Academic literature on the topic 'Youth protests'
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Journal articles on the topic "Youth protests"
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Bahri, Aqmal Afiq Shamsul, Geetha Govindasamy, and Nur Shahadah Jamil. "The Clash of Pro and Anti-Protest Sentiments during the Pandemic: Youths’ Narratives in Malaysia and Hong Kong as Contrasting Political Communication." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 39, no. 4 (2023): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2023-3904-18.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has had far-reaching effects, impacting not only the health and economic sectors but also the global political landscape. In response, certain youth groups have turned to protests as a means of expressing their dissatisfaction with their governments. This study aims to analyse the conflicting narratives between protest groups that support the right to assemble and the anti-protest narratives promoted by governments. While the Malaysian and Hong Kong governments implemented Movement Control Order and a national lockdown respectively, to curb the spread of the coronavirus, young people within these countries perceived these measures as incompatible with their political objectives. This study employs a narrative analysis approach and the theoretical framework of New Social Movement (NSM) in order to examine this issue. The findings of this study indicate the youths in Malaysia and Hong Kong who supported mobilizing protests during the pandemic perceive the government’s presented narratives and response as a defence mechanism to opportunistic suppression of democratic, government-critical actions. Thus, it can be concluded that there is a clear clash of implicit political messages conveyed by both the youths and governments, with the pandemic serving as the instigating factor in motivation for or against the mobilization of protests. Keywords: Protest, political-communication, youth, Malaysia, Hong Kong.
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Kamionka, Mateusz. "October 2020 Protests in Poland. A Case Study of Olkusz." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2021): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.8.
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Introduction. In October 2020 the most extensive social protests took place in Poland since the democratic transformation in 1989. They were caused pertinently by the Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s decision and government policy on abortion. Numerous protests were held all over the country, both in larger cities, smaller towns and villages. Methods and materials. The study presents the results of the internet surveying method (CAWI) and snowball sampling. These were the only methods which can be used to study protest participants themselves (busy straightening in the streets), but also useful because of the pandemic situation in Poland. A 30 question survey was filled by about 200 people who took part in the protest in Olkusz city. Analysis. Research was made in time of “first main wave of protests” period, i.e. October 24–26, 2020. The author underlines the role of youth in the protests, and wants to answer two main research questions, first of all: what was the role of ‘Generation Z’ in October protests, and as well: what are the political views of the protesters. Researches about the first “hours” of protest are mostly extremely rare, the article also allows to see not only new youth Gen Z, but also modern civil protests. Results. Results show that the participants comprising mostly youth were not conservative, and could easily be considered a new generation of Poles – quite different from their older colleagues. But how and why are youngsters so politically different?
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DEORI, MANOJ, and SUNIL K. BEHERA. "Youth activism through Social media in Assam: An Exploratory Study." Dev Sanskriti Interdisciplinary International Journal 4 (July 31, 2014): 08–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36018/dsiij.v4i0.40.
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The paper is an attempt to study the online participation behavior of youth in Assam in organizing social and political protests through Social media. During several protest demonstrations and rallies which took place in the middle of the year, 2012; there has been a series of cyber activism that took place prior to the street demonstrations and rallies. The paper attempts to justify the fact that, the street demonstrations and rallies which took place during that particular period, gained its momentum largely through Social Media. Therefore the period can be regarded as the beginning of cyber activism in Assam, since such online activities in publicizing and organizing any collective action in the physical world with regards to activism was not seen in the past. Based on the data collected through onsite surveys, such online communities have considerably given rise to new forms of collective action such as on/offline social and political protest in Assam through social media by publicizing and organizing people where the predominance of the youths is distinctly visible. It is seen that, there has been an increasing number of cyber activism among the online ‘Assamese’ youth communities which has apparently given raise to cyber-civil societies in urban areas. The predominance of youth in such protests is visible, since the use of social media has become a popular culture among the youth. About 17% of the Indian populations are between 15 and 24 and they are experiencing the changes brought by the New Media technology. In examining the practices on social media, authors focus primarily on “Facebook”, which is the most popular social networking site in social media. Series of protest took place in the months of July, August and September, 2012 against unethical media practices; particularly the television media in Assam. Eventually protests against the insecurity of the women in Guwahati, the capital city of Assam and protest against illegal Bangladeshi immigrants in Assam were also demonstrated on the streets of Assam which gathered huge civic support. Few youth groups from Assam were also established who organized themselves through social networking sites to raise street demonstrations, along with certain other political parties, NGOs and offline civil society groups. The paper mainly studies the participation of youth in such protests and reflects on the case studies which can be regarded as the beginning of youth cyber activism that apparently gained momentum through social media in Assam.
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Zhang, Wending. "Street Politics in Thailand During 2019 To 2022." Journal of Social Science and Humanities 6, no. 4 (2023): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26666/rmp.jssh.2023.4.2.
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The Covid-19 pandemic was adversely affecting Thailand amidst strong attacks especially by the youth groups on the government. The main force of Thai youth protests has made street politics in Thailand different from those of the past. By problematizing this emerging phenomenon, this paper proposes to tackle two research questions. How are the protests in Thailand during the Covid-19 pandemic different from those the past? How does the massive outbreak of protests generate implications for present and future Thailand? Therefore, this paper combines the theories of Radical Politics, Digital Activism and Contentious Politics, adopts qualitative research, mainly through documentary analysis, interviews and questionnaires to conduct a constructive research, to explore the development, changes and implications of street politics in Thailand during 2019 to 2022. This paper argues that the youth protests which took place in recent years have had a huge impact on many aspects of Thailand, but also had their shortcomings which, coupled with the strength of the government’s counter-measures to protests, led to continued but ineffective activities, with multiple conditions ultimately triggering a new period of deadlock in Thai political modernization. The paper tries to explain new methods of protest and counter-measures to protests, illustrating the impacts of social media on protests under the pandemic, and hoping in this way to enrich research on the development of street politics in Thailand and completes the research on the political participation of contemporary youth and its impact.
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Onivehu, Adams. "Causes, consequences and control of student protests." Sociální pedagogika / Social Education 9, no. 1 (2021): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7441/soced.2021.09.01.01.
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This study investigated the causes, consequences and control of student protests, especially the EndSARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) protest. A descriptive survey was adopted for the study. A total of 600 undergraduates, selected by multi-stage sampling, participated in the study. Three research questions were raised and a questionnaire titled Causes, Consequences and Control of Youth Protest Questionnaire (CCCYPQ) was used to collect data. The findings showed that the protest was caused by extra-judicial killings, assaults, harassment, extortion, bad governance, and youth unemployment. In addition, the findings indicated that the consequences of the protest include destruction of lives and property, hacking of the websites of public ministries, departments, agencies and corporate organizations, destruction of public infrastructural facilities, and disruption of academic activities in schools. The various control measures include disbandment of SARS, compensation for victims of police brutality, and provision of skills acquisition programmes and employment opportunities for youths. There were no significant gender differences in the perceived causes, consequences and control of the protest. Based on the findings, it was recommended that dialogue and collaborative decision-making should be employed in controlling student protest.
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Gordon, Alexander. "Sub-culture of youth protest: Parisian suburbs in autumn 2005." Annual of French Studies 57 (2024): 176–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/0235-4349-2024-1-57-176-201.
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The protests of the youth of the immigrant neighborhoods in the fall of 2005 are an outstanding event in the history of the Parisian suburbs and in the political history of the Fifth Republic. Having begun as a local revolt, which flared up sporadically in the urban agglomerations of France populated mainly by immigrants from the countries of North and Tropical Africa, the events acquired the scale of a national uprising. They expanded to 300 communes, all departments of the Paris region, and responses happened in the east and west of France. There were thousands of detained and arrested participants, two hundred wounded police officers, thousands of burned cars. For three weeks the police and gendarmerie could not suppress the rebels. Some analysts, emphasizing the vandalism of the protests, call them “riots (émeutes).” Others, pointing to the scale of the protests, their duration, and the fierceness of the confrontation with the forces of law and order, propose the term “uprising (révolte)”. Both explain the vandalism of the protesters by the lack of other ways for young people to express their protest. Historians have noted the similarities between youth protests and social protest in traditional societies. In both cases, the participants sought a demonstration effect to convey to those in power the depth of their indignation. The protests sometimes took the form of festivities, accompanied by emotional release, the acquisition of self-esteem and collective identity. The rebels drew legitimacy for their actions by appealing to moral values. The article traces how deeply the actions of the 2005 rebels could match the cultural and historical typology of archaic forms of social protest.
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Rudenkin, Dmitry. "The impulses of growth of protest activity of Russian youth: the case of Yekaterinburg." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.1.32326.
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This article is dedicated to the search of factors that intensify protest activity among youth in the modern Russian society. The relevance of research into this field is substantiated by the increase in real protest activity of Russian youth and its direct involvement into a number of resounding protests in 2017 and 2019. The author attempts to figure out the deep subcurrent of the increase of protest activity among young Russians. Polemicizing with the established research practice, the author formulates a hypothesis that the grounds for increase in protest activity of the Russian youth is created by not only external or institutional factors, but also internal experiences of the youth. The empirical base for this work became the questionnaire-based survey conducted by the author among the youth of Yekaterinburg just prior to 2019 large-scale protests that attracted a substantial number of young people. In the course of this study, it is underlined that the impulse for growth in protest activity among Russian youth can indeed be a product of internal experiences of its representatives. The main conclusion les in the thesis that the grounds for increase in protest activity of young Russians is largely created by their formation of a special political culture, raising their demands towards society and preparing the groundwork for growth of their dissatisfaction with the surrounding living conditions.
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Sawyer, Patrick S., Daniil M. Romanov, Maxim Slav, and Andrey V. Korotayev. "Urbanization, the Youth, and Protest: A Cross-National Analysis." Cross-Cultural Research 56, no. 2-3 (2021): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10693971211059762.
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Demographic changes associated with the transformation from traditional to advanced economies are the basis for many of today’s theories of violent and non-violent protest formation. Both levels of urbanization and the size of the “youth bulge” have shown to be reliable measures for predicting protest events in a country. As these two processes result from modernization, it seems logical to hypothesize that the combined effect of the rise in urbanization and the increase in the youth population, urban youth bulge, would be a more relevant predictor for protests. Our tests on cross-national time-series data from 1950 to 2010 for 98 countries reveal that the combined effect of the two forces is an important predictor of anti-government protests. It may seem that the role of the urban youth bulge would appear to be an issue of the past as in more recent decades the proportion of the urban youth tends to decline in most countries of the world. However, this factor tends to be very relevant for many developing countries where both youth bulges have been growing for several decades and the general urban population is on the rise.
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Lipilina, Irina N. "Role of Social Media in Radicalizing Protests in Thailand." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-192-203.
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Throughout 2020 youth protests did not stop in Thailand. They began as a reaction to the dissolution by the Constitutional Court of the New Future party, which is aimed at a youth audience. After the introduction of antiepidemiological restrictions street demonstrations stopped, but the activity of their participants shifted to social networks. In a digital space that is less subject to government censorship, the protest agenda has expanded and escalated significantly. As soon as the ban on demonstrations was lifted, the performances continued, but with more drastic demands, which were originally formulated on social networks. This article examines the impact of social media on the radicalization of youth protest in Thailand.
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Minayev, Andriy, and Tatiana Minayeva. "Prečo sa vytratil „svet 60. rokov“? O príčinách úpadku mládežníckeho protestného hnutia druhej polovice 60. rokov v krajinách západnej Európy a USA." Acta historica Neosoliensia 26, no. 2 (2024): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/ahn.2023.26.02.107-118.
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The article is about the reasons of the decline of the Western European and USA youth protest movement in late 60s of the 20th century. According to the authors, the main reasons for the decline of the Movement are: the spontaneity of the protests, the absents of the joint coordination of actions, mistrust political institutions, the narrowness and limitations of ideas and slogans). The change of attitude towards the youth by the government circles and public of the Western countries in the early 1970s played an important role in the minimization of protest activity. As the result of it was the development of a fundamentally new youth policy based on the “whip and gingerbread” method: on the one hand, there was a strengthening of the repressions against riots participants, and on the other hand, the involvement of youths representative into political, state, business and public institutions with the aim of integration began protest activists in public life. Finally, the new trends in the social and political development of the Western countries in early 1970s become the significant factor in the decline of the protest movement. Such trends included changes in economic, political and cultural interactions in countries of Western Europe and USA, in particular the deterioration of the economic situation, as well as the extension of the social elite at the expense of students and graduates of technical and economic faculties. Finally, the new trends in the social and political development of the Western countries in early 1970s becаme the significant factor in the decline of the protest movement, in particular the deterioration of the economic situation, as well as the expansion of the social elite at the expense of students and graduates of technical and economic faculties. This contributed to the further erosion of the social base of the protests and the focus of youth on their careers.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Youth protests"
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Lidström, Simon. "Youth in Lebanon's Garbage Protests : A Minor Field Study." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-318968.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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Quinn, Eithne. "Representing and affronting : the politics and poetics of gangsta rap music." Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311723.
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Kabwato, Chris. "The emergence of youth protest music and arts as alternative media in Zimbabwe: a Gramscian analysis." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/51228.
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The primary goal of the research is to examine the reasons for the emergence of - hip-hop-based youth protest music and satirical video comedy in Zimbabwe in a context where democratic and media practice has been restricted. The study examines the strategies and platforms that the young urban-based, musicians and cultural activists employ as they contest the meta-narrative of political nationalists who control the public mass media. The study recognises culture as a site of struggle and seeks to tease out the meaning of specific art forms (‘conscious’ hip-hop music and faux-news satire) in this very specific period of Zimbabwe’s history. The study proposes that the rise of these new forms of hip-hop based protest music, poetry and satirical comedy indicate how through the production and circulation of popular culture, ordinary Africans are able to debate pertinent issues that are marginalised by the official media channels. The study thus sees these artists as organic intellectuals who use alternative media to engage with different publics as they seek to counter hegemonic discourses.
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Ajunwa, Kelechi. "It's Our School Too: Youth Activism as Educational Reform, 1951-1979." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/150577.
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Urban Education<br>Ph.D.<br>Activism has the potential for reform (Howard, 1976). Unlike previous studies on high school activism this study places a primary focus on underground newspapers and argues that underground newspapers allowed high school students to function as activists as well as educational reformers. In order to make this argument, this study examined over 150 underground newspapers and other primary source publications. The goals and tactics of high school activists evolved from the 1950s to the 1970s. During this time there were some shifts in ideologies, strategies, and priorities that were influenced by both an ever increasing student frustration with school leaders and by outside historical events. Underground newspapers captured the shift that occurred in the objectives and tactics of student activists. As a result, the contents of underground newspapers were the primary focus of this study. My study reveals that there were three types of student activists: "incidental" activists who simply wanted to change individual school policies, "intentional" activists who wanted high school students to have greater authority and autonomy in schools, and lastly, "radical" activists who desired an end to oppression of people based on race, class, sex, and age. The evidence overwhelmingly indicates that for the most part incidental, intentional, and radical student activists were all working towards improving their high schools. This common goal was pivotal in the development of a Youth Empowerment social movement, which would be born out of the actions of all three types of high school activists. . Incidental activists were the focal point of attention for school administrators in the 1950s, however; intentional and radical activists would take center stage by the late 1960s. Throughout the 1970s intentional and radical activists would overshadow incidental activists and dominate the high school activism scene.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Lazoroska, Daniela. "The Suburb United Will Never Be Defeated : Youth Organization, Belonging, and Protest in a Million Program Suburb of Stockholm." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-102660.
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This thesis examines the continually reconfiguring response of a youth organization towards a renovation project, Järvalyftet, run by the City of Stockholm in the Million Program suburbs. By analyzing this relationship, I aim to discuss how the youth organization works to mediate inclusion in political and representational spheres. More specifically, I will discuss the intersections between Järvalyftet’s development and the claims of belonging made by the youths upon the particular suburb, Husby, where they resided. My interest lies in understanding the conjuncture and disjuncture of claims that have been made to community, locality, and local knowledge in the interaction between the youth organization and the project Järvalyftet. I argue that the forms of community instigated by the youth organization, which were based on locality and “blackness”, allowed them to position themselves as key proponents of social and political change, as well as mobilize allies in others who identified with those experiences.
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Ramos, Eliana Batista. "Rock dos anos 1980: a construção de uma alternativa de contestação juvenil." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/13205.
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Previous issue date: 2010-03-12<br>Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo<br>This research intend to make a reflection about the ways of contestation used by Brazilian urban youth during the 1980s, as well as to investigate the relationships between Brazilian rock songs conceived in the period of construction of alternative ways to express themselves politically and socially. The reason of this research was the perception that there is comparative analysis between youths of historical period with different contexts, creating spaces for paradigmatic construction about this category, based on the experiences of subjects who lived the 1960s, at the expense of others. Urban youth of 80s had been under the pressure in the latest years of military rule, they lived a process of political freedom in which censorship still survive for very long and the forms of protest used traditionally returned slowly after being banned for years, losing much of its transformer character. Besides, this decade was configured as a time when globalization and identity questions reached a peak and Brazil faced one of the most serious crisis in its history. Thus, the alternative of contestation had to be transformed to meet the demands of lived time, which prompted the investigation of the relation between these alternatives and some songs from Brazilian rock produced at the time, as responses to the needs created by the subjects. For this, the main sources of this work are Brazilian rock songs of the 80s and testimonies of subjects who lived in those years of their youth. It also sought to aid in bibliographic references and research about the subject and avail of the freedom afforded by the cultural studies that represent the everyday experiences of the subjects to make sense to historical analysis. The forms of contestation used by the urban youth in the 80s were closely linked to cultural events of the period. The music, personified by the Brazilian rock, was the most representative because its popularity among the youth of that decade<br>Esta dissertação busca fazer uma reflexão sobre as formas de contestação usadas por algumas juventudes urbanas brasileiras durante a década de 1980, assim como investigar as relações existentes entre as canções do rock brasileiro concebido no período com a construção de formas alternativas de se manifestar política e socialmente, provindas destes jovens. O que justificou esta pesquisa foi a percepção de que há análises comparativas entre juventudes de períodos históricos com contextos distintos, criando espaços para construções paradigmáticas acerca desta categoria, baseando-se nas experiências dos sujeitos que vivenciaram os anos 1960, em detrimento de outros. Os jovens urbanos dos anos 80 estiveram sob a pressão dos últimos anos do regime militar; vivenciaram um processo de abertura política, no qual a censura ainda sobreviveria por muito tempo; e as formas de protesto tradicionalmente utilizadas retornavam lentamente, após ficarem banidas por anos, perdendo muito do seu caráter transformador perante estes. Além disso, a referida década se configurou como uma época em que a globalização e as questões identitárias atingiram o seu ápice e o Brasil enfrentou uma das crises econômicas mais sérias de sua história. Desta forma, as alternativas de contestação precisaram-se transformar para atender às demandas do tempo vivido, o que incitou a investigação da relação entre estas e algumas canções do rock brasileiro produzido na época, como respostas às necessidades engendradas pelos sujeitos, conforme as experiências vividas. Para isto, as principais fontes deste trabalho são canções de rock brasileiro da década de 80 e depoimentos de sujeitos que vivenciaram, naqueles anos, parte de sua juventude. Buscou-se também auxílio em referências bibliográficas e pesquisas sobre o tema, além de valer-se da liberdade conferida pelos estudos culturais que relevam as experiências cotidianas dos sujeitos para dar sentido às análises históricas. As formas de contestação usadas pelos jovens urbanos nos anos 80 estiveram intimamente ligadas às manifestações culturais do período. A música, personificada pelo rock brasileiro, fora a de maior representatividade devido a sua popularidade entre os jovens daquela década
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Oliveira, Mariana Freitas Gomes de. "A Marcha da Liberdade em Cuiabá e o acontecimento no mundo contemporâneo." Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso, 2014. http://ri.ufmt.br/handle/1/428.
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Previous issue date: 2014-03-11<br>A Marcha da Liberdade em Cuiabá faz parte da onda de protestos articulados em rede
realizada em 48 cidades do país no dia 18 de junho de 2011. Seu estopim foi a repressão
policial à Marcha da Maconha em São Paulo, em maio daquele ano. Faz parte do ciclo
de protestos internacional marcado por movimentos como o Occupy Wall Street, os
Indignados na Espanha, a Primavera Árabe e outros. Este ciclo de alguma forma
antecipou as mobilizações no Brasil em junho de 2013. Neste trabalho, analiso a
experiência dos participantes da Marcha da Liberdade em Cuiabá para compreender
como o acontecimento político, enquanto ação coletiva de confronto, é construído e
manifesto na subjetividade e cimenta o sentimento de pertencimento ao coletivo.
Analiso também o emprego das redes digitais para a mobilização, as dinâmicas de
lideranças, a espontaneidade da mobilização e a diversidade das bandeiras apresentadas
pelos manifestantes. Retomo o debate histórico dos ciclos de movimentos anteriores
para responder à pergunta de pesquisa e chegar à conclusão de que a Marcha da
Liberdade possui características específicas que a tornam uma ação coletiva
emblemática do mundo contemporâneo, com um traçado adequado ao que os teóricos
chamam de pós-modernidade.<br>The Freedom March in Cuiabá is part of a wave of protest in network that took part in
48 cities of Brazil in June 18th of 2011. Its spark was the Police repression to the
Marijuana March in Sao Paulo, in may of that year. Is part of a international protest
cycle that includes Occupy Wall Street, the Indignades in Spain, the Arab Spring among
others. Somehow it has antecipated the cycle of mobilizations in June 2013 in Brazil. In
this work I analyse the experience of the Freedom March participants in Cuiabá to
understand how the political happening, as a conflict collective action, is built and
manifest in the subjectivity and cements the feeling of belonging to the collective. I also
analyse the roll of digital networks to the mobilization, the leadership dynamics, the
mobilization spontaneity and the diversity of causes presented by the protesters. I return
to the historical debate in previous cycles to answer the research question and get to the
conclusion that the Freedom March has specific characteristics that makes it and
collective action iconic of the contemporary world, with a tracing suited to what the
theorists call post-modernity.
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Нагаев, В. А., та V. A. Nagaev. "Технологии профилактики протестных настроений среди студентов УрФУ : магистерская диссертация". Master's thesis, б. и, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/87647.
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Актуальность исследования подтверждается указом Президента РФ «Стратегией противодействия экстремизму в Российской Федерации до 2025», который предоставляет возможность, чтобы противостоять кризисным положением как в социальной, политической, информационной и нравственной сфере. Протестные настроения является актуальной проблемой в условиях российской действительности, во всех своих проявлениях он стал одной из основных внутренних угроз безопасности Российской Федерации, опираясь на происшествия последнего времени (СКВЕР, Московское дело). Изменение ситуации заставляет искать новые научные решения, позволяющие вести профилактическую работу с протестным потенциалом среди студенческой молодежи с помощью социальных сетей интернет которыми они пользуются и получают основную информацию и ей руководствуются. Цель исследования разработка механизмов профилактики влиянию контента социальных сетей на формирование протестных настроений в студенческой среде. Задачи исследования заключаются в следующем: - Определить вовлечения студенчества в протестные акции; - Проанализировать профилактику и мотивы возникновения протестных настроений в студенческой среде. - Изучить механизмы воздействия социальных сетей на возникновение студенческих протестов. - Оптимизировать программу обучения СООПр «Феникс», по технологии профилактики экстремизма среди студентов в социальных сетях на основе УрФУ. Для решения поставленных задач использовались общенаучные методы: теоретические – системный анализ, метод «адресной рассылки», сравнительный анализ, контент-анализ, изучение и обобщение; эмпирические – наблюдение, анкетирование. Экспериментальной базой исследования является УрФУ. Применение данных методов позволило автору определить теоретические основания исследования студенческого протеста, сконструировать соответствующий социологический инструментарий и на основе проведенных эмпирических замеров выполнить оптимизацию программы обучения СООПр «Феникс» УрФУ. Научная новизна исследования – применяется комплексное обучения информационного противодействия силами СООПр «Феникс» в социальных сетях, для профилактики и выявлении протестных настроений у студентов УрФУ. Практическая значимость работы заключается во внедрении программы обучения СООПр «Феникс», методикой которого является выявление, влияние и профилактика деструктивного контента социальных сетей на формирование экстремистских взглядов в молодежной среде.<br>The relevance of the study is confirmed by the decree of the President of the Russian Federation «Strategy to Combat Extremism in the Russian Federation until 2025», which provides an opportunity to counter the crisis situation in the social, political, informational and moral spheres. Protest mood is an urgent problem in the context of Russian reality, in all its manifestations it has become one of the main internal threats to the security of the Russian Federation, relying on recent incidents (SQUER, Moscow Case). The changing situation makes us look for new scientific solutions that allow us to conduct preventive work with protest potential among students using the social networks Internet that they use and receive basic information and are guided by it. The purpose of the study is to develop mechanisms for preventing the influence of social media content on the formation of protest moods in the student community. The objectives of the study are as follows: - Determine the involvement of students in protests; - To analyze the prevention and motives for the emergence of protest moods in the student community. - To study the mechanisms of the impact of social networks on the emergence of student protests. - To optimize the training program of COOPr «Phoenix», on technology for the prevention of extremism among students in social networks based on UrFU. To solve the tasks set, general scientific methods were used: theoretical - system analysis, the method of "address mailing", comparative analysis, content analysis, study and generalization; empirical - observation, questionnaire. The experimental base of the study is UrFU. The application of these methods allowed the author to determine the theoretical foundations of the study of student protest, to design appropriate sociological tools and, on the basis of empirical measurements, to optimize the training program of the Phoenix Ural Federal University. The scientific novelty of the study - a comprehensive training of informational countermeasures by the forces of the «Phoenix» COOPr in social networks is used to prevent and identify protest sentiments among students of UrFU. The practical significance of the work lies in introducing the «Phoenix» COOPr training program, the methodology of which is to identify, influence and prevent the destructive content of social networks on the formation of extremist views in the youth environment.
Books on the topic "Youth protests"
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al-Basiṭ, ʻAbd al-Naṣir ʻAbd. 25 Yanāyir thawrat shabāb lam yukhlaq mithluhā fī al-bilād: Thawrat shaʻb naḥwa al-majd. Dār Khālid ibn al-Walīd lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr, 2011.
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Lauren, Jennifer. Global Youth Protest, Climate and Education. Routledge, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003432197.
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Cattani, Antonio David. [hashtag] Protestos: Análises das ciências sociais. Tomo Editorial, 2014.
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Leahy, Anthony. Diálogos (im)pertinentes: Protestos. Instituto Memória Editora, 2014.
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Schmidtchen, Gerhard. Ethik und Protest: Moralbilder und Wertkonflikte junger Menschen. 2nd ed. Leske + Budrich, 1993.
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Schmidtchen, Gerhard. Ethik und Protest: Moralbilder und Wertkonflikte junger Menschen. Leske + Budrich, 1992.
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1960-, McKay George, ed. DiY culture: Party & protest in Nineties Britain. Verso, 1998.
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Malendowicz, Paweł. Polityczny wymiar kontestacji młodzieżowej w Polsce od lat siedemdziesiątych XX wieku. Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa im. St. Staszica w Pile, 2008.
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Mi͡alo, K. G. Pod znamenem bunta: Ocherki po istorii i psikhologii molodezhnogo protesta 1950-1970-kh godov. "Molodai͡a gvardii͡a", 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Youth protests"
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Pardal, Mafalda, Celine Tack, and Frédérique Bawin. "Media representation of Belgian youth protests." In Criminalization of Activism. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003144229-15.
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Okech, Awino. "Youth-Hood, Gender and Feminist Dissent." In Gender, Protests and Political Change in Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46343-4_2.
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Tilsen, Julie. "You Got a Problem? Language for Problems and Protests." In Narrative Approaches to Youth Work. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315105970-11.
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Ndlovu, Musawenkosi W. "Were the 2015 student protests a revolution?" In #FeesMustFall and Youth Mobilisation in South Africa. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315183435-3.
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Adagio, Carmelo. "Youth Protests and the End of the Zapatero Government." In Politics and Society in Contemporary Spain. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137306623_8.
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Schwarz, Christoph. "The Role of Social Movements in the Re-Configuration of Youth Transition Regimes: The Biography of an Unemployed Graduates Activist in Morocco." In Re-Configurations. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31160-5_12.
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Abstract This chapter analyzes the transitions to adulthood of young university graduates in Morocco, more precisely, activists of the unemployed graduates movement. Their protests offer a case in point to shed light on how youth transitions in the region are institutionalized and brokered. Based on particpant observation and life story interviews, this chapter applies a ‘youth transitions regime’ perspective in order to highlight he political dimension of youth transitions. How is the structure of these transitions and the hegemonic cultural definitions of ‘youth’ and ‘adulthood’ implicit in them linked to class, gender, social exclusion and precariousness? Has the ‘Arab Spring’ impacted the Moroccan youth transitions regime and the strategies of the unemployed graduates?
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Ndlovu, Musawenkosi W. "What the 2015 protests actually were and how they were possible." In #FeesMustFall and Youth Mobilisation in South Africa. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315183435-4.
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Diklich, Nina D. "Climate Change, Protests, and Youth Movements: The Personal Side of Policy." In ACS Symposium Series. American Chemical Society, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/bk-2017-1247.ch007.
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Gümüş Mantu, Pınar. "Youth in the Gezi Protests: Background, the Gezi Spirit, and Aftermath." In Redefining the Political. Youth Experiences of Collective Action in Turkey. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-40565-6_4.
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Chambers, Paul. "Rising Up in Thailand: Youth-Led Protests and State Repression Since 2020." In Youth, Community, and Democracy in India, Myanmar, and Thailand. Springer Nature Singapore, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-6378-8_2.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Youth protests"
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Lam, Celia. "Social media and youth Protests Facebook use in Hong Kong’s National Curriculum debate." In Annual International Conference on Contemporary Cultural Studies. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2382-5650_ccs13.23.
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Efanova, Elena Vladimirovna. "Information technologies as a production resource of youth protest virtualization." In Proceedings of the 1st International Scientific Practical Conference "The Individual and Society in the Modern Geopolitical Environment" (ISMGE 2019). Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ismge-19.2019.34.
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Sarkisian, D. S. "PLANT PROTEINS THAT MIMIC THE TASTE AND TEXTURE OF MEAT." In International Forum "Youth in Agricultural Sector". ДГТУ-Принт, 2024. https://doi.org/10.23947/young.2024.59-63.
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In this article, we explore and analyze in detail a variety of alternatives to meat products that represent innovative nutritional solutions and can be made from proteins derived from various plant sources. Promising options for replacing traditional meat are carefully considered, including not only popular legumes but also less common but highly valuable plants in terms of protein composition. We pay special attention to the potential of these plant proteins to create products that can not only replace meat in the human diet, but also provide a complete and balanced nutrition.
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.
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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Puga, Lisa. "“Homeschooling is our Protest:” Educational Liberation for African American Homeschooling Families in Philadelphia, PA." In 6TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE GEOGRAPHIES OF CHILDREN, YOUTH AND FAMILIES. Galoa, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/gcyf-2019-99433.
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Grishina, D. V. "THE USE OF BIOLOGICAL PRODUCTS TO INCREASE THE YIELD AND QUALITY OF GRAIN." In International Forum "Youth in Agricultural Sector". ДГТУ-Принт, 2024. https://doi.org/10.23947/young.2024.64-68.
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In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the use of biological products in agronomy as one of the methods for sustainable increase in plant productivity. Biological products, consisting of living microorganisms, their metabolites and natural extracts, can improve the availability of nutrients, increase plant resistance to stressful conditions and protect against diseases and pests. This article examines the main types of biological products, their mechanisms of action and advantages compared to traditional chemicals.
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Rad, Dana, Alina Roman, Tiberiu Dughi, Edgar Demeter, and Gavril Rad. "The dynamics of the relationship between just-for-fun online harassment and perceived school safety." In INNODOCT 2019. Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/inn2019.2019.10233.
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Our research team has developed the project Keeping youth safe from Cyberbullying under Erasmus+, that aims to deeper understand the dynamics of cyberbullying in online environments among youth, to develop educational resources for professionals involved in youth activities in order to prevent these type behaviours, to develop youth skills to protect themselves from cyberbullying and to disseminate findings among educational professionals. A 7 section online questionnaire was designed, aiming to gather descriptive data, general perception about the frequency and typology of cyberbullying type incidents, perceptions about the safety of the educational environment and parental support and an auto evaluation scale centred on self-efficacy perceptions. Data was collected from 92 participants. Present’s study interest is in analysing the relationship between perceived school safety and just-for-fun online harassment. In order to test our hypothesis that assumes that between perceived school safety and just-for-fun online harassment there is a dynamic relationship, we have used a confirmatory factor analysis, based on multiple regression analysis for curvilinear effects. Results confirm the dynamic relationship between perceived school safety and just-for-fun online harassment, meaning that the poorer and as well as the stronger school safety is perceived, just-for-fun online harassment is present in educational contexts; a fair school safety perception intrigues an almost non-existent just-for-fun online harassment among pupils/students. Qualitative results and cyberbullying prevention strategies are discussed.
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Sevara, Abdimannobova. "KONSTITUTSIYAVIY ISLOHOTLAR – YOSHLAR HUQUQINING KAFOLATLARI." In GOALS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE INTEGRATION OF SCIENCE AND EDUCATION. International Scientific and Current Research Conferences, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/goal-01.
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In this article, the personal, political, economic, social, cultural and environmental rights of young people defined in the Constitution and Laws, as well as the reforms being implemented in our country today to protect such rights, freedom and legal interests of young people are highlighted. Also, the legal guarantees of young people guaranteed by legislation, methods of finding effective solutions to problems in the field of youth are expressed in the article.
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Ahmad, Noor Sulastry Yurni, and Azmat Gani. "Some Aspects of South Korean Youth Political Protest Culture of the Candlelight Rallies in the Information Technology Age." In The Paris Conference on Arts and Humanities 2023. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2758-0970.2023.9.
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Keegan, Alan, and Andrew Tideswell. "Enabling learners to discover real stories in official statistics with a new synthetic unit record file of the new zealand income survey 2011." In Statistics education for Progress: Youth and Official Statistics. International Association for Statistical Education, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/srap.13401.
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Learners of statistics need datasets reflecting real life contexts. Unit record datasets have interesting properties and contain stories that could engage learners. However, NSOs have legal and ethical duties to protect unit records. To enable access to these stories, Statistics New Zealand has published Synthetic Unit Record Files (SURFs) produced using several methods. With a new SURF based on the New Zealand Income Survey 2011 (NZIS 2011), we enable learners to access a new unit record dataset. Learners have an opportunity to discover and tell the stories about their region or country that are in the actual sample dataset. Learners can experience for themselves interesting aspects, such as: disaggregated data, semi-continuous distributions, and formal classifications. We hope learners will welcome the value of official statistics, as contributors of data and consumers of information from it.
Reports on the topic "Youth protests"
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Iffat, Idris. Approaches to Youth Violence in Jordan. Institute of Development Studies, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.121.
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Youth violence, particularly targeting the state as well as engagement in violent extremism, has been a persistent feature in Jordan over the past decade. There are numerous factors driving this: economic, political and social marginalization of young people; a search for purpose (in the case of religious extremism); and ineffective youth policies on the part of the government. Other key forms of marginalization in Jordan are ethnicity, gender and disability. With regard to community security mechanisms, Jordan has made efforts to introduce community policing. These link in with traditional tribal dispute resolution mechanisms, but the impact on youth is unclear. Psychosocial support for youth is important. Interventions will vary depending on needs and context, but sport and education (learning spaces) are especially effective avenues to reach young people. This review drew on a mixture of academic and grey literature. While it found significant literature about youth protests in Jordan (in particular in the early 2010s) and on drivers of youth violence, as well as other forms of marginalization in the country, there was very little on community security mechanisms – whether formal or informal. The review identified several sources of recommendations for psychosocial support programming (for youth), but few evaluations of such interventions specifically targeting youth in other countries. Overall, there are gaps in the evidence base, highlighting the need for further research.
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Holliday, Michelle. The Use of Anti-Bullying Policies to Protect LGBT Youth: Teacher and Administrator Perspectives on Policy Implementation. Portland State University Library, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2917.
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Berkman, Heather. Social Exclusion and Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean. Inter-American Development Bank, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010983.
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This paper examines how social exclusion contributes to violence in communities throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Residents in socially excluded communities cannot depend on those institutions designed to protect them, and violence becomes an instrument to achieve certain outcomes, such as justice, security, and economic gain. When conventional methods of obtaining and working for increased social status, higher income, and wider influence are limited, as they often are in marginalized areas, some feel compelled to resort to violent acts. This paper discusses how social exclusion and violence interact in a vicious circle that leaves the socially excluded in a very hostile social environment where the borders between legal and illegal, legitimate and illegitimate are often fuzzy and uncertain. In this environment violence is used by a minority to acquire justice, security, authority and economic gain. The use of violence by this minority, however, affect the lives of the majority of excluded people that do not resort to violence. As youths are particularly vulnerable to this issue, this paper also examines the relationship between violence and the plight of Latin American youth gangs and street children.
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Kjellander, Tove, and Lisa Sjöblom. Child and youth participation during crisis – Recommendations for decision makers in the Nordic region. Edited by Merethe Löberg and Christina Lindström. Nordic Welfare Centre, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52746/okta3233.
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Every young person is entitled to be heard and involved in matters that concern them. But how can decision makers safeguard meaningful child and youth participation in times of crisis? This publication contains 34 recommendations and 9 promising examples for decision makers in the Nordic region on how to build resilient structures for the future. The analysis and recommendations in this report are based on conversations with more than 100 representatives of youth and national experts in the Nordic region, covering the Nordic countries and Greenland, Åland and the Faroe Islands. The lessons and direct experiences of the representatives of Nordic youth organisations serve as an important source of information in preparing for potential crises in the future. The learnings are valuable for all adults making decisions that concerns young, and especially important for decision makers responsible for any crisis management structures. Decision makers in the Nordic region were not prepared to protect children’s rights when the Covid-19 pandemic hit. Their right to be heard was often neglected or recognised too late. To do better in a future crisis we need to have participatory structures in place before the crisis hits. Children and young people don’t have as much power as adults, and they cannot yet vote. We also need decision makers that have positive attitudes toward children and youth, necessary skills, and competence. Decision makers should presume that a child has the capacity to form her or his own views and recognize that she or he has the right to express them. We encourage local authorities and decision makers in the Nordic region to use the checklist in the publication to build resilient structures for child and youth participation. If a new crisis strikes, the Nordic region must ensure that the perspectives and experiences of children and youth are included in the decision making processes.
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Khan, Ayesha. Adolescents and reproductive health in Pakistan: A literature review. Population Council, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh2000.1042.
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This report reviews research and findings on adolescents and reproductive health in Pakistan. The material is drawn from a range of national surveys and medical research, as well as information gathered by nongovernmental organizations. Although adolescents make up a quarter of the population of Pakistan, they are still a new subject for research. The characterization of adolescents for this review is individuals ages 10–19, whether or not they are married, sexually active, or parents. The discussion of the research material is based on the assumption that adolescence is a developmental phase, a transition from childhood to adulthood. Basic data on education, employment, and reproductive health among adolescents shows that they are not receiving adequate schooling and capability building to equip them for the future. Due to their relative youth, lack of decision-making power, and incomplete personal development, adolescents are ill equipped to handle the reproductive health burden they face. Policies and programs, as well as legal provisions, do not protect adolescents and need to be designed to meet the needs of adolescents without disrupting their development into adults.
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Haslam, Divna, Ben Mathews, Rosana Pacella, et al. The prevalence and impact of child maltreatment in Australia: Findings from the Australian Child Maltreatment Study: Brief Report. Queensland University of Technology, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.239397.
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The Australian Child Maltreatment Study (ACMS) is a landmark study for our nation. The ACMS research team has generated the first nationally representative data on the prevalence of each of the five types of child maltreatment in Australia, and their associated health impacts through life. We also identified information about the context of maltreatment experiences, including how old children are when it occurs, and who inflicts it. This knowledge about which children are most at risk of which types of abuse and neglect, at which ages, and by whom, is needed to develop evidencebased population approaches required to reduce child maltreatment in Australia. The concerning prevalence of maltreatment and its devastating associated outcomes present an urgent imperative for nation-building reform to better protect Australian children and reduce associated costs to individuals, families, communities and broader society. The ACMS collected data from 8500 randomly selected Australians aged 16-65 years and older. We included an oversample of 3500 young people 16-24 years of aged to generate particularly strong data about child maltreatment in contemporary Australian society, to assess its associated impacts in adolescence and early adulthood, and to allow future prevalence studies to detect reductions in prevalence rates over time. Our participants aged 25 and over enabled us to understand prevalence trends at different times in Australian history, and to measure associated health outcomes through life. Participants provided information on childhood experiences of each of the five types of child abuse and neglect, and other childhood adversities, mental health disorders, health risk behaviours, health services utilisation, and more. Our findings provide the first nationally representative data on the prevalence of child maltreatment in Australia. Moreover, the ACMS is the first national study globally to examine maltreatment experiences and associated health and social outcomes of all five forms of child maltreatment. Taken together, our findings provide a deep understanding of the prevalence, context and impact of child abuse and neglect in Australia and make an important contribution to the international field. This brief report presents the main findings from the ACMS for a general public audience. These main findings are further detailed in seven peer-reviewed scholarly articles, published in a special edition of the Medical Journal of Australia, Australia’s leading medical journal. Forthcoming work will examine other important questions about the impacts of specific maltreatment experiences to generate additional evidence to inform governments and stakeholders about optimal prevention policy and practice. There is cause for hope. In recent years, there have been reductions in physical abuse, and in some types of sexual abuse. These reductions are extremely important. They mean that fewer children are suffering, and they indicate that change is possible. Policies and programs to reduce these types of maltreatment are having an effect. Yet, there are other concerning trends, with some types of maltreatment becoming even more common, including emotional abuse, some types of sexual abuse, and exposure to domestic violence. And new types of sexual victimisation are also emerging. As a society, we have much work to do. We know that child maltreatment can be reduced if we work together as governments, service sectors, and communities. We need to invest more, and invest better. It is a moral, social and economic imperative for Australian governments to develop a coordinated long-term plan for generational reform. We have found that: 1. Child maltreatment is widespread. 2. Girls experience particularly high rates of sexual abuse and emotional abuse. 3. Child maltreatment is a major problem affecting today’s Australian children and youth – it is not just something that happened in the past. 4. Child maltreatment is associated with severe mental health problems and behavioural harms, both in childhood and adulthood. 5. Child maltreatment is associated with severe health risk behaviours, both in childhood and adulthood. 6. Emotional abuse is particularly harmful, and is much more damaging than society has understood.
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The impact of life skills education on adolescent sexual risk behaviors [Arabic]. Population Council, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/hiv2003.1002.
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In response to the escalating HIV/AIDS epidemic, in 1998 the South African Ministry of Education mandated implementation of a comprehensive life skills education program in all secondary schools by 2005. The Life Skills Program aims to increase knowledge and develop skills to help youth protect themselves from HIV infection and to safeguard their reproductive health. Although it is too early to assess the long-term impact of this initiative, the phased implementation of life skills education provides an opportunity to assess short-term impact. To measure the effects of exposure to topics within the life skills curriculum on sexual and reproductive health knowledge and behaviors among youth, the University of Natal-Durban School of Development Studies, Horizons, The Population Council’s Policy Research Division, and Tulane University undertook a prospective study in KwaZulu Natal Province, South Africa, from 1999 to 2001. This brief considers the impact of the life skills program on a population-based sample of youth in two districts in the province.
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The impact of life skills education on adolescent sexual risk behaviors. Population Council, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/hiv2003.1001.
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In response to the escalating HIV/AIDS epidemic, in 1998 the South African Ministry of Education mandated implementation of a comprehensive life skills education program in all secondary schools by 2005. The Life Skills Program aims to increase knowledge and develop skills to help youth protect themselves from HIV infection and to safeguard their reproductive health. Although it is too early to assess the long-term impact of this initiative, the phased implementation of life skills education provides an opportunity to assess short-term impact. To measure the effects of exposure to topics within the life skills curriculum on sexual and reproductive health knowledge and behaviors among youth, the University of Natal-Durban School of Development Studies, Horizons, The Population Council’s Policy Research Division, and Tulane University undertook a prospective study in KwaZulu Natal Province, South Africa, from 1999 to 2001. This brief considers the impact of the life skills program on a population-based sample of youth in two districts in the province.
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Use of nicotine products among youth in the Nordic and Baltic countries – An overview. Nordic Welfare Centre, 2025. https://doi.org/10.52746/tzjp1306.
Full textAbstract:
Nicotine is a toxic and highly addictive substance found in cigarettes and other tobacco products. In recent years, new nicotine products without tobacco, such as e-cigarettes and nicotine pouches, have entered the market, appealing particularly to children and young people. As children and young people are especially vulnerable to the harmful effects of nicotine, it is critically important to protect them from becoming addicted to nicotine, regardless of the product. The use of nicotine products pose a threat to both individual health and public health. The report Use of nicotine products among youth in the Nordic and Baltic countries provides an overview of the trends in nicotine product use among youth, as well as regulatory developments from 2018 to 2024 in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The findings of the report underline the importance of continued strategic political focus on this topic – both within and between countries. Harmonising regulations across the Nordic and Baltic countries could help secure a more unified and proactive approach in preventing the use of new nicotine products among youth.
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Youth talk about sexuality: A participatory assessment of adolescent sexual and reproductive health in Lusaka, Zambia. Population Council, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1998.1023.
Full textAbstract:
Thirty-six percent of Zambia’s 9 million inhabitants are between 10 and 19 years of age, and most adolescents are sexually active by their mid-teens. Pregnant teenagers have an elevated risk of maternal mortality and complications related to birth. In 1990, at Lusaka’s University Teaching Hospital, self-induced abortion accounted for up to 30 percent of maternal mortality, and one-quarter of these deaths occurred in women under 18 years. Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) are a major health problem for adolescents, yet only a small proportion protect themselves from pregnancy and STIs. There are many barriers to improving the situation, including opposition by parents and teachers to the use of modern contraceptive methods. CARE Zambia is conducting a study to test community-based strategies that increase knowledge of, demand for, and use of barrier methods to reduce unprotected intercourse among out-of-school adolescents in peri-urban Lusaka. As noted in this report, adolescent behavior change will be measured as the prevalence of barrier method use, number of sexual partners, FP attitudes, and measures of self-esteem and responsibility among participants.