Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Youth protests'

This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.

The primary goal of the research is to examine the reasons for the emergence of - hip-hop-based youth protest music and satirical video comedy in Zimbabwe in a context where democratic and media practice has been restricted. The study examines the strategies and platforms that the young urban-based, musicians and cultural activists employ as they contest the meta-narrative of political nationalists who control the public mass media. The study recognises culture as a site of struggle and seeks to tease out the meaning of specific art forms (‘conscious’ hip-hop music and faux-news satire) in this very specific period of Zimbabwe’s history. The study proposes that the rise of these new forms of hip-hop based protest music, poetry and satirical comedy indicate how through the production and circulation of popular culture, ordinary Africans are able to debate pertinent issues that are marginalised by the official media channels. The study thus sees these artists as organic intellectuals who use alternative media to engage with different publics as they seek to counter hegemonic discourses.

Urban Education<br>Ph.D.<br>Activism has the potential for reform (Howard, 1976). Unlike previous studies on high school activism this study places a primary focus on underground newspapers and argues that underground newspapers allowed high school students to function as activists as well as educational reformers. In order to make this argument, this study examined over 150 underground newspapers and other primary source publications. The goals and tactics of high school activists evolved from the 1950s to the 1970s. During this time there were some shifts in ideologies, strategies, and priorities that were influenced by both an ever increasing student frustration with school leaders and by outside historical events. Underground newspapers captured the shift that occurred in the objectives and tactics of student activists. As a result, the contents of underground newspapers were the primary focus of this study. My study reveals that there were three types of student activists: "incidental" activists who simply wanted to change individual school policies, "intentional" activists who wanted high school students to have greater authority and autonomy in schools, and lastly, "radical" activists who desired an end to oppression of people based on race, class, sex, and age. The evidence overwhelmingly indicates that for the most part incidental, intentional, and radical student activists were all working towards improving their high schools. This common goal was pivotal in the development of a Youth Empowerment social movement, which would be born out of the actions of all three types of high school activists. . Incidental activists were the focal point of attention for school administrators in the 1950s, however; intentional and radical activists would take center stage by the late 1960s. Throughout the 1970s intentional and radical activists would overshadow incidental activists and dominate the high school activism scene.<br>Temple University--Theses

This thesis examines the continually reconfiguring response of a youth organization towards a renovation project, Järvalyftet, run by the City of Stockholm in the Million Program suburbs. By analyzing this relationship, I aim to discuss how the youth organization works to mediate inclusion in political and representational spheres. More specifically, I will discuss the intersections between Järvalyftet’s development and the claims of belonging made by the youths upon the particular suburb, Husby, where they resided. My interest lies in understanding the conjuncture and disjuncture of claims that have been made to community, locality, and local knowledge in the interaction between the youth organization and the project Järvalyftet. I argue that the forms of community instigated by the youth organization, which were based on locality and “blackness”, allowed them to position themselves as key proponents of social and political change, as well as mobilize allies in others who identified with those experiences.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliana Batista Ramos.pdf: 1539930 bytes, checksum: b2aa04622fcd52ba9b9e5c8e7d3977d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-12<br>Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo<br>This research intend to make a reflection about the ways of contestation used by Brazilian urban youth during the 1980s, as well as to investigate the relationships between Brazilian rock songs conceived in the period of construction of alternative ways to express themselves politically and socially. The reason of this research was the perception that there is comparative analysis between youths of historical period with different contexts, creating spaces for paradigmatic construction about this category, based on the experiences of subjects who lived the 1960s, at the expense of others. Urban youth of 80s had been under the pressure in the latest years of military rule, they lived a process of political freedom in which censorship still survive for very long and the forms of protest used traditionally returned slowly after being banned for years, losing much of its transformer character. Besides, this decade was configured as a time when globalization and identity questions reached a peak and Brazil faced one of the most serious crisis in its history. Thus, the alternative of contestation had to be transformed to meet the demands of lived time, which prompted the investigation of the relation between these alternatives and some songs from Brazilian rock produced at the time, as responses to the needs created by the subjects. For this, the main sources of this work are Brazilian rock songs of the 80s and testimonies of subjects who lived in those years of their youth. It also sought to aid in bibliographic references and research about the subject and avail of the freedom afforded by the cultural studies that represent the everyday experiences of the subjects to make sense to historical analysis. The forms of contestation used by the urban youth in the 80s were closely linked to cultural events of the period. The music, personified by the Brazilian rock, was the most representative because its popularity among the youth of that decade<br>Esta dissertação busca fazer uma reflexão sobre as formas de contestação usadas por algumas juventudes urbanas brasileiras durante a década de 1980, assim como investigar as relações existentes entre as canções do rock brasileiro concebido no período com a construção de formas alternativas de se manifestar política e socialmente, provindas destes jovens. O que justificou esta pesquisa foi a percepção de que há análises comparativas entre juventudes de períodos históricos com contextos distintos, criando espaços para construções paradigmáticas acerca desta categoria, baseando-se nas experiências dos sujeitos que vivenciaram os anos 1960, em detrimento de outros. Os jovens urbanos dos anos 80 estiveram sob a pressão dos últimos anos do regime militar; vivenciaram um processo de abertura política, no qual a censura ainda sobreviveria por muito tempo; e as formas de protesto tradicionalmente utilizadas retornavam lentamente, após ficarem banidas por anos, perdendo muito do seu caráter transformador perante estes. Além disso, a referida década se configurou como uma época em que a globalização e as questões identitárias atingiram o seu ápice e o Brasil enfrentou uma das crises econômicas mais sérias de sua história. Desta forma, as alternativas de contestação precisaram-se transformar para atender às demandas do tempo vivido, o que incitou a investigação da relação entre estas e algumas canções do rock brasileiro produzido na época, como respostas às necessidades engendradas pelos sujeitos, conforme as experiências vividas. Para isto, as principais fontes deste trabalho são canções de rock brasileiro da década de 80 e depoimentos de sujeitos que vivenciaram, naqueles anos, parte de sua juventude. Buscou-se também auxílio em referências bibliográficas e pesquisas sobre o tema, além de valer-se da liberdade conferida pelos estudos culturais que relevam as experiências cotidianas dos sujeitos para dar sentido às análises históricas. As formas de contestação usadas pelos jovens urbanos nos anos 80 estiveram intimamente ligadas às manifestações culturais do período. A música, personificada pelo rock brasileiro, fora a de maior representatividade devido a sua popularidade entre os jovens daquela década

Submitted by Valquíria Barbieri (kikibarbi@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-17T20:19:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Mariana Freitas Gomes de Oliveira.pdf: 1215548 bytes, checksum: c6f9fad223ecca3067cab21b1f1f284e (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-08-21T13:52:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Mariana Freitas Gomes de Oliveira.pdf: 1215548 bytes, checksum: c6f9fad223ecca3067cab21b1f1f284e (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-21T13:52:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Mariana Freitas Gomes de Oliveira.pdf: 1215548 bytes, checksum: c6f9fad223ecca3067cab21b1f1f284e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-11<br>A Marcha da Liberdade em Cuiabá faz parte da onda de protestos articulados em rede realizada em 48 cidades do país no dia 18 de junho de 2011. Seu estopim foi a repressão policial à Marcha da Maconha em São Paulo, em maio daquele ano. Faz parte do ciclo de protestos internacional marcado por movimentos como o Occupy Wall Street, os Indignados na Espanha, a Primavera Árabe e outros. Este ciclo de alguma forma antecipou as mobilizações no Brasil em junho de 2013. Neste trabalho, analiso a experiência dos participantes da Marcha da Liberdade em Cuiabá para compreender como o acontecimento político, enquanto ação coletiva de confronto, é construído e manifesto na subjetividade e cimenta o sentimento de pertencimento ao coletivo. Analiso também o emprego das redes digitais para a mobilização, as dinâmicas de lideranças, a espontaneidade da mobilização e a diversidade das bandeiras apresentadas pelos manifestantes. Retomo o debate histórico dos ciclos de movimentos anteriores para responder à pergunta de pesquisa e chegar à conclusão de que a Marcha da Liberdade possui características específicas que a tornam uma ação coletiva emblemática do mundo contemporâneo, com um traçado adequado ao que os teóricos chamam de pós-modernidade.<br>The Freedom March in Cuiabá is part of a wave of protest in network that took part in 48 cities of Brazil in June 18th of 2011. Its spark was the Police repression to the Marijuana March in Sao Paulo, in may of that year. Is part of a international protest cycle that includes Occupy Wall Street, the Indignades in Spain, the Arab Spring among others. Somehow it has antecipated the cycle of mobilizations in June 2013 in Brazil. In this work I analyse the experience of the Freedom March participants in Cuiabá to understand how the political happening, as a conflict collective action, is built and manifest in the subjectivity and cements the feeling of belonging to the collective. I also analyse the roll of digital networks to the mobilization, the leadership dynamics, the mobilization spontaneity and the diversity of causes presented by the protesters. I return to the historical debate in previous cycles to answer the research question and get to the conclusion that the Freedom March has specific characteristics that makes it and collective action iconic of the contemporary world, with a tracing suited to what the theorists call post-modernity.

Актуальность исследования подтверждается указом Президента РФ «Стратегией противодействия экстремизму в Российской Федерации до 2025», который предоставляет возможность, чтобы противостоять кризисным положением как в социальной, политической, информационной и нравственной сфере. Протестные настроения является актуальной проблемой в условиях российской действительности, во всех своих проявлениях он стал одной из основных внутренних угроз безопасности Российской Федерации, опираясь на происшествия последнего времени (СКВЕР, Московское дело). Изменение ситуации заставляет искать новые научные решения, позволяющие вести профилактическую работу с протестным потенциалом среди студенческой молодежи с помощью социальных сетей интернет которыми они пользуются и получают основную информацию и ей руководствуются. Цель исследования разработка механизмов профилактики влиянию контента социальных сетей на формирование протестных настроений в студенческой среде. Задачи исследования заключаются в следующем: - Определить вовлечения студенчества в протестные акции; - Проанализировать профилактику и мотивы возникновения протестных настроений в студенческой среде. - Изучить механизмы воздействия социальных сетей на возникновение студенческих протестов. - Оптимизировать программу обучения СООПр «Феникс», по технологии профилактики экстремизма среди студентов в социальных сетях на основе УрФУ. Для решения поставленных задач использовались общенаучные методы: теоретические – системный анализ, метод «адресной рассылки», сравнительный анализ, контент-анализ, изучение и обобщение; эмпирические – наблюдение, анкетирование. Экспериментальной базой исследования является УрФУ. Применение данных методов позволило автору определить теоретические основания исследования студенческого протеста, сконструировать соответствующий социологический инструментарий и на основе проведенных эмпирических замеров выполнить оптимизацию программы обучения СООПр «Феникс» УрФУ. Научная новизна исследования – применяется комплексное обучения информационного противодействия силами СООПр «Феникс» в социальных сетях, для профилактики и выявлении протестных настроений у студентов УрФУ. Практическая значимость работы заключается во внедрении программы обучения СООПр «Феникс», методикой которого является выявление, влияние и профилактика деструктивного контента социальных сетей на формирование экстремистских взглядов в молодежной среде.<br>The relevance of the study is confirmed by the decree of the President of the Russian Federation «Strategy to Combat Extremism in the Russian Federation until 2025», which provides an opportunity to counter the crisis situation in the social, political, informational and moral spheres. Protest mood is an urgent problem in the context of Russian reality, in all its manifestations it has become one of the main internal threats to the security of the Russian Federation, relying on recent incidents (SQUER, Moscow Case). The changing situation makes us look for new scientific solutions that allow us to conduct preventive work with protest potential among students using the social networks Internet that they use and receive basic information and are guided by it. The purpose of the study is to develop mechanisms for preventing the influence of social media content on the formation of protest moods in the student community. The objectives of the study are as follows: - Determine the involvement of students in protests; - To analyze the prevention and motives for the emergence of protest moods in the student community. - To study the mechanisms of the impact of social networks on the emergence of student protests. - To optimize the training program of COOPr «Phoenix», on technology for the prevention of extremism among students in social networks based on UrFU. To solve the tasks set, general scientific methods were used: theoretical - system analysis, the method of "address mailing", comparative analysis, content analysis, study and generalization; empirical - observation, questionnaire. The experimental base of the study is UrFU. The application of these methods allowed the author to determine the theoretical foundations of the study of student protest, to design appropriate sociological tools and, on the basis of empirical measurements, to optimize the training program of the Phoenix Ural Federal University. The scientific novelty of the study - a comprehensive training of informational countermeasures by the forces of the «Phoenix» COOPr in social networks is used to prevent and identify protest sentiments among students of UrFU. The practical significance of the work lies in introducing the «Phoenix» COOPr training program, the methodology of which is to identify, influence and prevent the destructive content of social networks on the formation of extremist views in the youth environment.

This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.

S'appuyant sur des enquêtes de terrain conduites à Kinshasa, cette thèse s'intéresse aux parcours des Shégués, ces jeunes citadins qui empruntent un chemin « différent » dans les rues de la mégapole congolaise. En « prenant » et en habitant la rue, en s'écartant des formes d'existence conventionnelles en famille et sous un toit, les acteurs se plongent dans une aventure citadine vagabonde porteuse de contraintes et d'alternatives. En contrepoint aux discours dominants qui les associent à des enfants des rues marginaux, isolés et inaudibles, ces Shégués apparaissent au contraire comme des figures incontournables de la citadinité kinoise. Assujettis à un mode d’existence semé de contraintes et d’incertitudes, ces jeunes citadins se retrouvent autour de nouvelles formes de sociabilité synonymes de soutien et de violence autant d’opportunités alternatives d’exister et de se distinguer, voire d’émerger comme des individus reconnus et renommés. Les Shégués édifient une culture de rues qui leur permet de nouer des interactions composites avec l’ensemble des usagers de la ville, au point de s’insérer dans les réseaux de pouvoir citadin. Leur singularisation sociale et la stigmatisation qu’elle engendre s’accompagne d’une multitude de contraintes mais aussi d’occasions supplémentaires d’agir sur la ville, voire d’accéder à des formes de popularité et de prestige. Comment les Shégués agissent-ils sur leur ville ? Que nous disent-ils des perspectives d’accomplissement personnel s’offrant aux jeunes de Kinshasa d’aujourd’hui ? Quels sont les impacts politiques de la violence qu’ils exercent et qu’ils subissent ? Produisent-ils une culture contre-hégémonique ou viennent-ils au contraire renforcer un ordre politique violent et clientéliste ? Quelles frontières distinguent ces jeunes acteurs des autres citadins ? Forgent-ils une culture subversive et contestataire ? Les trajectoires des Shégués donnent à voir les ambivalences d’une sous-culture juvénile dépendante de son environnement immédiat pour survivre qui se réapproprie les codes établis par les dominants tout en défiant l’exclusion à laquelle ceux-ci les assignent. S’ils peuvent ainsi apparaître comme des figures renforçant l’ordre établi par « ceux d’en haut », ces acteurs forgent des styles de vie porteurs de subversion et de contestation dans une mégapole kinoise mobile et secrète de nouvelles normes et de nouvelles façons de vivre et de survivre. Les Shégués s’affirment en définitive comme des acteurs moteurs d’une dynamique citadine qui promeut sans relâche de nouvelles figures de légitimité et de prestige, tout en reformulant continûment de nouveaux imaginaires d’autres vies possibles. Ils expriment les visées critiques et politiques d’une vie vagabonde qui participe et influe sur les changements d’une citadinité kinoise s’appliquant à réinventer les voies qui lui permettraient de renverser le cours du destin en accédant enfin à une « autre vie »<br>Based on several field works in Kinshasa, the object of the thesis is the trajectories of « Shégués », these young city-dwellers who take a « different » path in the streets of the congolese megapolis. By « taking » the street and living in it they, diverge of conventional forms of existence under a roof in a family and throw themselves in a wandering urban adventure which generates both constraints and alternatives. In contrast to dominant discources that tend to represent them as marginal, isolated and inaudible « street children », it appears that Shégués are essential figures of the urban experience in Kinshasa. Subjected to a life full of constraint and uncertainty, they gather aroud new forms of sociability that can be seen as ways to support each other, forms of violence but also as alternative opportunities to « exist ». They can also constitute forms of distinction and even lead to the rise of famous and renowed people. The Shégués create a street culture that paves the way to heterogeneous interactions with other city dwellers and sometimes an incorporation of urban networks of power. Their social differenciation entails a process of stigmatization along a series of constraints. It also provides additional opportunities to have agency in the city and even reach some forms of popularity and prestige. How do they have agency on the city? What do they tell us on the youth’s perspectives of personal accomplishement in Kinshasa today? What are the political effects of the violence they both exert and endure? Do they produce a counter-hegemonic culture? Or do their actions tend to reinforce a violent political order? What are the social frontiers between these young actors and other city-dwellers? Do they shape a culture of subversion and protest? The trajectories of Shégués shed light on the ambivalence of a youth sub-culture, totally reliant on its local environment to urvive and that reclaim the codes established by the dominant sectors of society while challenging the exclusion they endure. While they can appear to reinforce the current « top-down » social order, the Shégués also shape new subversive and contentious life styles in a evolving megapolis, itself generating new norms and new ways of life and survival. In the end, the Shégués assert their role as actors of urban dynamic that keeps creating new figures of legitimacy and prestige while continuously reformulating new imagineries of alternative life possibilities. They express the critical and political ambition of their wandering life that contribute to « citadinity » in Kinshasa but also impact it. They do so by reinventing the ways to teverse their destiny and eventually gain acess to « another life »

This dissertation is submitted to the Faculty of Humanities in partial fulfilment of the Master of Arts in Labour Policy and Globalisation at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg , 2019<br>NG (2020)

Thesis(M. A.(Communication studies)) -- University of Limpopo, 2018<br>Twenty-three years since the transition into the democratic government, the South African post-apartheid government continues to grapple with the challenges of recurring trends of youth protests. The post-apartheid government has been experiencing violent protest actions resulting from dissatisfactions with poor service delivery or lack of social services, unemployment, slow pace of transformation in some South African socio-economic spaces, specifically institutions of higher learning and agitation for affordable access to tertiary education. Many young people demand social change through protest action, which often results in destruction of public infrastructure for this method seems to be an effective way of communicating grievances (Mbindwane, 2016). A first trend in youth protest is related to economic issues and social service provision. This qualitative study explored how high rates of unemployment amongst the youth and poor service delivery was a concern and a motivation for protests. The study of youth protests in the Fetakgomo-Greater Tubatse Municipality in the Limpopo Province was used as a case study, with the protests being used as a tool of communicating socio-economic challenges. Unemployment amongst the youth and poor service delivery in the municipality were challenges that motivated young people to actively communicate their dissatisfactions through toyi-toying (street protest). The municipality has been reported to have the highest rate of youth unemployment, standing at 53, 5%, in spite of the 18 mines that operate in the region (Statistics South Africa, 2016). A second motivation for youth protest trend in post-apartheid South Africa is affordable access to higher education. Exorbitant tuition fees, annual increments, and agitation for affordable access to tertiary education have made headlines since September 2015 when the Minister of Higher Education, Dr Blade Nzimande, announced that university fees were going to rise by 11, 5% in the 2016 academic year. The study revealed that tertiary education has become a commodity in the country and many students from economically disadvantaged backgrounds could not afford to pay for their fees. The drastic fee increments also exceeded expectations of those earning enough to pay for their children’s education, to an extent where they felt that the cost of education was clearing their pockets. The study further showed that the funding mechanisms failed to keep up with the ever-increasing tuition fees. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) and other student loans/bursaries could no longer provide full bursaries as students’ tuition rose exponentially. The final trend of youth protests studied in this paper related to transformation and decolonisation of academic spaces – the case of #RhodesMustFall campaign. The sluggish transformation in South Africa, particularly in institutions of higher learning, first triggered student demonstrations at the University of Cape Town (UCT) and eventually spread to almost the rest of South African universities. The study further discovered that the presence of the Rhodes’ statue at UCT prompted a variety of emotions and rage among students, predominantly the previously marginalised. It appeared to be a constant reminder of colonial oppression and slow pace of transformation in the academia. Amongst other things, the study found that students pressed for the removal of all symbols of colonialism, from renaming streets that are perceived to carry the apartheid legacy, decolonising the curriculum, and advocating for greater representation of Black people in senior management positions, specifically the women as they were less represented in the past.Through in-depth qualitative interviews with selected youth, university management representatives, government representatives, and media archival materials, the study examined the concerns that shaped the trends and the nature of youth protests in the post-apartheid South Africa and explored how activism and protests were not merely a social agitation, but tools for communicating youth social and economic experiences.

In 1960, as the heated protests against the renewal of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty raged on the streets of Tokyo, Japanese director, Oshima Nagisa, produced three films: “Cruel Story of Youth”, “Graveyard of the Sun”, and “Night and Fog in Japan”. Privileging tales of angry, young rebels, lashing out at oppressive social, economic, and political forces, the films seemed to capture the frustrated feelings of the protesting students on the streets in front of the Diet. Oshima revealed the inspiration the momentous protests (known as the Ampo Struggle) had upon him and his filmic production by referring directly to the protests and the angry demonstrators. However, I argue his films were neither simple antiauthoritarian youth films nor solely concerned with the party politics of the Ampo struggle. Rather, I will explore the ways in which Oshima's films intersect with the several layers of Japanese history and point to the director's pessimism towards the repeated ideological defeat Japanese generations in Japan. I will discuss in this paper the ways in which Oshima sought out the adolescent audience to existentially challenge them to find meaning within themselves by actively critiquing those systems which worked to define their existence: (American) materialism, violence and crime, and participation in left-wing protest politics. I argue that through these films, Oshima sought to inspire the young rebels of Japan to rebel in such a way that they would fracture their perpetual, easily betrayed, dependence upon abstract ideals to lend their life meaning. To unwrap the possible message Oshima intended to convey to the youthful audience, I will use Albert Camus' “The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt”. Camus' text and the controversy among the existential elite in France after its release help to read Oshima's filmic juxtaposition of protests and personal rebellion.

碩士<br>世新大學<br>新聞學研究所(含碩專班)<br>103<br>In recent years, Internet gradually became an indispensable part of people&apos;s life. However, with the advent of the Internet generation, the youth community media use, and social movements participation patterns changed gradually and the role of music in society and social movements implications also changed. This article started from the concept of political opportunity structure , new social movements, music and social movements theory, interviewed 15 youths who had experience of social movements and shared social movement`s songs. The study result as follow: First, music could accompany with us. Second, in the process of changing times, music could be a social melody. Last, when music was played in the field of protest, it could be an important medium of mobilization. However, it also revealed the contradictions of youth`s opinion in social participation: Through the medium of music, the possibility of public participation was strengthened, but it could not only depend on internet participation.

This dissertation is an ethnographic analysis of the ways in which disenfranchised Black communities mobilize cultural legacies of maroonage to empower themselves through the establishment of independent educational institutions. Using Kamali Academy, an African-centered, systematic home school in New Orleans, Louisiana, as a case study and ethnographic site, I examine two primary questions: What does the relationship between maroonage, as a political-cultural praxis, and independent Black educational institutions tell us about the construction of autonomous Black communities in the United States? Specifically, what does Kamali Academy teach us about these communities’ viability as interventions into a failing educational system that marginalizes Black students and families in New Orleans? Building on existing scholarship, I highlight maroonage as a method of community construction within a dominant socio-political structure. I depart from the literature, however, by rearticulating maroonage as a translocal and transhistorical cultural tradition, a process by which individuals and communities disengage from the dominant structure and re-engage in affirming and positive institutions. When considered within the context of both the charter school movement that has taken over New Orleans public schools since Hurricane Katrina as well as the extensive legacy of the struggle for independent Black education in the United States, Kamali Academy provides insight into what I have termed institutional maroonage, or the formation and maintenance of independent Black institutions that serve as spaces for community building and benefit the interests of Black freedom.<br>text

The thesis focuses on the activism of youth political organizations in the Czech Republic. The aim of this work is to monitor their activities between 2013 and 2017 due to activism in general but also to political parties. A protest event analysis based on document analysis was created to monitor activities. The second type of research data was interviews with representatives of youth organizations. This type develops results from protest event analysis. Research has shown differences in attitude to activism between left-wing and right-wing organizations. The left-wing focused on protest more than right-wing organization and also often cooperated with non-profit organizations. While right-wing organizations are quite active, they prefer institutional channel and orderly decency before protest arena. Youth organizations have little to do with events before elections. Though they also support political parties or protest against them, they have realized most of the events because of their own agendas. Most organizations appreciate mutual cooperation in protests, with one exception when cooperation is rejected from both sides.

In 1967 and 1968, members of the Youth International Party, also known as Yippies, created several mass street demonstrations to protest President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s handling of the United States’ military involvement in the war in Vietnam. The Yippies were a loose network of hippies, anti-war activists, and left-wing radicals committed to cultural and political change. This dissertation investigates how the Yippies used avant-garde theories of theatre and performance in their year of demonstrating against the Johnson administration. The Yippies receive little attention in most histories of American performance, and theatre remains on the margins of political and social histories of the 1960s; therefore this dissertation places performance and political archives side by side to create a new historical narrative of the Yippies and performance. The Yippies created their own networked participatory street performance form by drawing on the political philosophy of the New Left student movement, the organizational strategies of the anti-war movement, and the countercultural values of the hippies. They modified this performance form, which they termed “revolutionary actiontheater,” with performance theories drawn from New York’s avant-garde art world, the concept of guerrilla theatre outlined by R. G. Davis of the San Francisco Mime Troupe, and the notion of Theater of Cruelty created by Antonin Artaud. Using performance theory and cultural history as primary methodologies, this project traces the Yippies’ adoption of revolutionary action-theater with three examples: the 1967 “March on the Pentagon” where future Yippie leaders performed an exorcism ritual at the Pentagon; the 1968 “Grand Central Station Yip-In” event that advertised for the Yippie movement; and the 1968 “Festival of Life” at the National Democratic Convention in Chicago where the Yippies nominated a pig as presidential candidate. The final chapter on the recent phenomenon of flash mobs argues that the Yippies’ legacy lives on in this participatory street performance form, and suggests that revolutionary action-theater can still serve as a model for political action.<br>text

This thesis deals with the genealogy of so-called "Strahov events", i.e. the protest of students from Strahov dormitories, which took place on October 31, 1967. The key question is why seemingly an insignificant event - a power outage - led to the collapse of the university organization of the Czechoslovak Union of Youth (ČSM). The thesis analyses the 1960s through optic of street politics, and examines manifestations of the particular student collectives that preceded the Strahov protest and which set up the implicit rules on how to enter the public space and what content it should bring in and how to avoid repressive reaction in the same time. In particular, it focuses on the majáles festival marches in 1965 and 1966 and the so- called Petřín incidents - the annual May Day clashes between the Public Security forces and the youth at Petřín hill. It helps to answer related questions: how these collectives influenced the origin, course and consequences of the Strahov demonstration. In addition, the thesis focuses on the process of creation of student social movement. It examines what the students expected in the 1960s, what was the purpose of their criticism and how their criticism was influenced by the context social transformations that took place in the state-socialist Czechoslovakia in the...

This thesis examines the production of Tamil youth in the state of Canada as threats, extremists, radicals, terrorists, and as subjects to be engaged in de-politicized humanitarian discourses of reconciliation and peace. By drawing attention to the exclusion of Tamils from rights in legal proceedings, the positioning of youth protesters as harbingers of a multicultural 'crisis,' and the role of education in securing Canada's response to the MV Sun Sea as a 'humanitarian' project, I argue that the targeting Tamils is not only integral to Sri Lanka's ongoing genocide, but is also crucial to the Canadian state's project of white settler colonialism. In examining the law, media and education as sites of racial management in the 'War on Terror' and its globalized counter-terrorism regime I identify the targeting of Tamil diaspora youth as a necessary racial logic for the legitimacy of the Canadian state in an era of official multiculturalism.

This work examines the intervention of Brazilian street artists into the public space of São Paulo metropolis. Pixadores, as they are called, are young people brought up in the poor suburbs of São Paulo. The society perceives them as "vandals" and "delinquents". However, spraying for them is an important part of their life and they do not stop spraying even after starting a family. They risk their lives and often find themselves on the brink of life and death. The aim of this work is to understand the behavior of these sprayers by using the ethnographic method and to answer the question, why is this transgressive practice important to them. Through their writings, they are highlighting their presence and are becoming a direct part of the city. On the one hand, their doing is a syndrome of social problems in the context of Brazilian society. On the other hand, these forms of conscious property damage may be associated with the idea of protest, the affirmation of their position in the margins of society or the respect earned from their peers. Although the residents of the poor suburbs are seen as being excluded from all forms of capital, Brazilian sprayers are, however, important political actors and their doing is reshaping the urban landscape. Prestige and respect which sprayers receive from each...

The presented dissertation thesis analyzes one of the largest protests of the Czechoslovak Stalinism-era - the Plze revolt against the currency reform in June 1953. From a conceptual perspective, the work draws on the theory of the so-called new social movements. Therefore it sets the well-known Plze incident into the context of previous protest actions that occurred in the Plze region in the course of the years 1948-1953. This method enables the author to chart the development of several varied protest cultures which had been employed in particular parts of society in Western Bohemia on a long term basis and which inspired the inception and the course of the Plze revolt in the year 1953. This way the work offers not only a considerably more precise critical description of the June protests but also their cultural genealogy. By the means of this genealogy the author reveals the structure of the main social movements that took part in the revolt and an associated complex of social conflicts that caused the protests. There were in particular the following three: a socially-motivated strike movement of industrial blue-collars, a pro-western movement of both student and blue-collar youth and a latent tension within the communist party which was becoming evident through a passive resistance of its rank...

Summaries in Afrikaans and English<br>Apartheid het die oorgrote meerderheid Suid-Afrikaners se lewens onherroeplik beinvloed. Dit is daarom te verstane dat dit in die Suid-Afrikaanse literatuur, insluitende die Engelse Suid-Afiikaanse jeugliteratuur, neerslag gevind het. Ten einde die studie in konteks te plaas, word in die eerste drie hoofstukke 'n historiese oorsig van die apartheidsera, Engelse Suid-Afrikaanse volwasse literatuur, en Engelse Suid-Afrikaanse kinderen jeugliteratuur, gegee. Die hoofgedeelte van die studie word vervolgens bespreek, en is in die volgende drie hoofstukke verdeel: • Die uitbeelding van sosio-ekonomiese toestande gedurende die apartheidsera, soos byvoorbeeld van afsonderlike woongebiede en aparte openbare geriewe. • Die uitbeelding van die onderwystoestande, veral van die Bantoe-onderwysbeleid. • Die uitbeelding van die veiligheidsmagte (polisie en weermag), insluitende die beeld van hierdie magte in die bree gemeenskap. Ten slotte word verskillende ooreenkomste wat na vore gekom bet in die bestudeerde Engelse Suid-Afrikaanse jeugromans waarin apartheid uitgebeeld word, bespreek. Daar word ook gekyk na die waarde van hierdie jeugromans.<br>Apartheid had a irrevocably influence on the lives of the majority of people in South Africa. Therefore it is understandable that it would be portrayed in South African literature, including the English South African youth literature. To put the subject in context, the first three chapters ofthe thesis deal with a historical overview of the apartheidera; South African English adult literature; and South African English children's literature. The main part of the thesis has been divided as follows: • The portrayal of socio-economic conditions, e.g. separate residential areas and public amenities. • The portrayal of the education situation, especially the Black Education policy. • The portrayal of the security forces (police and army), including the images of these forces in the broader community. To conclude the thesis, similarities in the youth novels portraying apartheid are discussed. The value of these youth novels is also looked into.<br>Information Science<br>M. Inf.