As a result, in June 1991 the laws «On Establishment of the Office of President of Ukrainian SSR with Making Alterations and Additions in the Constitution», «On President of Ukrainian SSR” and “On Election of President of Ukrainian SSR». The office of president was established to strengthen the vertical of executive power and to make it in the future independent of executive power of union bodies. The law assigned broad authorities to the president. Thus, the president acquired the right to cancel the decisions of the USSR bodies of executive power in the territory of Ukrainian SSR if they contradicted its constitution.By mid-1991 the legislative base was created in Ukraine which, in fact, made it an independent state as the laws adopted in 1990 and in the first half of 1991 brought out Ukraine from subordination to the USSR powers. The single economic, political and military space of the USSR practically ceased to exist. By this time Ukraine subordinated only nominally to union authorities. On August 24 the Extraordinary Meeting of Supreme Rada passed the Act on Declaration of Independence of Ukraine. That time it was also decided to conduct on December 01 the republican referendum to confirm the Act of Independence. This was done with a view to demonstrate to the union authorities that the Ukrainian people were endeavoring to become independent, thus, making legitimate the Act of Independence. After becoming independent in 1991 Ukraine entered the new stage of its development. The regional system of Ukraine revealed two clear poles — Donbass and Galichina which determined the country’s development for decades ahead.

No sentido de compreender os avanços e desafios da Enfermagem na Turquia é necessário conhecer a estrutura e o desenvolvimento histórico do país, localizado entre a Ásia e a Europa e permeado de valores das culturas oriental e ocidental. A República da Turquia foi fundada em 1923 sobre as ruínas do Império Otomano a partir de acordo com valores Islâmicos e do sultanato, sob a liderança de Ataturk (Mustafá Kemal) seu fundador. A Turquia se desenvolveu influenciada pelas revoluções do republicanismo, o nacionalismo, o populismo, o estatismo e o secularismo(1). Este Estado com 86 anos, teve seu primeiro censo em 1927 que apresentou 13.648.270 habitantes. O segundo, realizado em 2008, mostrou que a Turquia tinha 72.561.312 pessoas, sendo metade do sexo feminino e metade do masculino, 6% da população tinha 65 anos ou mais e 50% 26 anos ou menos. A rápida industrialização e urbanização na Turquia é uma das principais razões do fato de que aproximadamente 75% da população vive nas cidades(2). “Enfermeira” em turco significa "irmã". A Enfermagem na Turquia, percebida como um trabalho feminino, inicialmente se constituiu como trabalho voluntário de mulheres que se dispuseram a aprender o ofício nos próprios serviços de saúde. Após a independência turca, a reconstruçao da escola foi marcada pela organizaçao do currículo, apontando alguns avanços que se refletiram no status das mulheres na Turquia, ganhando importância após a instauração da República. Portanto, enfermeiras e profissionais de enfermagem se tornaram mais importantes(3). O primeiro indício do ensino de enfermagem Turquia começou em 1920 na Admiral Bristol Nursing School, Istambul instalado no American Hospital por meio de um curso de cuidador com o status de escola privada estrangeira(3-5). No periodo da República, a Red Crescent Nursing School se inicia em 1925, sendo a primeira escola de Enfermagem da Turquia. O ensino da Enfermagem moderna começou na Turquia com esta escola e a profissão de enfermagem ganhou identidade profissional(3,5). O primeiro movimento de organização da profissão de enfermagem no nosso país foi fundado em 1933 como ''Associação Médica Turca de Atendentes'' por enfermeiras voluntárias. Esta associação foi reorganizada em 1943, e sua gestão foi assumida pelas enfermeiras graduadas da escola, tendo seu nome modificado para ''Associação Turca de Enfermeiras” (ATE). Esta tornou-se membro do Conselho Internacional de Enfermagem em 1959, sendo que seu setor de comunicação iniciou a sua vida editorial em 1953, permanecendo até os dias atuais(5). A legislação de enfermagem é de 1954. Segundo essa lei, apenas as mulheres podiam fazer enfermagem. Em 1946, o Ministério da Saúde e Bem-Estar Social, fundou o Laboratório de Escolas de Enfermagem, que oferecia um programa de três anos para os graduados do ensino médio(5). A Ege University School of Nursing, fundada em 1955, foi a primeira escola em nosso país que ofereceu educação em nível universitário(4). Em 1958, as Escolas de Laboratório de Enfermagem, que tinham adotado uma abordagem mais técnica extenderam o curso para quatro anos, sendo também oferecido por escolas de ensino médio. De 1989 a 1995, o Ministério da Saúde e Bem-Estar Social aumentou o número de escolas profissionais de saúde de 75 para 326(4). Em 1992, os requisitos de formação de enfermagem e obstetrícia do nosso país exigiam o nível universitário após a "re-construção do projeto de formação em saúde'' do Ministério da Saúde. De acordo com o Conselho Supremo de Saúde, em 1995, e por decisão do Conselho de Ministros em 1996, foi introduzido um protocolo comum pelo Conselho de Ministros e do Ensino Superior, bem como em conformidade com as regulamentações nacionais e internacionais, as Escolas Profissionais de Saúde foram reestruturadas exigindo oito anos de ensino formal e foi transferida para as universidades a missão de oferecer o grau universitário de Bacharel aos diplomados do ensino médio. No entanto, cinco anos depois, em 2000, o Conselho Superior de Saúde decidiu que os cursos de Enfermagem, Obstetrícia e Oficiais de Saúde, deveriam ser novamente oferecidos nas escolas de ensino médio(5). O ensino superior em Enfermagem tem 55 anos de experiência na Turquia. Assim como outros cursos em nivel de graduação, é oferecido em quatro anos após doze anos de ensino primário, secundário e ensino médio(5). Todos os níveis de ensino de pós- graduação no país são controlados pelo Conselho Turco de Ensino Superior (Yuksek Ogretim Kurumu – YOK), que define as normas e padrões para todas as universidades direcionados para novos programas de Altos Graus (Mestrado e Doutorado), solicitando das novas instituições o cumprimento de suas normas. Em 1968, a Universidade de Hacettepe iniciou o Programa de Mestrado Ciências em Enfermagem e em 1972, o Programa de Doutorado em Enfermagem(4). O ensino de Enfermagem em nivel de doutorado começou como um programa único para a enfermagem, hoje na Turquia, as áreas que abrangem o ensino de pós-graduação em enfermagem são: Enfermagem Fundamental, Enfermagem Médica, Enfermagem Cirúrgica, Ginecologia e Enfermagem Obstétrica, Enfermagem Pediátrica, Enfermagem Psiquiatria, Enfermagem em Saúde Pública, Gestão em Enfermagem e Educação em Enfermagem(4-5). Nos últimos anos, tem havido um interesse crescente na pesquisa em enfermagem na Turquia. Dos 231 acadêmicos na área de enfermagem, 39,0% tiveram 124 artigos publicados em periódicos indexados em índices de citação (SCI-exp.SSCI). O número de artigos produzidos teve aumento em 2002, chegando a 33,1% em 2004(6). Em um esforço para promover os seus estudos a nível internacional, os enfermeiros doutores têm organizado uma série de conferências de enfermagem, como: a Conferência Turca Internacional de Enfermagem, a Conferência Turca Internacional de Administração em Enfermagem, a Conferência Turca Internacional de Enfermeiros Cirúrgicos, etc. Quando a primeira conferência aconteceu, o público foi composto, principalmente, por docentes das escolas de enfermagem. Hoje, mais e mais enfermeiros clínicos estão participando(4). Especialmente os alunos dos programas de doutorado preferem trabalhar em sua maior parte na área acadêmica. De acordo com dados de 2006, há 182 docentes do ensino superior de enfermagem em nosso país, dos quais 54 são professores, 25 professores adjuntos e 103 professores assistentes. Desde a introdução da pós-graduação e doutorado em enfermagem (1968-1972), tem havido aumento constante do número de enfermeiros que avançam para funções acadêmicas após a graduação(5). A lei de Enfermagem feita em 1954 foi alterada em 2007. Segundo a mudança dessa lei, os homens foram considerados capazes para fazerem enfermagem. Também de acordo com essa lei, enfermeiros de plantão são autorizados pelo pessoal médico para aplicar o tratamento prescrito, exceto em emergências; para identificar as necessidades de saúde relacionadas com a saúde do indivíduo, família e comunidade, capazes de cumprir as iniciativas de enfermagem em qualquer ambiente e no contexto do processo de diagnóstico de enfermagem para planejar, implementar, acompanhar e avaliar os cuidados de enfermagem dentro das necessidades identificadas. Além disso, eles cumprem suas tarefas com base na legislação e suas disposições sobre a prática de medicina familiar(7-8). A Associação Turca de Enfermagem (TNA) foi responsável por identificar valores éticos de Enfermagem para enfermeiros em 2009, o que se tornou guia para ação com base em valores e necessidades sociais(8). Como resultado, apesar de enfrentar sérios problemas no passado, hoje, os principais avanços e desafios foram salvos com a regulamentação legal e ética da Enfermagem. REFERÊNCIAS 1. Ataturk Ilkeleri ve Inkilaplari [Internet]. 2010 [cited 2010 Jan 25]. Available from: http://www.ataturktoday.com/AtaturkIlkeleriveInkilaplari.htm. 2. Türkiye Istatistik Kurumu (tuik) [Internet]. 2010 [cited 2010 Jan 25]. Available from: http://www.tuik.gov.tr/AltKategori.do?ust_id=11. 3. Hatipo?lu S. A brief history of Turkish nursing. Reflect Nurs Leadersh. 2006;32(2):6. 4. Yavuz M.. Nursing doctoral education in Turkey. Nurse Educ Today. 2004;24(7): 553-9. 5. Bahçeçik N, Alpar SE. Nursing education in Turkey: From past to present. Nurse Educ Today. 2009;29(7):698-703. 6. Kuzu N, Ulusoy MF. Profile of scientific article published in journals included in international citation indexes belonging to academicians having PhD degree in nursing. In: 4th International Nursing Management Conference Abstract Book. Virginia: Hacettepe University; 2008. p. 56. 7. Hem?irelik kanununda de?i?iklik yapilmasina dair kanun 2010 [Internet]. [cited 2010 Jan 30]. Available from: http://rega.basbakanlik.gov.tr/eskiler/2007/05/20070502-3.htm. 8. Turk Hemsireler Dernegi [Internet]. 2010 [cited 2010 Jan 25]. Available from: http://www.turkhemsirelerdernegi.org.tr/.

Hotspots of Cultural InnovationIn the 1960s, a long list of poets, writers, and musicians flocked to the Chelsea Hotel, 222 West 23rd Street, New York (Tippins). Among them Bob Dylan, who moved in at the end of 1964, Leonard Cohen, who wrote Take This Longing dedicated to singer Nico there, and Patti Smith who rented a room there together with Robert Mapplethorpe in 1969 (Smith; Bell; Simmons). They all benefited not just from the low rents, but also from the close, often intimate, presence of other residents who inspired them to explore new creative paths. Around the same time, across the Atlantic, the Indica Bookshop and Gallery, 6 Mason’s Yard, London played a similar role as a meeting place for musicians, artists and hangers-on. It was there, on the evening of 9 November 1966, that John Lennon attended a preview of Yoko Ono's first big solo exhibition, Unfinished Paintings and Objects. Legend has it that the two met as Lennon was climbing up the ladder of Ono’s installation work ‘Ceiling Painting’, and reaching out to a dangling magnifying glass in order to take a closer look at the single word ‘YES’ scribbled on a suspended placard (Campbell). It was not just Lennon’s first meeting with Yoko Ono, but also his first run into conceptual art. After this fateful evening, both Lennon’s private life and his artistry would never be the same again. There is already a rich body of literature on the geography of music production (Scott; Kloosterman; Watson Global Music City; Verboord and Brandellero). In most cases, these studies deal with the city or neighbourhood scales. Micro-geographies of concrete places are rarer, with some notable exceptions that focus on recording studios and on specific venues (cf. Gibson; Watson et al.; Watson Cultural Production; van Klyton). Our approach focuses on concrete places that act more like third spaces – something in between or even combining living and working. Such places enable frequent face-to-face meetings, both planned and serendipitous, which are crucial for the exchange of knowledge. These two spaces represent iconic cultural hotspots where innovative artists, notably (pop) musicians, came together in the 1960s. Because of their many famous visitors and residents, both spaces are well documented in (auto)biographies, monographs on art scenes in London and New York, as well as in newspapers. Below, we will explore how these two spaces played an important role at a time of cultural revolution, by connecting people and scenes to the micro geography of concrete places and by functioning as nodes of knowledge exchange and, hence, as milieus of innovation.Art Worlds, Scenes and Places The romantic view that artists are solitary geniuses was discarded already long ago and replaced by a conceptualization that sees them as part of broader social configurations, or art worlds. According to Howard Becker (34), these art worlds consist “of all the people necessary to the production of the characteristic works” – in other words, not just artists, but also “support personnel” such as sound engineers, editors, critics, and managers. Without this “resource pool” the production of art would be virtually impossible. Art worlds are also about the consumption of art. The concept of scene has been used to articulate the local processes of taste making and reputation building, as they “provide ways of social belonging attuned to the demands of a culture in which individuals increasingly define themselves” (Silver et al. 2295). Individuals who share certain aesthetic preferences come together, both socially and spatially (Currid) and locations such as cafés and nightclubs offer important settings where members of an art world may drink, eat, meet, gossip, and exchange knowledge. The urban fabric provides an important backdrop for these exchanges: as Jane Jacobs (181) observed, “old ideas can sometimes use new buildings. New ideas must come from old buildings.” In order to function as relational spaces, these amenities have to meet two sets of conditions. The first set comprises the locational characteristics, which Durmaz identifies as centrality and proximity. The second set relates to socio-economic characteristics. From an economic perspective, the amenity has to be viable– either independently or through patronage or state subsidies. Becoming a cultural hotspot is not just a matter of good bookkeeping. The atmosphere of an amenity has to be tolerant towards forms of cultural and social experimentation and, arguably, even transgression. In addition, a successful space has to have attractors: persons who fulfil key roles in a particular art world in evaluation, curation, and gatekeeping. To what extent did the Indica Gallery and the Chelsea Hotel meet these two sets of conditions in the 1960s? We turn to this question now.A Hotel and a GalleryThe Indica Gallery and the Chelsea Hotel were both highly central – the former located right in the middle of St. James’s in the central London Borough of Westminster (cf. Kloosterman) and the latter close to Greenwich Village in Manhattan. In the post-war, these locations provided a vacant and fertile ground for artists, who moved in as firms and wealthier residents headed for the green suburbs. As Ramanathan recounts, “For artists, downtown New York, from Chambers Street in Tribeca to the Meatpacking District and Chelsea, was an ideal stomping ground. The neighbourhoods were full of old factories that had emptied out in the postwar years; they had room for art, if not crown molding and prewar charm” (Ramanathan). Similarly in London, “Despite its posh address the area [the area surrounding the Indica Gallery] then had a boho feel. William Burroughs, Brion Gysin and Anthony Blunt all had flats in the same street.” (Perry no pagination). Such central locations were essential to attract the desired attention and interest of key gatekeepers, as Barry Miles – one of Indica’s founding members - states: “In those days a gallery virtually had to be in Mayfair or else critics and buyers would not visit” (Miles 73). In addition, the Indica Gallery’s next-door neighbour was the Scotch of St James club. The then up and coming singer Marianne Faithfull, married to Indica founder John Dunbar, reportedly “needed to be seen” in this “trendy ‘in’ club for the new rock aristocracy” (Miles 73). Undoubtedly, their cultural importance was also linked to the fact that they were both located in well-connected budding global cities with a strong media presence (Krätke).Over and above location, these spaces also met important socio-economic conditions. In the 1960s, the neighbourhood surrounding the Chelsea Hotel was in transition with an abundance of available and affordable space. After moving out of the Chelsea Hotel, Patti Smith and Robert Mapplethorpe (Smith) had no difficulty finding a cheap loft to rent nearby. Rates in the Chelsea Hotel – when they were settled, that is - were incredibly low to current standards. According to Tippins (350), the typical Chelsea Hotel room rate in 1967 was $ 10 per week, which would amount to some $ 67.30 per week in 2013. Again, a more or less similar story can be told for the Indica Gallery. When Barry Miles, Peter Asher and John Dunbar founded the Gallery in September 1965, the premises were empty and the rent was low: "We paid 19 quid a week rent" according to John Dunbar (Perry). These cheap spaces provided fruitful economic conditions for cultural experimentation. Innovative relational spaces require not only accessibility in spatial and financial terms, but also an atmosphere conducive to cultural experimentation. This implies some kind of benevolent, preferably even stimulating, management that is willing and able to create such an atmosphere. At the Chelsea Hotel and Indica Gallery alike, those in charge were certainly not first and foremost focused on profit maximisation. Instead they were very much active members of the art worlds themselves, displaying a “taste for creative work” (Caves) and looking for ways in which their spaces could make a contribution to culture in a wider sense. This holds for Stanley Bard who ran the Chelsea Hotel for decades: “Working besides his father, Stanley {Bard} had gotten to know many of these people. He had attended their performances and exhibitions, read their books, and had been invited to their parties. Young and malleable, he soon came to see the world largely from their point of view” (Tippins 166). Such affinity with the artistic scene meant that Bard was more than accommodating. As Patti Smith recalls (100), “you weren’t immediately kicked out if you got behind on the rent … Mostly everybody owed Bard something”. While others recall a slightly less flexible attitude towards missed rents - “… the residents greatly appreciated a landlord who tolerated everything, except, quite naturally, a deficit” (Tippins 132) – the progressive atmosphere at the Chelsea was acknowledged by many others. For example, “[t]he greatest advantage of life at the Chelsea, [Arthur] Miller had to acknowledge, was that no one gave a damn what anyone else chose to do sexually” (Tippins 155).Similarly at the Indica Gallery, Miles, Asher and Dunbar were not first and foremost interested in making as much money as possible. The trio was itself drawn from various artistic fields: John Dunbar, an art critic for The Scotsman, wanted to set up an experimental gallery with Peter Asher (half of the pop duo Peter & Gordon) and Barry Miles (painter and writer). When asked about Indica's origins, Dunbar said: "There was a reason why we did Indica in the first place: to have fun" (Nevin). Recollections of the Gallery mention “a brew pot for the counterculture movement”, (Ramanathan) or “a haven for the free-wheeling imagination, a land of free expression and cultural collaboration where underground seeds were allowed to take root” (Campbell-Johnston).Part of the attraction of both spaces was the almost assured presence of interesting and famous persons, whom by virtue of their fame and appeal contributed to drawing others in. The roll calls of the Chelsea Hotel (Tippins) and of the Indica Gallery are impressive and partly overlapping: for instance, Allen Ginsberg was a notable visitor of the Indica Gallery and a prominent resident of the Chelsea Hotel, whereas Barry Miles was also a long-term resident of the Chelsea Hotel. The guest books read as a cultural who-is-who of the 1960s, spanning multiple artistic fields: there are not just (pop) musicians, but also writers, poets, actors, film makers, fashion designers, and assorted support personnel. If innovation in culture, as anywhere else, is coming up with new combinations and crossovers, then the cross-fertilisation fostered by the coming together of different art worlds in these spaces was conducive to these new combinations. Moreover, as the especially the biographies of Bob Dylan, Paul McCartney, Leonard Cohen, and Patti Smith testify, these spaces served as repositories of accessible cultural capital and as incubators for new ideas. Both Leonard Cohen and Patti Smith benefited from the presence of Harry Smith who curated the Anthology of American Music at the Chelsea Hotel. As Patti Smith (115) recalls: “We met a lot of intriguing people at the Chelsea but somehow when I close my eyes to think of them, Harry is always the first person I see”. Leonard Cohen was also drawn to Harry Smith: “Along with other assorted Chelsea residents and writers and music celebrities who were passing through, he would sit at Smith’s feet and listen to his labyrinthine monologue” (Simmons 197).Paul McCartney, actively scanning the city for new and different forms of cultural capital (Miles; Kloosterman) could tap into different art worlds through the networks centred on the Indica Gallery. Indeed he was credited with lending more than a helping hand to Indica over the years: “Miles and Dunbar bridged the gap between the avant-garde rebels and the rock stars of the day, principally through their friendship with Paul McCartney, who helped to put up the shop’s bookshelves, drew its flyers and designed its wrapping paper. Later when Indica ran into difficulties, he lent his friends several thousands of pounds to pay their creditors” (Sandbrook 526).Sheltered Spaces Inevitably, the rather lenient attitude towards money among those who managed these cultural breeding spaces led them to serious financial difficulties. The Indica Gallery closed two years after opening its doors. The Chelsea Hotel held out much longer, but the place went into a long period of decline and deterioration culminating in the removal of Stanley Bard as manager and banishment from the building in 2007 (Tippins). Notwithstanding their patchy record as viable business models, their role as cultural hotspots is beyond doubt. It is possibly because they offered a different kind of environment, partly sheltered from more mundane moneymaking considerations, that they could thrive as cultural hotspots (Brandellero and Kloosterman). Their central location, close to other amenities (such as night clubs, venues, cafés), the tolerant atmosphere towards deviant lifestyles (drugs, sex), and the continuous flow of key actors – musicians of course, but also other artists, managers and critics – also fostered cultural innovation. Reflecting on these two spaces nowadays brings a number of questions to the fore. We are witnessing an increasing upward pressure on rents in global cities – notably in London and New York. As cheap spaces become rarer, one may question the impact this will have on the gestation of new ideas (cf. Currid). If the examples of the Indica Gallery and the Chelsea Hotel are anything to go by, their instrumental role as cultural hotspots turned out to be financially unsustainable against the backdrop of a changing urban milieu. The question then is how can cities continue to provide the right set of conditions that allow such spaces to bud and thrive? As the Chelsea Hotel undergoes an alleged $40 million dollar renovation, which will turn it into a boutique hotel (Rich), the jury is still out on whether central urban locations are destined to become - to paraphrase John Lennon’s ‘In my life’, places which ‘had their moments’ – or mere repositories of past cultural achievements.ReferencesAnderson, P. “Watch this Space.” Sydney Morning Herald, 19 Apr. 2014.Becker, H.S. Art Worlds. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982.Bell, I. Once upon a Time: The Lives of Bob Dylan. Edinburgh/London: Mainstream Publishing, 2012.Brandellero, A.M.C. The Art of Being Different: Exploring Diversity in the Cultural Industries. Dissertation. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 2011.Brandellero, A.M.C., and R.C. Kloosterman. “Keeping the Market at Bay: Exploring the Loci of Innovation in the Cultural Industries.” Creative Industries Journal 3.1 (2010): 61-77.Campbell, J. “Review: A Life in Books: Barry Miles.” The Guardian, 20 Mar. 2010.Campbell-Johnston, R. “They All Wanted to Change the World.” The Times, 22 Nov. 2006Caves, R.E. Creative Industries: Contracts between Art and Commerce. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000.Currid, E. The Warhol Economy: How Fashion, Art, and Music Drive New York City. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007.Durmaz, S.B. “Analyzing the Quality of Place: Creative Clusters in Soho and Beyoğlu.” Journal of Urban Design 20.1 (2015): 93-124.Gibson, C. “Recording Studios: Relational Spaces of Creativity in the City.” Built Environment 31.3 (2005): 192-207.Hutton, T.A. Cities and the Cultural Economy. London/New York: Routledge, 2016.Jacobs, J. The Death and Life of Great American Cities, New York: Vintage Books, 1961.Jury, L. “Sixties Art Swings Back into London: Exhibition Brings to Life Decade of the 'Original Young British Artists'.” London Evening Standard, 3 Sep. 2013 Kloosterman, R.C. “Come Together: An Introduction to Music and the City.” Built Environment 31.3 (2005): 181-191.Krätke, S. “Global Media Cities in a World-Wide Urban Network.” European Planning Studies 11.6 (2003): 605-628.Miles, B. In the Sixties. London: Pimlico, 2003.Nevin, C. “Happening, Man!” The Independent, 21 Nov. 2006Norman, P. John Lennon: The Life. London: HarperCollins Publishers, 2008.Perry, G. “In This Humble Yard Our Art Boom was Born.” The Times, 11 Oct. 2006Ramanathan, L. “I, Y O K O.” The Washington Post, 10 May 2015.Rich, N. “Where the Walls Still Talk.” Vanity Fair, 8 Oct. 2013. Sandbrook, Dominic. White Heat: A History of Britain in the Swinging Sixties. London: Abacus, 2009. Scott, A.J. “The US Recorded Music Industry: On the Relations between Organization, Location, and Creativity in the Cultural Economy.” Environment and Planning A 31.11 (1999): 1965-1984.Silver, D., T.N. Clark, and C.J.N. Yanez . “Scenes: Social Context in an Age of Contingency.” Social Forces 88.5 (2010): 293-324.Simmons, S. I’m Your Man: The Life of Leonard Cohen. London: Jonathan Cape, 2012.Smith, P. Just Kids. London: Bloomsbury, 2010.Tippins, S. Inside the Dream Palace: The Life and Times of New York’s Legendary Chelsea Hotel. London/New York: Simon & Schuster, 2013.Van Klyton, A.C. “Space and Place in World Music Production.” City, Culture and Society 6.4 (2015): 101-108.Verboord, M., and A.M.C. Brandellero. “The Globalization of Popular Music, 1960-2010: A Multilevel Analysis of Music Flows.” Communication Research 2016. DOI: 10.1177/0093650215623834.Watson, A. “Global Music City: Knowledge and Geographical Proximity in London's Recorded Music Industry.” Area 40.1 (2008): 12-23.Watson, A. Cultural Production in and beyond the Recording Studio. London: Routledge, 2014.Watson, A., M. Hoyler, and C. Mager. “Spaces and Networks of Musical Creativity in the City.” Geography Compass 3.2 (2009): 856–878.

According to media conglomerate CNN, John Lennon and Yoko Ono’s peace crusade began in 1971. CNN’s on-line news group Showbiz on June 22, 1997 frames John and Yoko’s campaign for peace: “Former Beatle John Lennon was honoured posthumously Friday for his contributions to world peace at a star-studded ceremony in London for the 22nd Silver Clef awards. Lennon’s song “Imagine” has been a leading anthem for the peace movement”. This is a rather limited selection that overlooks a number of earlier (and more radical) possibilities in the Lennon-Ono musical arsenal. A 1969 article in Newsweek entitled “The Peace Anthem” records the phenomenal success of “Give Peace a Chance” in mobilizing the protesting masses against the war in Vietnam. Newsweek relates how “Chance” became the chant for anti-war protestors in Washington on November 15, 1969. On that day, 250,000 marchers demonstrated at the American nation’s capitol for a Moratorium to stop the fighting in Vietnam. Led by folk singer Pete Seeger, the crowd was swept up in the endless repetition of the Lennon dictum, “All we are saying is give peace a chance.” When Lennon tuned into the signals from Washington, he dubbed it one of the “biggest moments of my life” (Wiener 97). Dodging the immigration authorities that would not let John and Yoko physically into the United States, John and Yoko’s anti-war signals had been transmitted over the border from the “Bed-in” in Montreal where the song originated, to rally the masses marching on the mall in Washington. The story concluded: “The peace movement had found an anthem” (Newsweek 102). “Give Peace a Chance”—and the Vietnam War against which it raised its voice—have been deleted from CNN’s selective memory. Its brand of political dissent and anti-war activism does not fit the rubric of a 90’s Showbiz column. Yet, this is how the avant-garde performance artist and the hippie rock and roller conceived their peacemaking efforts—as the invasion and intervention of “showbiz” and media hype into the space of mass politics. In their fight for peace, the newly wed John and Yoko staged a series of art and media events in the form of interviews, songs, ads, concerts, demonstrations and happenings. Many of these media-savvy events took place in Canada in 1969. For example, John and Yoko’s The Plastic Ono Band played Varsity Stadium in Toronto in September at the concert known as “Live Peace” which included performances of “Give Peace a Chance” and Yoko’s intense lament “John, John (Let’s Hope for Peace).” With these events, Yoko’s avant-garde strategies of Fluxus and Conceptual art combined forces with John’s energies of rock and roll rebellion to forge a program of media activism and political dissent. Biographer Jon Wiener recalls that John and Yoko’s anti-war campaign represented a new chapter in New Left politics and its relation to mass media. Rather than reject newspapers and TV as “exclusively instruments of corporate domination,” John and Yoko sought “to work within the mass media, to use them, briefly and sporadically, against the system in which they functioned” (89). Umberto Eco pointed to this in his 1967 essay “Towards a Semiological Guerrilla Warfare,” suggesting that “the universe of Technological Communication” (i.e., mass media) be patrolled by “groups of communications guerrillas” who would engage in “future communications guerrilla warfare” to restore a critical dimension involving “the constant correction of perspectives, the checking of codes, and the ever renewed interpretation of mass messages” (143-144). Eco’s formulation provides a possible frame of reference for John and Yoko’s media war and their series of events countering, checking and, to quote Yoko, “criticizing the establishment” and its pro-war propaganda (Giulano 71). The 1969 “Bed-Ins” were media events that used the publicity around John and Yoko’s honeymoon as a lure for the press to report on their anti-war campaign. The first took place in Amsterdam in late March and John and Yoko staged a second honeymoon in Montreal in late May. As non-stop salespeople for their peace product, John and Yoko gave ten hours of press interviews every day invoking the media maxim that repetition induces belief. Blurring art and life, the “Bed-Ins” illustrate the strategies of happenings and Fluxus performance at the heart of Yoko’s aesthetic. At the Amsterdam press conference, Yoko framed their work as an avant-garde performance piece electrified by mass communications media. “Everything we do is a happening. All of our events are directly connected with society. We would like to communicate with the world. This event is called the ““Bed Peace”, and it’s not p-i-e-c-e, it’s p-e-a-c-e. Let’s just stay in bed and grow hair instead of being violent” (Giulano 46). The word plays of “Bed Peace” and “Hair Peace” pasted above their nuptial bed appealed to both Yoko and John’s punster sensibilities, their express aim being to play the world’s clowns for peace and mobilize the subversive power of laughter. The “Bed-Ins” must be situated against the background of the sit-ins on American college campuses at that time of anti-Vietnam war protests. Indeed, John referred to the event as “the bed sit-in” showing that this connection was in his mind. The direct links to the student revolt were further underscored in the telephone exchange between John and Yoko in Montreal and the rioters in People’s Park in Berkeley when Lennon played peace guru, encouraging the demonstrators to avoid violence at all costs (Wiener 92-93). Around the same time, John and Yoko also began their playfully named “Nuts for Peace” campaign by sending acorns to fifty heads of state and asking them to plant them as a symbolic gesture for peace. Another John and Yoko media blitz took over billboards as the sites to wage communications guerrilla warfare. When asked at a press conference to explain the “War is Over Poster Campaign”, the peace PR man stated: “It’s part of our advertising campaign for peace” (Giulano 83). This particular aspect of the media war recalls the international dissemination of the poster “War is Over! If You Want It. Happy Christmas from John and Yoko” in twelve urban centres. Since the mid-sixties, Beatle John had been delivering promotional peace and good will messages on vinyl to his fans at Christmas. In 1969, he and his new partner in art prepared a visual Christmas card using public space to blur the boundaries between art, activism, and advertising. The glaring headline stated the fantasy as if already fulfilled (War is Over!). This was followed by the empowering call to mass action reminding the viewer of what was needed to attain the goal (If You Want It). To kick off the campaign, the international peace politicos gave a “Christmas for Peace” charity concert in London for the United Nations Children’s Fund. When asked about the costs of the poster, Lennon sidestepped the issue, saying he didn’t want to think about it, but joking, “I’ll have to write a song or two to earn me money back” (Giulano 83). The critics attacked this statement as evasive and not willing to own up to how the promoters were direct beneficiaries of the marketing of peace. Rather than focusing on how this campaign would afford free publicity to John and Yoko and promote further demand for their products, Lennon focused on extensive outlays of capital. This recalls another rather hostile exchange at a November 1969 press conference having the look of an all-out media war on the occasion of Lennon returning his M.B.E. Medal of Honour to the Queen. Lennon’s letter read in part: “Your Majesty, I am returning this M.B.E. in protest against Britain’s involvement in the Nigeria-Biafra thing, against our support of America in Vietnam, and against ‘Cold Turkey’ slipping down the charts” (Wiener 106). Numerous critics sought to deflate Lennon’s claim that this was an act of political protest in the fight for peace, characterising it as a mere self-serving publicity stunt for his latest single. John: “Well, we use advertising.” Reporter: “You’re an advertisement.” John: “Will you shut up a minute!” (Giulano 109) In the heat of exchange, Lennon breaks his cool at the reporter who underscores that there is no way to differentiate between the use of advertising to promote peace and to promote John and Yoko. This concurs with Graeme Turner’s argument in Fame Games that “the celebrity’s ultimate power is to sell the commodity that is themselves” (Turner 12). At the point that would convert this speaking subject into a walking advertisement, the hippie peacenik snaps and reveals a violent temper not befitting someone who would follow Gandhi’s way of non-violence. Engaging with the mass media, John and Yoko’s media war packaged and promoted their peace product as art and advertising, as information and entertainment, as a discourse of political dissent and of self-promotion. With a slogan like “War is Over! If You Want It,” these two media warriors supplied youth culture at the end of the 60’s with the peace product and process that was lacking. Their consuming images and anthems anticipated the “collusional critique” of eighties art and its appropriation of media images that function as “both critical manifesto and the very commodity it critiques” (Sussman 15). In this case, John and Yoko’s media war provided a critique of the official war program while capitalizing upon the very commodity against which war had been declared. For if John seriously wanted to “make peace big business for everybody” (Newsweek 102), this could be achieved only in a parasitic relationship with a war economy making John and Yoko both peace prophets and profiteers. But even if one acknowledges the profit motive in the peace campaign—and this assumes that John was not misappropriated as a “peace capitalist” by the establishment press—there was something else fluxing up the media machine and the war program. John and Yoko understood how their star power and international celebrity gave them a privileged and almost unlimited access to a mass media that wanted to soak up their Pop star aura to satisfy its own instrumentalist agenda. The press and the public wanted John and Yoko, and these two media stars fed this desire and then some. They complied with the pop star demand, but spiked it with the dangerous supplements of political dissent and subversive humour. They fed this desire with a feedback loop and interventionist strategy, with an anti-war army surplus provided at no extra charge. The year 1969 concluded with another savvy media event that lent John and Yoko’s media war more political credibility and gave the American establishment something they had not bargained for: a photo-op and peace dialogue with Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau of Canada. Once again, John and Yoko’s media war had added an extra twist and an extra shout that the war programmers would have preferred not to hear, the message “War is Over (If You Want It!)” and “War is Over” whether they wanted it or not. Imagine that. Works Cited “The Peace Anthem,” Newsweek, December 1, 1969. Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyperreality, San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987. Giulano, Geoffrey and Brenda. The Lost Lennon Interviews, Holbrook, MA: Adams Media Corporation, 1996. Sussman, Elizabeth. On the Passage of a Few People Through a Brief Moment of Time: The Situationist International 1957-1972, Boston: M.I.T. Press and Institute of Contemporary Art, 1989. Turner, Graeme, Frances Bonner and David Marshall. Fame Games: The Production of Celebrity in Australia, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Wiener, Jon. Come Together: John Lennon in His Time (New York: Random House, 1984). Links http://www.cnn.com/SHOWBIZ/9706/21/lennon.award Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Kaplan, Louis. "“War is Over! If You Want It”" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 6.1 (2003). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/06-warisover.php>. APA Style Kaplan, L., (2003, Feb 26). “War is Over! If You Want It”. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,(1). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/06-warisover.html

Durante el embarazo hay cambios en la fisiología de la tiroides, caracterizados por el aumento de las concentraciones de globulina fijadora de tiroides, tiroxina y triyodotironina que aumentan en casi un 50%; esto también aumenta los requerimientos de yodo. El hipertiroidismo se caracteriza por una disminución de la hormona estimulante de la tiroides (TSH) y niveles altos de hormonas tiroideas: la tiroxina (T4), la triyodotironina (T3), que complica a 1-2 mujeres por cada 1.000 embarazos, ocurre primero como una enfermedad de la glándula tiroides. La enfermedad severa ocurre entre 0.1-1 por ciento de embarazos. Puede manifestarse como hipertiroidismo manifiesto o subclínico. Debido a los cambios en la fisiología de la tiroides durante el embarazo, se recomienda su uso para el diagnóstico de la enfermedad tirodia durante el embarazo, rangos de referencia de TSH y T4L específicos para cada población y para cada trimestre. Para el tratamiento del hipertiroidismo en el embarazo, se recomienda el uso de Propylthiuracil de acuerdo con el trimestre. Esta es la opción en el primer trimestre y el metimazol en el segundo y tercer trimestre. Estas recomendaciones se basan en el riesgo de hepatotoxicidad y teratogenicidad. El tratamiento quirúrgico en mujeres embarazadas con hipertiroidismo también es una opción disponible durante el embarazo, indicada en ciertos casos en los que el manejo médico no puede ser tolerado por las alergias a las tionamidas o la agranulocitosis como efecto secundario. Se realiza una revisión de la literatura y presentación de 3 casos.

The article proposes a model for studying the laws of formation, development, dissemination of scientific knowledge and paradigm changes among humanities scientists of the Odessa scientific community through the prism of identity of one generation. The interpretation of the term «generation» is formulated and a chronological periodization of generations of Odessa humanities scientists is proposed. The formulation of the names of the generations of the Odessa scientific community is differentiated in accordance with the ideological component of the dominant types of professional activity for each individual generation of Odessa scientists, which depended in each individually selected chronological period on the prevailing priorities of the formation of professional activity and the prosopographic palette of generation against the background of metamorphoses of available socio-political and sociocultural landscapes. Outlined the characteristic features of the «early Soviet» generation of Odessa scientists. The specifics of the relationship of Odessa humanities scientists with the current political regime, which had a multi-level structure. The main component influencing the activities of scientists was a complex permanent process of institutional, structural and cognitive changes in the public administration system. Against the background of socio-political changes of 1920–1941, the identities of individual Odessa scientists as representatives of the «early Soviet» generation were identified and represented. The gradual pulling of scientists into the yoke of official ideology and party-state control was noted, which led them to fear of the current government, disagreement with which led to a limitation of academic freedom, which manifested itself in total regulation and standardization of professional activity and various oppressions. As a result of which they were forced to indicate facts in their autobiographies that demonstrated their proletarian origin or their participation in revolutionary events on the side of the Bolsheviks.

According to Micro, Small and medium enterprises Act 2006, the MSME are classified into two categories viz, Manufacturing Enterprises which are engaged in the manufacturing of production of goods or employing plant and machinery in the process of value addition to the final product having a distinct name or character or use. Service Enterprises: The enterprises engaged in providing or rendering of services are defined in terms of investment in equipment. Now, MSMEs is defined on the basis of ‘Annual Turnover’ instead of investment in plant and machinery /Equipment . Incase of manufacturing sector, the enterprises whose annual turnover is less than Rs. 5 Crores are considered as ‘Micro Enterprises’ The enterprises whose annual turnover is between Rs. 5 crores to Rs. 75 crores are considered as ‘Small Enterprises’ and the enterprises whose annual turnover is between Rs. 75 crores to Rs. 250 crores are considered as Medium Enterprises. A similar criteria are applied to define service sector enterprises as Micro, Small and Medium enterprises. At present approximately 36.1 million units of micro, small and medium enterprises are engaged in production in India. This sector provides employment to around 120 million people , These units represent around more than 45% of India’s total export . The contribution of this sector to the country’s Gross Domestic Product is about 8%. A study carried out by the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII) on the Indian MSMEs reveals that the MSME’s contribution to the India’s GDP will be around 50% by 2024 . Many units of MSME’s are located in rural areas which are checking the migration from rural areas to urban areas. Goa was liberated from the Portuguese regime yoke on 19th December 1961 , and remained union territory along with Daman and Diu for several years; Goa was elevated to the status of 25th state in the Indian Union on 30th May 1987. It has a geographical area of 3702 Sq. Kms. and a population of 14.58 lakhs (2011 Census). The state is divided into two districts (North and South Goa) and Twelve talukas. This state has the highest per capita income in the country and the second lowest with respect to poverty ratio. Tourism, agriculture, industry, mining, construction, banking, trade and fishery are the main stay of the Goan economy. Goa with its unique natural beauty has emerged as one of the best and the most attractive tourist destinations in the world. With a spread network of banking and financial institutions, the state is in the ideal position to attract investment. Goa today has over 8000 small scale industries employing over 60000 employees. The state has developed / established 20 industrial estates; some of them are among the best in the country. The industrial activities encompass about 50 sub sectors which include tourism, pharmaceuticals, electrical and automobile accessories etc. In spite of this, we are yet to achieve lot in the industrialization process. Goa has done fairly well in last two decades on the industrial front in spite of various handicaps. The explanation for this does not lie in any planned development strategy that the state

Информация об анодировании спеченных порошков (CП) ниобия ограничена изучением роста барьерных пленок. Формирование наноструктурированной анодной оксидной пленки (АОП) на поверхности частиц порошка должно привести к заметному увеличению удельной поверхности образца и росту химической активности материала. В соответствии с вышесказанным, исследование анодного наноструктурирования спеченных порошков ниобия является актуальной задачей, открывая перспективы создания новых функциональных наноматериалов. Цель статьи – изучение процесса анодирования спеченных порошков Nb во фторсодержащем водном электролите 1 М Н2SO4+1% HF.Объектами исследования являлись образцы из спеченного порошка Nb с удельной поверхностью Sуд = 800 см2/г. Анодирование проводилось в электролите 1 М Н2SO4 + 1% HF при различных значениях плотности тока ja. Морфология поверхности до и после анодирования изучалась методами сканирующей электронной микроскопии (СЭМ) и атомной силовой микроскопии (АСМ). Для исследования фазового состава применялся метод дифракции рентгеновских лучей. Выполнено изучение кинетики роста анодных оксидных пленок (АОП) на поверхности спеченных порошков СП Nb в гальваностатическом режиме. Определены оптимальные условия анодирования для получения кривых зависимости напряжения от времени Ua(t), характерных для образования самоорганизованных пористых анодных оксидных пленок АОП. Установлено, что анодирование при значениях плотности тока ja = 0.10–0.20 мA/cм2 вызывает формирование на поверхности частиц спеченных порошков СП оксидной пленки Nb2O5 с регулярно-пористым слоем, прилежащим к металлу, поверх которого располагается кристаллический микроконусный слой. Микроконусы (высота до 0.6 мкм, эффективный диаметр основания до 2 мкм) состоят из разветвленных волокон диаметром ~18–30 нм, смыкающихся на вершине. Впервые установлено, что анодирование спеченных порошков ниобия в водном фторсодержащем электролите вызывает формирование на поверхности микрочастиц порошка оксидной пленки с верхним кристаллическим микроконусным слоем. Предложенный метод обработки поверхности перспективен для создания биосовместимыхпорошковых имплантатов. ЛИТЕРАТУРА Одынец Л. Л., Орлов В. М. Анодные оксидные пленки. Л.: Наука; 1990. 200 с. Яковлева Н. М., Кокатев А. Н., Чупахина Е. А., Степанова К. В., Яковлев А. Н., Васильев С. Г., Шульга А. М. Наноструктурирование поверхности металлов и сплавов. Ч. 1. Наноструктурированные анодно-оксидные пленки на Al и его сплавах. Конденсированные среды и межфазные границы, 2015;17(2): 137–152. Режим доступа: https://journals.vsu.ru/kcmf/article/view/56 Яковлева Н. М., Кокатев А. Н., Степанова К. В., Яковлев А. Н., Чупахина Е. А., Шульга А. М., Васильев С. Г. Наноструктурирование поверхности металлов и сплавов. Ч. 2. 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Н., Петтерссон Х. Нанопористые анодно-оксидные пленки на порошковом сплаве Ti-Al. Уч. зап. ПетрГУ. 2015;147(2): 81–86. Режим доступа: http://uchzap.petrsu.ru/files/n147.pdf Степанова К. В., Яковлева Н. М., Кокатев А. Н., Петтерссон Х. Влияние отжига на структуру нанопористых оксидных пленок на поверхности порошкового сплава титан-алюминий. Поверхность. Рентгеновские, синхротронные и нейтронные исследования. 2016;9: 54–62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.7868/s0207352816090134 Степанова К. В., Яковлева Н. М., Кокатев А. Н., Петтерссон Х. Структура и свойства нанопористых анодных оксидных пленок на алюминиде титана. Конденсированные среды и межфазные границы. 2019;21(1): 135–145. DOI: https://doi.org/10.17308/kcmf.2019.21/724 ГОСТ 26252-84. Порошок ниобиевый. Технические условия. М.: Издательство стандартов; 1990. 47 с. Шульга А. М., Яковлева Н. М., Кокатев А. Н., Петтерссон Х. Наноструктурированные аноднооксидные пленки на спеченных порошках ниобия. 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Background information Sandscript was programmed with the web application « Tchat-scene », created by Carol-Ann Braun and the computer services company Timsoft (). It organizes a data-base of raw material into compositions and sequences allowing to build larger episodes. Multimedia resources are thus attributed to frames surrounding the chat space or to the chat space itself, thus “augmented” to include pre-written texts and graphics. Sandscript works best on a PC, with Internet Explorer. On Mac, use 0S9 and Internet Explorer. You will have to download a chat application for the site to function. Coded conversation General opinion would have it that chat space is a conversational space, facilitating rather than complicating communication. Writing in a chat space is very much influenced by the current ideological stance which sees collaborative spaces as places to make friends, speak freely, flip from one “channel” to another, link with a simple click into related themes, etc. Moreover, chat users tend to think of the chat screen in terms of a white page, an essentially neutral environment. A quick analysis of chat practices reveals a different scenario: chat spaces are highly coded typographical writing spaces, quick to exclude those who don’t abide by the technical and procedural constraints associated with computer reading/writing tools (Despret-Lonné, Gentès). Chatters seek to belong to a “community;” conversely, every chat has “codes” which restrict its membership to the like-minded. The patterns of exchange characteristic of chats are phatic (Jakobson), and their primary purpose is to get and maintain a social link. It is no surprise then that chatters should emphasize two skills: one related to rhetorical ingenuity, the other to dexterity and speed of writing. To belong, one first has to grasp the banter, then manage very quickly the rules and rituals of the group, then answer by mastering the intricacies of the keyboard and its shortcuts. Speed is compulsory if your answers are to follow the communal chat; as a result, sentences tend to be very short, truncated bits, dispatched in a continuous flow. Sandscript attempts to play with the limits of this often hermetic writing process (and the underlying questions of affinity, participation and reciprocity). It opens up a social space to an artistic and fictional space, each with rules of its own. Hyper-linked dialogue Sandscript is not just about people chatting, it is also about influencing the course of these exchanges. The site weaves pre-scripted poetic content into the spontaneous, real-time dialogue of chatters. Smileys and the plethora of abbreviations, punctuations and icons characteristic of chat rooms are mixed in with typographical games that develop the idea of text as image and text as sound — using Morse Code to make text resonate, CB code to evoke its spoken use, and graphic elements within the chat space itself to oppose keyboard text and handwritten graffiti. The web site encourages chatters to broaden the scope of their “net-speak,” and take a playfully conscious stance towards their own familiar practices. Actually, most of the writing in this web-site is buried in the database. Two hundred or so “key words” — expressions typical of phatic exchanges, in addition to other words linked to the idea of sandstorms and archeology — lie dormant, inactive and unseen until a chatter inadvertently types one in. These keywords bridge the gap between spontaneous exchange and multimedia content: if someone types in “hi,” an image of a face, half buried in sand, pops up in a floating window and welcomes you, silently; if someone types in the word “wind,” a typewritten “wind” floats out into the graphic environment and oscillates between the left and right edges of the frames; typing the word “no” “magically” triggers the intervention of an anarchist who says something provocative*. *Sandscript works like a game of ping-pong among chatters who are intermittently surprised by a comment “out of nowhere.” The chat space, augmented by a database, forms an ever-evolving, fluid “back-bone” around which artistic content is articulated. Present in the form of programs who participate in their stead, artists share the spot light, adding another level of mediation to a collective writing process. Individual and collective identities Not only does Sandscript accentuate the multimedia aspects of typed chat dialogues, it also seeks to give a “ shape” to the community of assembled chatters. This shape is musical: along with typing in a nickname of her choice, each chatter is attributed a sound. Like crickets in a field, each sound adds to the next to create a collective presence, modified with every new arrival and departure. For example, if your nick is “yoyo-mama,” your presence will be associated with a low, electronic purr. When “pillX” shows up, his nick will be associated with a sharp violin chord. When “mojo” pitches in, she adds her sound profile to the lot, and the overall environment changes again. Chatters can’t hear the clatter of each other’s keyboards, but they hear the different rhythms of their musical identities. The repeated pings of people present in the same “scape” reinforce the idea of community in a world where everything typed is swept away by the next bit of text, soon to be pushed off-screen in turn. The nature of this orchestrated collective presence is determined by the artists and their programs, not by the chatters themselves, whose freedom is limited to switching from one nick to another to test the various sounds associated with each. Here, identity is both given and built, both individual and collective, both a matter of choice and pre-defined rules. (Goffman) Real or fictitious characters The authors introduce simulated bits of dialogue within the flow of written conversation. Some of these fake dialogues simply echo whatever keywords chatters might type. Others, however, point else where, suggesting a hyper-link to a more elaborate fictionalized drama among “characters.” Sandscript also hides a plot. Once chatters realize that there are strange goings on in their midst, they become caught in the shifting sands of this web site’s inherent duality. They can completely lose their footing: not only do they have to position themselves in relation to other, real people (however disguised…) but they also have to find their bearings in the midst of a database of fake interlocutors. Not only are they expected to “write” in order to belong, they are also expected to unearth content in order to be “in the know.” A hybridized writing is required to maintain this ambivalence in place. Sandscript’s fake dialogue straddles two worlds: it melds in with the real-time small talk of chatters all while pointing to elements in a fictional narrative. For example, “mojo” will say: “silting up here ”, and “zano” will answer “10-4, what now? ” These two characters could be banal chatters, inviting others to join in their sarcastic banter… But they are also specifically referring to incidents in their fictional world. The “chat code” not only addresses its audience, it implies that something else is going on that merits a “click” or a question. “Clicking” at this juncture means more than just quickly responding to what another chatter might have typed. It implies stopping the banter and delving into the details of a character developed at greater length elsewhere. Indeed, in Sandscript, each fictional dialogue is linked to a blog that reinforces each character’s personality traits and provides insights into the web-site’s wind-swept, self-erasing world. Interestingly enough, Sandscript then reverses this movement towards a closed fictional space by having each character not only write about himself, but relate her immediate preoccupations to the larger world. Each blog entry mentions a character’s favorite URL at that particular moment. One character might evoke a web site about romantic poetry, another one on anarchist political theory, a third a web-site on Morse code, etc… Chatters click on the URL and open up an entirely new web-site, directly related to the questions being discussed in Sandscript. Thus, each character represents himself as well as a point of view on the larger world of the web. Fiction opens onto a “real” slice of cyber-space and the work of other authors and programmers. Sandscript mixes up different types of on-line identities, emphasizing that representations of people on the web are neither “true” nor “false.” They are simply artificial and staged, simple facets of identities which shift in style and rhetoric depending on the platform available to them. Again, identity is both closed by our social integration and opened to singular “play.” Conclusion: looking at and looking through One could argue that since the futurists staged their “electrical theater” in the streets of Turin close to a hundred years ago, artists have worked on the blurry edge between recognizable formal structures and their dissolution into life itself. And after a century of avant-gardes, self-referential appropriations of mass media are also second nature. Juxtaposing one “use” along another reveals how different frames of reference include or exclude each other in unexpected ways. For the past twenty years much artwork has which fallen in between genres, and most recently in the realm of what Nicolas Bourriaud calls “relational aesthetics.” Such work is designed not only to draw attention to itself but also to the spectator’s relation to it and the broader artistic context which infuses the work with additional meaning. By having dialogue serve as a hyper-link to multimedia content, Sandscript, however, does more. Even though some changes in the web site are pre-programmed to occur automatically, not much happens without the chatters, who occupy center-stage and trigger the appearance of a latent content. Chatters are the driving force, they are the ones who make text appear and flow off-screen, who explore links, who exchange information, and who decide what pops up and doesn’t. Here, the art “object” reveals its different facets around a multi-layered, on-going conversation, subjected to the “flux” of an un-formulated present. Secondly, Sandscript demands that we constantly vary our posture towards the work: getting involved in conversation to look through the device, all while taking some distance to consider the object and look at its content and artistic “mediations.” (Bolster and Grusin, Manovitch). This tension is at the heart of Sandscript, which insists on being both a communication device “transparent” to its user, and an artistic device that imposes an opaque and reflexive quality. The former is supposed to disappear behind its task; the latter attracts the viewer’s attention over and over again, ever open to new interpretations. This approach is not without pitfalls. One Sandscript chatter wondered if as the authors of the web-site were not disappointed when conversation took the upper hand, and chatters ignored the graphics. On the other hand, the web site’s explicit status as a chat space was quickly compromised when users stopped being interested in each other and turned to explore the different layers hidden within the interface. In the end, Sandscript chatters are not bound to any single one of these modes. They can experience one and then other, and —why not —both simultaneously. This hybrid posture brings to mind Herman’s metaphor of a door that cannot be closed entirely: “la porte joue” —the door “gives.” It is not perfectly fitted and closed — there is room for “play.” Such openness requires that the artistic device provide two seemingly contradictory ways of relating to it: a desire to communicate seamlessly all while being fascinated by every seam in the representational space projected on-screen. Sandscript is supposed to “run” and “not run” at the same time; it exemplifies the technico-semiotic logic of speed and resists it full stop. Here, openness is not ontological; it is experiential, shifting. About the Authors Carol-Ann Braun is multimedia artist, at the Ecole Nationale Superieure des Telecomunications, Paris, France. EmaiL: carol-ann.braun@wanadoo.fr Annie Gentes is media theorist and professor at the Ecole Nationale Superieure des Telecomunications, Paris, France. Email: Annie.Gentes@enst.fr Works Cited Adamowicz, Elza. Surrealist Collage in Text and Image, Dissecting the Exquisite Corpse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Augé, Marc. Non-lieux, Introduction à une Anthropologie de la Surmodernité. Paris: Seuil, 1992. Bolter, Jay David and Richard Grusin. Remediation, Understanding New Media. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000. Bourriaud, Nicholas. Esthétique Relationnelle. Paris: Les Presses du Réel, 1998. Despret-Lonnet, Marie and Annie Gentes, Lire, Ecrire, Réécrire. Paris: Bibliothèque Centre Pompidou, 2003. Goffman, Irving. Interaction Ritual. New York: Pantheon, 1967. Habermas, Jürgen. Théorie de l’Agir Communicationnel, Vol.1. Paris: Fayard, 1987. Herman, Jacques. “Jeux et Rationalité.” Encyclopedia Universalis, 1997. Jakobson, Roman.“Linguistics and Poetics: Closing statements,” in Thomas Sebeok. Style in Language. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1960. Latzko-Toth, Guillaume. “L’Internet Relay Chat, Un Cas Exemplaire de Dispositif Socio-technique,” in Composite. Montreal: Université du Québec à Montréal, 2001. Lyotard, Jean-François. La Condition Post-Moderne. Paris: les Editions de Minuit, 1979. Manovitch, Lev. The Language of New Media. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2001. Michaud, Yves. L’Art à l’Etat Gazeux. Essai sur le Triomphe de l’Esthétique, Les essais. Paris: Stock, 2003. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Braun, Carol-Ann & Gentes, Annie. "Dialogue: a hyper-link to multimedia content." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0406/05_Braun-Gentes.php>. APA Style Braun, C. & Gentes, A. (2004, Jul1). Dialogue: a hyper-link to multimedia content.. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 7, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0406/05_Braun-Gentes.php>

In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, where income has become precarious and Internet use has soared, the influencer industry has to strategise over new ways to sustain viewer attention, maintain income flows, and innovate around formats and messaging, to avoid being excluded from continued commercial possibilities. In this article, we review the press coverage of the influencer markets in Australia, Japan, and Korea, and consider how the industry has been attempting to navigate their way through the pandemic through deviations and detours. We consider the narratives and groups of influencers who have been included and excluded in shaping the discourse about influencer strategies in the time of COVID-19. The distinction between inclusion and exclusion has been a crucial mechanism to maintain the social normativity, constructed with gender, sexuality, wealth, able-ness, education, age, and so on (Stäheli and Stichweh, par. 3; Hall and Du Gay 5; Bourdieu 162). The influencer industry is the epitome of where the inclusion-exclusion binary is noticeable. It has been criticised for serving as a locus where social norms, such as femininity and middle-class identities, are crystallised and endorsed in the form of visibility and attention (Duffy 234; Abidin 122). Many are concerned about the global expansion of the influencer industry, in which young generations are led to clickbait and sensational content and normative ways of living, in order to be “included” by their peer groups and communities and to avoid being “excluded” (Cavanagh). However, COVID-19 has changed our understanding of the “normal”: people staying home, eschewing social communications, and turning more to the online where they can feel “virtually” connected (Lu et al. 15). The influencer industry also has been affected by COVID-19, since the images of normativity cannot be curated and presented as they used to be. In this situation, it is questionable how the influencer industry that pivots on the inclusion-exclusion binary is adjusting to the “new normal” brought by COVID-19, and how the binary is challenged or maintained, especially by exploring the continuities and discontinuities in industry. Methodology This cross-cultural study draws from a corpus of articles from Australia, Japan, and Korea published between January and May 2020, to investigate how local news outlets portrayed the contingencies undergone by the influencer industry, and what narratives or groups of influencers were excluded in the process. An extended discussion of our methodology has been published in an earlier article (Abidin et al. 5-7). Using the top ranked search engine of each country (Google for Australia and Japan, Naver for Korea), we compiled search results of news articles from the first ten pages (ten results per page) of each search, prioritising reputable news sites over infotainment sites, and by using targeted keyword searches: for Australia: ‘influencer’ and ‘Australia’ and ‘COVID-19’, ‘coronavirus’, ‘pandemic’; for Japan: ‘インフルエンサー’ (influensā) and ‘コロナ’ (korona), ‘新型コロ ナ’ (shin-gata korona), ‘コロナ禍’ (korona-ka); for Korea: ‘인플루언서’ (Influencer) and ‘코로나’ (corona) and ‘팬데믹’ (pandemic). 111 articles were collected (42 for Australia, 31 for Japan, 38 for Korea). In this article, we focus on a subset of 60 articles and adopt a grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss 5) to manually conduct open, axial, and close coding of their headline and body text. Each headline was translated by the authors and coded for a primary and secondary ‘open code’ across seven categories: Income loss, Backlash, COVID-19 campaign, Misinformation, Influencer strategy, Industry shifts, and Brand leverage. The body text was coded in a similar manner to indicate all the relevant open codes covered in the article. In this article, we focus on the last two open codes that illustrate how brands have been working with influencers to tide through COVID-19, and what the overall industry shifts were on the three Asia-Pacific country markets. Table 1 (see Appendix) indicates a full list of our coding schema. Inclusion of the Normal in Shifting Brand Preferences In this section, we consider two main shifts in brand preferences: an increased demand for influencers, and a reliance on influencers to boost viewer/consumer traffic. We found that by expanding digital marketing through Influencers, companies attempted to secure a so-called “new normal” during the pandemic. However, their marketing strategies tended to reiterate the existing inclusion-exclusion binary and exacerbated the lack of diversity and inequality in the industry. Increased Demand for Influencers Across the three country markets, brokers and clients in the influencer industry increased their demand for influencers’ services and expertise to sustain businesses via advertising in the “aftermath of COVID-19”, as they were deemed to be more cost-efficient “viral marketing on social media” (Yoo). By outsourcing content production to influencers who could still produce content independently from their homes (Cheik-Hussein) and who engage with audiences with their “interactive communication ability” (S. Kim and Cho), many companies attempted to continue their business and maintain their relationships with prospective consumers (Forlani). As the newly enforced social distancing measures have also interrupted face-to-face contact opportunities, the mass pivot towards influencers for digital marketing is perceived to further professionalise the industry via competition and quality control in all three countries (Wilkinson; S. Kim and Cho; Yadorigi). By integrating these online personae of influencers into their marketing, the business side of each country is moving towards the new normal in different manners. In Australia, businesses launched campaigns showcasing athlete influencers engaging in meaningful activities at home (e.g. yoga, cooking), and brands and companies reorganised their marketing strategies to highlight social responsibilities (Moore). On the other hand, for some companies in the Japanese market, the disruption from the pandemic was a rare opportunity to build connections and work with “famous” and “prominent” influencers (Yadorigi), otherwise unavailable and unwilling to work for smaller campaigns during regular periods of an intensely competitive market. In Korea, by emphasising their creative ability, influencers progressed from being “mere PR tools” to becoming “active economic subjects of production” who now can play a key role in product planning for clients, mediating companies and consumers (S. Kim and Cho). The underpinning premise here is that influencers are tech-savvy and therefore competent in creating media content, forging relationships with people, and communicating with them “virtually” through social media. Reliance on Influencers to Boost Viewer/Consumer Traffic Across several industry verticals, brands relied on influencers to boost viewership and consumer traffic on their digital estates and portals, on the premise that influencers work in line with the attention economy (Duffy 234). The fashion industry’s expansion of influencer marketing was noticeable in this manner. For instance, Korean department store chains (e.g. Lotte) invited influencers to “no-audience live fashion shows” to attract viewership and advertise fashion goods through the influencers’ social media (Y. Kim), and Australian swimwear brand Vitamin A partnered with influencers to launch online contests to invite engagement and purchases on their online stores (Moore). Like most industries where aspirational middle-class lifestyles are emphasised, the travel industry also extended partnerships with their current repertoire of influencers or international influencers in order to plan for the post-COVID-19 market recovery and post-border reopening tourism boom (Moore; Yamatogokoro; J. Lee). By extension, brands without any prior relationships with influencers, whcih did not have such histories to draw on, were likely to have struggled to produce new influencer content. Such brands could thus only rely on hiring influencers specifically to leverage their follower base. The increasing demand for influencers in industries like fashion, food, and travel is especially notable. In the attention economy where (media) visibility can be obtained and maintained (Duffy 121), media users practice “visibility labor” to curate their media personas and portray branding themselves as arbiters of good taste (Abidin 122). As such, influencers in genres where personal taste can be visibly presented—e.g. fashion, travel, F&B—seem to have emerged from the economic slump with a head start, especially given their dominance on the highly visual platform of Instagram. Our analysis shows that media coverage during COVID-19 repeated the discursive correlation between influencers and such hyper-visible or visually-oriented industries. However, this dominant discourse about hyper-visible influencers and the gendered genres of their work has ultimately reinforced norms of self-presentation in the industry—e.g. being feminine, young, beautiful, luxurious—while those who deviate from such norms seem to be marginalised and excluded in media coverage and economic opportunities during the pandemic cycle. Including Newness by Shifting Format Preferences We observed the inclusion of newness in the influencer scenes in all three countries. By shifting to new formats, the previously excluded and lesser seen aspects of our lives—such as home-based content—began to be integrated into the “new normal”. There were four main shifts in format preferences, wherein influencers pivoted to home-made content, where livestreaming is the new dominant format of content, and where followers preferred more casual influencer content. Influencers Have Pivoted to Home-Made Content In all three country markets, influencers have pivoted to generating content based on life at home and ideas of domesticity. These public displays of homely life corresponded with the sudden occurrence of being wired to the Internet all day—also known as “LAN cable life” (랜선라이프, lan-seon life) in the Korean media—which influencers were chiefly responsible for pioneering (B. Kim). While some genres like gaming and esports were less impacted upon by the pivot, given that the nature and production of the content has always been confined to a desktop at home (Cheik-Hussein), pivots occurred for the likes of outdoor brands (Moore), the culinary industry (Dean), and fitness and workout brands (Perelli and Whateley). In Korea, new trends such as “home cafes” (B. Kim) and DIY coffees—like the infamous “Dalgona-Coffee” that was first introduced by a Korean YouTuber 뚤기 (ddulgi)—went viral on social media across the globe (Makalintal). In Japan, the spike in influencers showcasing at-home activities (Hayama) also encouraged mainstream TV celebrities to open social media accounts explicitly to do the same (Kamada). In light of these trends, the largest Multi-Channel Network (MCN) in Japan, UUUM, partnered with one of the country’s largest entertainment industries, Yoshimoto Kogyo, to assist the latter’s comedian talents to establish a digital video presence—a trend that was also observed in Korea (Koo), further underscoring the ubiquity of influencer practices in the time of COVID-19. Along with those creators who were already producing content in a domestic environment before COVID-19, it was the influencers with the time and resources to quickly pivot to home-made content who profited the most from the spike in Internet traffic during the pandemic (Noshita). The benefits of this boost in traffic were far from equal. For instance, many others who had to turn to makeshift work for income, and those who did not have conducive living situations to produce content at home, were likely to be disadvantaged. Livestreaming Is the New Dominant Format Amidst the many new content formats to be popularised during COVID-19, livestreaming was unanimously the most prolific. In Korea, influencers were credited for the mainstreaming and demotising (Y. Kim) of livestreaming for “live commerce” through real-time advertorials and online purchases. Livestreaming influencers were solicited specifically to keep international markets continuously interested in Korean products and cultures (Oh), and livestreaming was underscored as a main economic driver for shaping a “post-COVID-19” society (Y. Kim). In Australia, livestreaming was noted among art (Dean) and fitness influencers (Dean), and in Japan it began to be adopted among major fashion brands like Prada and Chloe (Saito). While the Australian coverage included livestreaming on platforms such as Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, Twitch, and Douyin (Cheik-Hussein; Perelli and Whateley; Webb), the Japanese coverage highlighted the potential for Instagram Live to target young audiences, increase feelings of “trustworthiness”, and increase sales via word-of-mouth advertising (Saito). In light of reduced client campaigns, influencers in Australia had also used livestreaming to provide online consulting, teaching, and coaching (Perelli and Whateley), and to partner with brands to provide masterclasses and webinars (Sanders). In this era, influencers in genres and verticals that had already adopted streaming as a normative practice—e.g. gaming and lifestyle performances—were likely to have had an edge over others, while other genres were excluded from this economic silver lining. Followers Prefer More Casual Influencer Content In general, all country markets report followers preferring more casual influencer content. In Japan, this was offered via the potential of livestreaming to deliver more “raw” feelings (Saito), while in Australia this was conveyed through specific content genres like “mental or physical health battles” (Moore); specific aesthetic choices like appearing “messier”, less “curated”, and “more unfiltered” (Wilkinson); and the growing use of specific emergent platforms like TikTok (Dean, Forlani, Perelli, and Whateley). In Korea, influencers in the photography, travel, and book genres were celebrated for their new provision of pseudo-experiences during COVID-19-imposed social distancing (Kang). Influencers on Instagram also spearheaded new social media trends, like the “#wheredoyouwannago_challenge” where Instagram users photoshopped themselves into images of famous tourist spots around the world (Kang). Conclusion In our study of news articles on the impact of COVID-19 on the Australian, Japanese, and Korean influencer industries during the first wave of the pandemic, influencer marketing was primed to be the dominant and default mode of advertising and communication in the post-COVID-19 era (Tate). In general, specific industry verticals that relied more on visual portrayals of lifestyles and consumption—e.g. fashion, F&B, travel—to continue partaking in economic recovery efforts. However, given the gendered genre norms in the industry, this meant that influencers who were predominantly feminine, young, beautiful, and luxurious experienced more opportunity over others. Further, influencers who did not have the resources or skills to pivot to the “new normals” of creating content from home, engaging in livestreaming, and performing their personae more casually were excluded from these new economic opportunities. Across the countries, there were minor differences in the overall perception of influencers. There was an increasingly positive perception of influencers in Japan and Korea, due to new norms and pandemic-related opportunities in the media ecology: in Korea, influencers were considered to be the “vanguard of growing media commerce in the post-pandemonium era” (S. Kim and Cho), and in Japan, influencers were identified as critical vehicles during a more general consumer shift from traditional media to social media, as TV watching time is reduced and home-based e-commerce purchases are increasingly popular (Yadogiri). However, in Australia, in light of the sudden influx of influencer marketing strategies during COVID-19, the market seemed to be saturated more quickly: brands were beginning to question the efficiency of influencers, cautioned that their impact has not been completely proven for all industry verticals (Stephens), and have also begun to reduce commissions for influencer affiliate programmes as a cost-cutting measure (Perelli and Whateley). While news reports on these three markets indicate that there is some level of growth and expansion for various influencers and brands, such opportunities were not experienced equally, with some genres and demographics of influencers and businesses being excluded from pandemic-related pivots and silver linings. Further, in light of the increasing commercial opportunities, pressure for more regulations also emerged; for example, the Korean government announced new investigations into tax avoidance (Han). Not backed up by talent agencies or MCNs, independent influencers are likely to be more exposed to the disciplinary power of shifting regulatory practices, a condition which might have hindered their attempt at diversifying their income streams during the pandemic. Thus, while it is tempting to focus on the privileged and novel influencers who have managed to cling on to some measure of success during the pandemic, scholarly attention should also remember those who are being excluded and left behind, lest generations, cohorts, genres, or subcultures of the once-vibrant influencer industry fade into oblivion. References Abidin, Crystal. “#In$tagLam: Instagram as a repository of taste, a burgeoning marketplace, a war of eyeballs.” Mobile Media Making in an Age of Smartphones. Eds. Marsha Berry and Max Schleser. New York: Palgrave Pivot, 2014. 119-128. <https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137469816_11>. 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Yadorigi, Yuki. “【第7回】コロナ禍のなかで生まれた光明、新たなアプローチによるコミュニケーション [Episode 7: A Light Emerged during the Corona Crisis, a Communication Based on a New Approach].” C-Station 28 Apr. 2020. <https://c.kodansha.net/news/detail/36286/>. Yamatogokoro. “アフターコロナの観光・インバウンドを考えるVol.4世界の観光業の取り組みから学ぶ、自治体・DMOが今まさにすべきこと [After Corona Tourism and Inbound Tourism Vol. 4: What Municipalities and DMOs Should Do Right Now to Learn from Global Tourism Initiatives].” Yamatogokoro 19 May 2020. Yoo, Hwan-In. "코로나 여파, 연예인·인플루언서 마케팅 활발 [COVID-19, Star-Influencer Marketing Becomes Active].” SkyDaily 19 May 2020. <http://www.skyedaily.com/news/news_view.html?ID=104772>. Appendix Open codes Axial codes 1) Brand leverage Targeting investors Targeting influencers Targeting new digital media formats Targeting consumers/customers/viewers Types of brands/clients 2) Industry shifts Brand preferences Content production Content format Follower preferences Type of Influencers Table 1: Full list of codes from our analysis

BackgroundIn the past twenty years the discourse of the weight-centred health paradigm (WCHP) has attained almost complete dominance in the sphere of public health policy throughout the developed English speaking world. The national governments of Australia and many countries around the world have responded to what is perceived as an ‘epidemic of obesity’ with public health policies and programs explicitly focused on reducing and preventing obesity through so called ‘lifestyle’ behaviour change. Weight-related public health initiatives have been subjected to extensive critique based on ideological, ethical and empirical grounds (Solovay; Oliver; Gaesser; Gard; Monaghan, Colls and Evans; Wright; Rothblum and Solovay; Saguy; Rich, Monaghan and Aphramor; Bacon and Aphramor; Brown). Many scholars have raised concerns about the stigmatising and harmful effects of the WCHP (Aphramor; Bacon and Aphramor; O'Dea; Tylka et al.), and in particular the inequitable distribution of such negative impacts on women, people who are poor, and people of colour (Campos). Weight-based stigma is now well recognised as a pervasive and insidious form of stigma (Puhl and Heuer). Weight-based discrimination (a direct result of stigma) in the USA has a similar prevalence rate to race-based discrimination, and discrimination for fatter and younger people in particular is even higher (Puhl, Andreyeva and Brownell). Numerous scholars have highlighted the stigmatising discourse evident in obesity prevention programs and policies (O'Reilly and Sixsmith; Pederson et al.; Nuffield Council on Bioethics; ten Have et al.; MacLean et al.; Carter, Klinner, et al.; Fry; O'Dea; Rich, Monaghan and Aphramor). The ‘war on obesity’ can therefore be regarded as a social determinant of poor health (O'Hara and Gregg). Focusing on overweight and obese people is not only damaging to people’s health, but is ineffective in addressing the broader social and economic issues that create health and wellbeing (Cohen, Perales and Steadman; MacLean et al.; Walls et al.). Analyses of the discourses used in weight-related public health initiatives have highlighted oppressive, stigmatizing and discriminatory discourses that position body weight as pathological (O'Reilly; Pederson et al.), anti-social and a threat to the viable future of society (White). There has been limited analysis of discourses in Australian social marketing campaigns focused on body weight (Lupton; Carter, Rychetnik, et al.).Social Marketing CampaignsIn 2006 the Australian, State and Territory Governments funded the Measure Up social marketing campaign (Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing "Measure Up"). As the name suggests Measure Up focuses on the measurement of health through body weight and waist circumference. Campaign resources include brochures, posters, a tape measure, a 12 week planner, a community guide and a television advertisement. Campaign slogans are ‘The more you gain, the more you have to lose’ and ‘How do you measure up?’Tomorrow People is the component of Measure Up designed for Indigenous Australians (Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing "Tomorrow People"). Tomorrow People resources focus on healthy eating and physical activity and include a microsite on the Measure Up website, booklet, posters, print and radio advertisements. The campaign slogan is ‘Tomorrow People starts today. Do it for our kids. Do it for our culture.’ In 2011, phase two of the Measure Up campaign was launched (Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing "Swap It, Don't Stop It"). The central premise of Swap It, Don’t Stop It is that you ‘can lose your belly without losing all the things you love’ by making ‘simple’ swaps of behaviours related to eating and physical activity. The campaign’s central character Eric is made from a balloon, as are all of the other characters and visual items used in the campaign. Eric claims thatover the years my belly has ballooned and ballooned. It’s come time to do something about it — the last thing I want is to end up with some cancers, type 2 diabetes and heart disease. That’s why I’ve become a Swapper! What’s a swapper? It’s simple really. It just means swapping some of the things I’m doing now for healthier choices. That way I can lose my belly, without losing all the things I love. It’s easy! The campaign has produced around 30 branded resource items including brochures, posters, cards, fact sheets, recipes, and print, radio, television and online advertisements. All resources include references to Eric and most also include the image of the tape measure used in the Measure Up campaign. The Swap It, Don’t Stop It campaign also includes resources specifically directed at Indigenous Australians including two posters from the generic campaign with a dot painting motif added to the background. MethodologyThe epistemological position in this project was constructivist (Crotty) and the theoretical perspective was critical theory (Crotty). Multimedia critical discourse analysis (Machin and Mayr) was the methodology used to examine the social marketing campaigns and identify the discourses within them. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) focuses on critiquing text for evidence of power and ideology. CDA is used to reveal the ideas, absences and assumptions, and therefore the power interests buried within texts, in order to bring about social change. As a method, CDA has a structured three dimensional approach involving textual practice analysis (for lexicon) at the core, within the context of discursive practice analysis (for rhetorical and lexical strategies particularly with respect to claims-making), which falls within the context of social practice analysis (Jacobs). Social practice analysis explores the role played by power and ideology in supporting or disturbing the discourse (Jacobs; Machin and Mayr). Multimodal CDA (MCDA) uses a broad definition of text to include words, pictures, symbols, ideas, themes or any message that can be communicated (Machin and Mayr). Analysis of the social marketing campaigns involved examining the vocabulary, grammar, sentence structure, visuals and overall structure of the text for textual, discursive and social practices.Results and DiscussionIndividual ResponsibilityThe discourse of individual responsibility is strongly evident in the campaigns. In this discourse, it is ultimately the individual who is held responsible for their body weight and their health. The individual responsibility discourse is signified by the discursive practice of using epistemic (related to the truth or certainty) and deontic (compelling or instructing) modality words, particularly modal verbs and modal adverbs. High modality epistemic words are used to convince the reader of the certainty of statements and to portray the statement-maker as authoritative. High modality deontic words are used to instil power and authority in the instructions.The extensive use of high modality epistemic and deontic words is demonstrated in the following paragraph assembled from various campaign materials: Ultimately (epistemic modality adverb) individuals must take responsibility (deontic modality verb) for their own health, including their and weight. Obesity is caused (epistemic modality verb) by an imbalance in energy intake (from diet) (epistemic modality verb) and expenditure (from activity) (epistemic modality verb). Individually (epistemic modality adverb) we make decisions (epistemic modality verb) about how much we eat (epistemic modality verb) and how much activity we undertake (epistemic modality verb). Each of us can control (epistemic modality) our own weight by controlling (deontic modality) what we eat (deontic modality verb) and how much we exercise (deontic modality verb). To correct (deontic modality verb) the energy imbalance, individuals need to develop (deontic modality verb) a healthy lifestyle by making changes (deontic modality verb) to correct (deontic modality verb) their dietary habits and increase (deontic modality verb) their activity levels. The verbs must, control, correct, develop, change, increase, eat and exercise are deontic modality verbs designed to instruct or compel the reader.These discursive practices result in the clear message that individuals can and must control, correct and change their eating and physical activity, and thereby control their weight and health. The implication of the individualist discourse is that individuals, irrespective of their genes, life-course, social position or environment, are charged with the responsibility of being more self-surveying, self-policing, self-disciplined and self-controlled, and therefore healthier. This is consistent with the individualist orientation of neoliberal ideology, and has been identified in various critiques of obesity prevention public health programs that centralise the self-responsible subject (Murray; Rich, Monaghan and Aphramor) and the concept of ‘healthism’, the moral obligation to pursue health through healthy behaviours or healthy lifestyles (Aphramor and Gingras; Mansfield and Rich). The hegemonic Western-centric individualist discourse has also been critiqued for its role in subordinating or silencing other models of health and wellbeing including Aboriginal or indigenous models, that do not place the individual in the centre (McPhail-Bell, Fredericks and Brough).Obesity Causes DiseaseEpistemic modality verbs are used as a discursive practice to portray the certainty or probability of the relationship between obesity and chronic disease. The strength of the epistemic modality verbs is generally moderate, with terms such as ‘linked’, ‘associated’, ‘connected’, ‘related’ and ‘contributes to’ most commonly used to describe the relationship. The use of such verbs may suggest recognition of uncertainty or at least lack of causality in the relationship. However this lowered modality is counterbalanced by the use of verbs with higher epistemic modality such as ‘causes’, ‘leads to’, and ‘is responsible for’. For example:The other type is intra-abdominal fat. This is the fat that coats our organs and causes the most concern. Even though we don’t yet fully understand what links intra-abdominal fat with chronic disease, we do know that even a small deposit of this fat increases the risk of serious health problems’. (Swap It, Don’t Stop It Website; italics added)Thus the prevailing impression is that there is an objective, definitive, causal relationship between obesity and a range of chronic diseases. The obesity-chronic disease discourse is reified through the discursive practice of claims-making, whereby statements related to the problem of obesity and its relationship with chronic disease are attributed to authoritative experts or expert organisations. The textual practice of presupposition is evident with the implied causal relationship between obesity and chronic disease being taken for granted and uncontested. Through the textual practice of lexical absence, there is a complete lack of alternative views about body weight and health. Likewise there is an absence of acknowledgement of the potential harms arising from focusing on body weight, such as increased body dissatisfaction, disordered eating, and, paradoxically, weight gain.Shame and BlameBoth Measure Up and Swap It, Don’t Stop It include a combination of written/verbal text and visual images that create a sense of shame and blame. In Measure Up, the central character starts out as young, slim man, and as he ages his waist circumference grows. When he learns that his expanding waistline is associated with an increased risk of chronic disease, his facial expression and body language convey that he is sad, dejected and fearful. In the still images, this character and a female character are positioned looking down at the tape measure as they measure their ‘too large’ waists. This position and the looks on their faces suggest hanging their heads in shame. The male characters in both campaigns specifically express shame about “letting themselves go” by unthinkingly practicing ‘unhealthy’ behaviours. The characters’ clothing also contribute to a sense of shame. Both male and female characters in Measure Up appear in their underwear, which suggests that they are being publicly shamed. The clothing of the Measure Up characters is similar to that worn by contestants in the television program The Biggest Loser, which explicitly uses shame to ‘motivate’ contestants to lose weight. Part of the public shaming of contestants involves their appearance in revealing exercise clothing for weigh-ins, which displays their fatness for all to see (Thomas, Hyde and Komesaroff). The stigmatising effects of this and other aspects of the Biggest Loser television program are well documented (Berry et al.; Domoff et al.; Sender and Sullivan; Thomas, Hyde and Komesaroff; Yoo). The appearance of the Measure Up characters in their underwear combined with their head position and facial expressions conveys a strong, consistent message that the characters both feel shame and are deserving of shame due to their self-inflicted ‘unhealthy’ behaviours. The focus on ‘healthy’ and ‘unhealthy’ behaviours contributes to accepted and contested health identities (Fry). The ‘accepted health identity’ is represented as responsible and aspiring to and pursuing good health. The ‘contested health identity’ is represented as unhealthy, consuming too much food, and taking health risks, and this identity is stigmatised by public health programs (Fry). The ‘contested health identity’ represents the application to public health of Goffman’s ‘spoiled identity’ on which much stigmatisation theorising and research has been based (Goffman). As a result of both lexical and visual textual practices, the social marketing campaigns contribute to the construction of the ‘accepted health identity’ through discourses of individual responsibility, choice and healthy lifestyle. Furthermore, they contribute to the construction of the spoiled or ‘contested health identity’ through discourses that people are naturally unhealthy and need to be frightened, guilted and shamed into stopping ‘unhealthy’ behaviours and adopting ‘healthy’ behaviours. The ‘contested health identity’ constructed through these discourses is in turn stigmatised by such discourses. Thus the campaigns not only risk perpetuating stigmatisation through the reinforcement of the health identities, but possibly extend it further by legitimising the stigma associated with such identities. Given that these campaigns are conducted by the Australian Government, the already deeply stigmatising social belief system receives a significant boost in legitimacy by being positioned as a public health belief system perpetrated by the Government. Fear and AlarmIn the Measure Up television advertisement the main male character’s daughter, who has run into the frame, abruptly stops and looks fearful when she hears about his increased risk of disease. Using the discursive practice of claims-making, the authoritative external source informs the man that the more he gains (in terms of his waist circumference), the more he has to lose. The clear implication is that he needs to be fearful of losing his health, his family and even his life if he doesn’t reduce his waist circumference. The visual metaphor of a balloon is used as the central semiotic trope in Swap It, Don’t Stop It. The characters and other items featuring in the visuals are all made from twisting balloons. Balloons themselves may not create fear or alarm, unless one is unfortunate to be afflicted with globophobia (Freed), but the visual metaphor of the balloon in the social marketing campaign had a range of alarmist meanings. At the population level, rates and/or costs of obesity have been described in news items as ‘ballooning’ (Body Ecology; Stipp; AFP; Thien and Begawan) with accompanying visual images of extremely well-rounded bodies or ‘headless fatties’ (Cooper). Rapid or significant weight gain is referred to in everyday language as ‘ballooning weight’. The use of the balloon metaphor as a visual device in Swap It, Don’t Stop It serves to reinforce and extend these alarmist messages. Further, there is no attempt in the campaigns to reduce alarm by including positive or neutral photographs or images of fat people. This visual semiotic absence – a form of cultural imperialism (Young) – contributes to the invisibilisation of ‘real life’ fat people who are not ashamed of themselves. Habermas suggests that society evolves and operationalises through rational communication which includes the capacity to question the validity of claims made within communicative action (Habermas The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere; Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the Rationalisation of Society). However the communicative action taken by the social marketing campaigns analysed in this study presents claims as uncontested facts and is therefore directorial about the expectations of individuals to take more responsibility for themselves, adopt certain behaviours and reduce or prevent obesity. Habermas argues that the lack or distortion of rational communication erodes relationships at the individual and societal levels (Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the Rationalisation of Society; Habermas The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere). The communicative actions represented by the social marketing campaigns represents a distortion of rational communication and therefore erodes the wellbeing of individuals (for example through internalised stigma, shame, guilt, body dissatisfaction, weight preoccupation, disordered eating and avoidance of health care), relationships between individuals (for example through increased blame, coercion, stigma, bias, prejudice and discrimination) and society (for example through stigmatisation of groups in the population on the basis of their body size and increased social and health inequity). Habermas proposes that power differentials work to distort rational communication, and that it is these distortions in communication that need to be the focal point for change (Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the Rationalisation of Society; Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: The Critique of Functionalist Reason; Habermas The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere). Through critical analysis of the discourses used in the social marketing campaigns, we identified that they rely on the power, authority and status of experts to present uncontested representations of body weight and ‘appropriate’ health responses to it. In identifying the discourses present in the social marketing campaigns, we hope to focus attention on and thereby disrupt the distortions in the practical knowledge of the weight-centred health paradigm in order to contribute to systemic reorientation and change.ConclusionThrough the use of textual, discursive and social practices, the social marketing campaigns analysed in this study perpetuate the following concepts: everyone should be alarmed about growing waistlines and ‘ballooning’ rates of ‘obesity’; individuals are to blame for excess body weight, due to ignorance and the practice of ‘unhealthy behaviours’; individuals have a moral, parental, familial and cultural responsibility to monitor their weight and adopt ‘healthy’ eating and physical activity behaviours; such behaviour changes are easy to make and will result in weight loss, which will reduce risk of disease. 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I. First Brexit, then Trump: Has the past year or so ushered in a “wave” (Weisberg), a “barrage” (Desmond-Harris) or a “deluge” (Sidahmed) of that notoriously noxious affect, hate? It certainly feels that way to those of us identified with progressive social and political causes—those of us troubled, not just by Trump’s recent electoral victory, but by the far-right forces to which that victory has given voice. And yet the questions still hanging over efforts to quantify emotional or affective states leaves the claim that there has been a clear spike in hate moot (Ngai 26; Massumi 136-7; Ahmed, Promise 3-8). So let’s try asking a different question. Has this same period seen a rise, across liberal media platforms, in the rhetorical work of “hate-attribution”? Here, at least, an answer seems in readier reach. For no one given to scrolling distractedly through liberal Anglophone media outlets, from The New York Times, to The Guardian, to Slate, will be unfamiliar with a species of journalism that, in reporting the appalling activities associated with what has become known as the “alt-right” (Main; Wallace-Wells; Gourarie), articulates those activities in the rubric of a calculable uptick in hate itself.Before the U.S. Presidential election, this fledgling journalistic genre was already testing its wings, its first shudderings felt everywhere from Univision anchor Jorge Ramos’s widely publicized documentary, Hate Rising (2016), which explores the rise of white supremacist movements across the South-West U.S, to an edition of Slate’s Trumpcast entitled “The Alt-Right and a Deluge of Hate,” which broached the torment-by-Twitter of left-wing journalist David French. In the wake of the election, and the appalling acts of harassment and intimidation it seemed to authorize, the genre gained further momentum—leading to the New Yorker’s “Hate Is on the Rise After Trump’s Election,” to The Guardian’s “Trump’s Election led to Barrage of Hate,” and to Vox’s “The Wave of Post-Election Hate Reportedly Sweeping the Nation, Explained.” And it still has traction today, judging not just by James King’s recent year-in-review column, “The Year in Hate: From Donald Trump to the Rise of the Alt-Right,” but by Salon’s “A Short History of Hate” which tracks the alt-right’s meteoric 2016 rise to prominence, and the New York Times’ recently launched hate-speech aggregator, “This Week in Hate.”As should already be clear from these brisk, thumbnail accounts of the texts in question, the phenomena alluded to by the titular term “hate” are not instances of hate per se, but rather instances of “hate-speech.” The word “hate,” in other words, is being deployed here not literally, to refer to an emotional state, but metonymically, as a shorthand for “hate-speech”—a by-now widely conventionalized and legally codified parlance originating with the U.N. Declaration to describe “violent or violence-inciting speech or acts that “aim or intend to inflict injury, or incite prejudice or hatred, against persons of groups” because of their ethnic, religious, sexual or social affiliation. And there is no doubt that, beyond the headlines, these articles do incredibly important work, drawing connections between, and drawing attention to, a host of harmful activities associated with the so-called “alt-right”—from a pair of mangled, pretzel-shaped swastikas graffiti-ed in a children’s playground, to acts of harassment, intimidation and violence against women, African-Americans, Latinos, Muslims, Jews, and LGBTQ people, to Trump’s own racist, xenophobic and misogynistic tweets. Yet the fact that an emotion-term like hate is being mobilized across these texts as a metonym for the “alt-right” is no oratorical curio. Rather, it perpetuates a pervasive way of thinking about the relationship between the alt-right (a political phenomenon) and hate (an emotional phenomenon) that should give pause to those of us committed to mining that vein of cultural symptomatology now consigned, across the social sciences and critical humanities, to affect theory. Specifically, these headlines inscribe, in miniature, a kind of micro-assessment, a micro-geography and micro-theory of hate. First, they suggest that, even prior to its incarnation in specific, and dangerous, forms of speech or action, hate is in and of itself anathema, a phenomenon so unquestioningly dangerous that a putative “rise” or “spike” in its net presence provides ample pretext for a news headline. Second, they propose that hate may be localized to a particular social or political group—a group subsisting, unsurprisingly, on that peculiarly contested frontier between the ideological alt-right and the American Midwest. And third, they imply that hate is so indubitably the single most significant source of the xenophobic, racist and sexist activities they go on to describe that it may be casually used as these activities’ lexical proxy. What is crystallizing here, I suggest, is what scholars of rhetoric dub a rhetorical “constellation” (Campbell and Jamieson 332)—a constellation from which hate emerges as, a) inherently problematic, b) localizable to the “alt-right,” and, c) the primary engine of the various activities and expressions we associate with them. This constellation of conventions for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movement has coalesced into a “genre” we might dub the genre of “hate-attribution.” Yet while it’s far from clear that the genre is an effective one in a political landscape that’s fast becoming a political battleground, it hasn’t appeared by chance. Treating “hate,” then, less as a descriptive “grid of analysis” (Sedgwick 152), than as a rhetorical projectile, this essay opens by interrogating the “hate-attribution” genre’s logic and querying its efficacy. Having done so, it approaches the concept of “alternatives” by asking: how might calling time on the genre help us think differently about both hate itself and about the forces catalyzing, and catalyzed by, Trump’s presidential campaign? II.The rhetorical power of the genre of hate-attribution, of course, isn’t too difficult to pin down. An emotion so thoroughly discredited that its assignment is now in and of itself a term of abuse (see, for example, the O.E.D’s freshly-expanded definition of the noun “hater”), hate is an emotion the Judeo-Christian tradition deems not just responsible for but practically akin to murder (John 3:1). In part as a result of this tradition, hate has proven thoroughly resistant to efforts to elevate it from the status of an expression of a subject’s pestiferous inner life to the status of a polemical response to an object in the world. Indeed, while a great deal of the critical energy amassing under the rubric of “affect theory” has recently been put into recuperating the strategic or diagnostic value of emotions long scorned as irrelevant to oppositional struggle—from irritation and envy, to depression, anger and shame (Ngai; Cvetkovich; Gould; Love)—hate has notably not been among them. In fact, those rare scholarly accounts of affect that do address “hate,” notably Ahmed’s excellent work on right-wing extremist groups in the United Kingdom, display an understandable reluctance to rehabilitate it for progressive thought (Cultural Politics). It should come as no surprise, then, that the genre of “hate-attribution” has a rare rhetorical power. In identifying “hate” as the source of a particular position, gesture or speech-act, we effectively drain said position, gesture or speech-act of political agency or representational power—reducing it from an at-least-potentially polemical action in or response to the world, to the histrionic expression of a reprehensible personhood. Yet because hate’s near-taboo status holds across the ideological and political spectrum, what is less clear is why the genre of hate-attribution has achieved such cachet in the liberal media in particular. The answer, I would argue, lies in the fact that the work of hate-attribution dovetails all too neatly with liberal political theory’s longstanding tendency to laminate its social and civic ideals to affective ideals like “love,” “sympathy,” “compassion,” and, when in a less demonstrative humor, “tolerance”. As Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions has recently shown, this tradition has an impressive philosophical pedigree, running from Aristotle’s philia (16), John Locke’s “toleration” and David Hume’s “sympathy” (69-75), to the twentieth century’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with its promotion of “tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.” And while the labour of what Lauren Berlant calls “liberal sentimentality” (“Poor Eliza”, 636) has never quite died away, it does seem to have found new strength with the emergence of the “intimate public sphere” (Berlant, Queen)—from its recent popular apotheosis in the Clinton campaign’s notorious “Love Trumps Hate” (a slogan in which “love,” unfortunately, came to look a lot like resigned technocratic quietism in the face of ongoing economic and environmental crisis [Zizek]), to its revival as a philosophical project among progressive scholars, many of them under the sway of the so-called “affective turn” (Nussbaum; Hardt; Sandoval; hooks). No surprise, then, that liberalism’s struggle to yoke itself to “love” should have as its eerie double a struggle to locate among its ideological and political enemies an increasingly reified “hate”. And while the examples of this project we’ve touched on so far have hailed from popular media, this set of protocols for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movements is not unique to media circles. It’s there in political discourse, as in ex-DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s announcement, on MSNBC, that “Americans will unite against [Trump’s] hatred.” And it’s there, too, in academic media studies, from FLOW journal’s November 2016 call for papers inviting respondents to comment, among other things, on “the violence and hatred epitomized by Trump and his supporters,” to the SCMS conference’s invitation to members to participate in a pop-up panel entitled “Responding to Hate, Disenfranchisement and the Loss of the Commons.” Yet while the labor of hate-attribution to which many progressive forces have become attached carries an indisputable rhetorical force, it also has some profound rhetorical flaws. The very same stigma, after all, that makes “hate” such a powerful explanatory grenade to throw also makes it an incredibly tough one to land. As Ahmed’s analysis of the online rhetoric of white supremacist organizations should remind us (Cultural Politics), most groups structured around inciting and promoting violence against women and minorities identify, perversely, not as hate groups, but as movements propelled by the love of race and nation. And while left-wing pundits pronounce “hate” the signature emotion of a racist, misogynist Trump-voting right, supporters of Trump ascribe it, just as routinely, to the so-called “liberal elite,” a group whose mythical avatars—from the so-called “Social Justice Warrior” or “SJW,” to the supercilious Washington politico—are said to brand “ordinary [white, male] Americans” indiscriminately as racist, misogynistic, homophobic buffoons. Thus, for example, The Washington Post’s uncanny, far-right journalistic alter-ego, The Washington Times, dubs the SPLC a “liberal hate group”; the Wikipedia mirror-site, Conservapedia, recasts liberal objections to gun violence as “liberal hate speech” driven by an “irrational aversion to weapons”; while one blood-curdling sub-genre of reportage on Steve Bannon’s crypto-fascist soapbox, Breitbart News, is devoted to denouncing what it calls “ ‘anti-White Racism.’” It’s easy enough, of course, to defend the hate-attribution genre’s liberal incarnations while dismissing its right-wing variants as cynical, opportunistic shams, as Ahmed does (Cultural Politics)—thereby re-establishing the wellspring of hate where we are most comfortable locating it: among our political others. Yet to do so seems, in some sense, to perpetuate a familiar volley of hate-attribution. And to the extent that, as many media scholars have shown (Philips; Reed; Tett; Turow), our digital, networked political landscape is in danger of being reduced to a silo-ed discursive battleground, the ritual exchange of terminological grenades that everyone seems eager to propel across ideological lines, but that no one, understandably, seems willing to pick up, seems counter-productive to say the least.Even beyond the genre’s ultimate ineffectiveness, what should strike anyone used to reflecting on affect is how little justice it does to the ubiquity and intricacy of “hate” as an affective phenomenon. Hate is not and cannot be the exclusive property or preserve of one side of the political spectrum. One doesn’t have to stretch one’s critical faculties too far to see the extent to which the genre of hate-attribution participates in the emotional ballistics it condemns or seeks to redress. While trafficking in a relatively simple hate-paradigm (as a subjective emotional state that may be isolated to a particular person or group), the genre itself incarnates a more complex, socially dynamic model of hate in which the emotion operates through logics of projection perhaps best outlined by Freud. In the “hate-attribution” genre, that is, hate—like those equally abjected categories “sentimentality,” “worldliness” or “knowingness” broached by Sedgwick in her bravura analyses of “scapegoating attribution” (150-158)—finds its clearest expression in and through the labor of its own adscription. And it should come as no surprise that an emotion so widely devalued, where it is not openly prohibited, might also find expression in less overt form.Yet to say as much is by no means to discredit the genre. As legal scholar Jeremy Waldron has recently pointed out, there’s no particular reason why “the passions and emotions that lie behind a particular speech act” (34)—even up to and including hate—should devalue the speech acts they rouse. On the contrary, to pin the despicable and damaging activities of the so-called “alt right” on “hate” is, if anything, to do an injustice to a rich and complex emotion that can be as generative as it can be destructive. As Freud suggests in “Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego,” for example, hate may be the very seed of love, since the forms of “social feeling” (121) celebrated under the liberal rubric of “tolerance,” “love,” and “compassion,” are grounded in “the reversal of what was first a hostile feeling into a positively-toned tie in the nature of an identification” (121; italics mine). Indeed, Freud projects this same argument across a larger, historical canvas in Civilization and its Discontents, which contends that it is in our very struggle to combat our “aggressive instincts” that human communities have developed “methods intended to incite people into identifications and aim-inhibited relationships of love” (31). For Freud, that is, the practice of love is a function of ongoing efforts to see hate harnessed, commuted and transformed. III.What might it mean, then, to call time on this round of hate-attribution? What sort of “alternatives” might emerge when we abandon the assumption that political engagement entails a “struggle over who has the right to declare themselves as acting out of love” (Ahmed, Cultural Politics 131), and thus, by that same token, a struggle over the exact location and source of hate? One boon, I suggest, is the license it gives those of us on the progressive left to simply own our own hate. There’s little doubt that reframing the dangerous and destructive forms of speech fomented by Trump’s campaign, not as eruptions of hate, or even as “hate-speech,” but as speech we hate would be more consistent with what once seemed affect theory’s first commandment: to take our own affective temperature before launching headlong into critical analysis. After all, when Lauren Berlant (“Trump”) takes a stab at economist Paul Krugman’s cautions against “the Danger of Political Emotions” with the timely reminder that “all the messages are emotional,” the “messages” she’s pointing to aren’t just those of our political others, they’re ours; and the “emotions” she’s pointing to aren’t just the evacuated, insouciant versions of love championed by the Clinton campaign, they’re of the messier, or as Ngai might put it, “uglier” (2) variety—from shame, depression and anger, to, yes, I want to insist, hate.By way of jump-starting this program of hate-avowal, then, let me just say it: this essay was animated, in part, by a certain kind of hate. The social critic in me hates the breathtaking simplification of the complex social, economic and emotional forces animating Trump voters that seem to actuate some liberal commentary; the psychologist in me hates the self-mystification palpable in the left’s insistence on projecting and thus disowning its own (often very well justified) aggressions; and the human being in me, hating the kind of toxic speech to which Trump’s campaign has given rise, wishes to be able to openly declare that hatred. Among its other effects, hate is characterized by hypervigilance for lapses or failings in an object it deems problematic, a hypervigilance that—sometimes—animates analysis (Zeki and Romoya). In this sense, “hate” seems entitled to a comfortable place in the ranks of what Nick Salvato has recently dubbed criticism’s creative “obstructions”—phenomena that, while “routinely identified as detriments” to critical inquiry, may also “form the basis for … critical thinking” (1).Yet while one boon associated with this disclosure might be a welcome intellectual honesty, a more significant boon, I’d argue, is what getting this disclosure out of the way might leave room for. Opting out of the game of hurling “hate” back and forth across a super-charged political arena, that is, we might devote our column inches and Facebook posts to the less sensational but more productive task of systematically challenging the specious claims, and documenting the damaging effects, of a species of utterance (Butler; Matsuda; Waldron) we’ve grown used to simply descrying as pure, distilled “hate”. And we also might do something else. Relieved of the confident conviction that we can track “Trumpism” to a spontaneous outbreak of a single, localizable emotion, we might be able to offer a fuller account of the economic, social, political and affective forces that energize it. Certainly, hate plays a part here—although the process by which, as Isabelle Stengers puts it, affect “make[s] present, vivid and mattering … a worldly world” (371) demands that we scrutinize that hate as a syndrome, rather than simply moralize it as a sin, addressing its mainsprings in a moment marked by the nerve-fraying and life-fraying effects of what has become known across the social sciences and critical humanities as conditions of social and economic “precarity” (Muehlebach; Neil and Rossiter; Stewart).But perhaps hate’s not the only emotion tucked away under the hood. Here’s something affect theory knows today: affect moves not, as more traditional theorists of political emotion have it, “unambiguously and predictably from one’s cognitive processing,” but in ways that are messy, muddled and indirect (Gould 24). That form of speech is speech we hate. But it may not be “hate speech.” That crime is a crime we hate. But it may not be a “hate-crime.” One of the critical tactics we might crib from Berlant’s work in Cruel Optimism is that of decoding and decrypting, in even the most hateful acts, an instance of what Berlant, herself optimistically, calls “optimism.” For Berlant, after all, optimism is very often cruel, attaching itself, as it seems to have done in 2016, to scenes, objects and people that, while ultimately destined to “imped[e] the aim that brought [it to them] initially,” nevertheless came to seem, to a good portion of the electorate, the only available exponent of that classic good-life genre, “the change that’s gonna come” (“Trump” 1-2) at a moment when the Democratic party’s primary campaign promise was more of the free-market same. 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