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Journal articles on the topic 'Youth social movements'
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1
Melucci, Alberto. "Youth, time and social movements." YOUNG 4, no. 2 (May 1996): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/110330889600400202.
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Earl, Jennifer, Thomas V. Maher, and Thomas Elliott. "Youth, activism, and social movements." Sociology Compass 11, no. 4 (April 2017): e12465. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12465.
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Hardi, Eja Armaz. "MUSLIM YOUTH AND PHILANTROPHIC ACTIVISM." Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman 16, no. 01 (April 15, 2021): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/epis.2021.16.01.15-29.
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Since the last two decades, charity movements have been flourishing in Indonesian Islamic landscape. These organisations are involving not only state sponsored organizations, but also non-government associations and professional industries. This article exclusively discusses the youth-based charity movements in two important Islamic universities in Indonesia and tries to offer a new glance of youth charity movement as to which their movement relates to the issue of identity and social welfare. The article uses a qualitative method through a systematic literature review, in-depth interview, and observation to the activities of two youth-based charity movements at two state Islamic universities in Jambi and Surabaya. This paper further argues that the spirit of philanthropic movement does not only depend on economic wealth, but also on social solidarity, Islamic principle of economic distribution, and networks among the students that have been successfully translated into both social welfare activism and humanitarian activities.
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Johnston, Hank. "The Elephant in the Room: Youth, Cognition, and Student Groups in Mass Social Movements." Societies 9, no. 3 (August 9, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9030055.
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Student and youth groups are often vanguard actors in turbulent times. This article proposes that when they are part of broader social movements, they can introduce strong age-cohort influences in a movement’s development. These influences derive from the balance between youths and adults in a movement and their interrelationships, especially over the long term when demands remain unanswered by the state. Other influences include resource availability, which tends to cluster with older generations, tactical specialization according to age cohorts, and the tendency of groups with younger members to be willing to take greater risks, be more passionate in their demands, and more militant in their tactics. In this report, we identified several empirically recognized cognitive dimensions relevant to youthful participation: (1) identity search, (2) risk taking, (3) emotionality, and (4) cognitive triggering. These cognitive factors of late adolescence and early adulthood can energize a movement when young cohorts participate but also run the risk of alienating older members and public opinion. We discussed how mass movements for political and/or cultural change are frequently intergenerational and how intergenerational relations can mitigate the inward-turning and militant tendencies of young adults. In broad movements for social change, these relations can create a division of labor in which students are the vanguard actors and the older members mobilize the social and material resources available to them. Under other conditions, youth and student groups wield a two-edged sword with the capability of energizing a movement or alienating older cohorts of militants and public opinion.
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Anderson, Charles W. "Youth, the “Arab Spring,” and Social Movements." Review of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100058031.
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Almost two years after the inception of the so-called “Arab Spring” some of its primary constituencies remain enigmatic. To a certain degree, this is an effect of previous scholarly interest in various regimes’ strategies for maintaining their monopolization of critical resources, and, ultimately, of state power. The literature on “durable authoritarianism” has taught us much about autocratic longevity and the structures and dynamics that underpinned the management of the populace, as well as marginalization of challengers in a variety of regimes throughout the region. As some scholars have recently observed, however, the focus on authoritarian regimes’ staying power led to overestimations of their strength and, correspondingly, to underestimations of their publics. Of course studies of social movements, resistant populations, and opposition groups are plentiful and trends like the growth of Islamist groups have received copious attention.
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Welton, Anjalé D., and Tiffany Octavia Harris. "Youth of Color Social Movements for Racial Justice: The Politics of Interrogating the School-to-Prison Pipeline." Educational Policy 36, no. 1 (December 3, 2021): 57–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08959048211059728.
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Youth social movements for racial justice, especially against police violence, are on the rise. And this broader policy landscape is reflective of how youth are addressing racism in policing in their local context. Therefore, by drawing upon scholarship related to Black Radicalism, activism, and social movements, this study examines how youth of color activists are fighting against the overpolicing of their schools and communities in two specific contexts: Wake County, North Carolina and Chicago, Illinois. This study demonstrates how context shapes youth of color social movement building, that youth are strategic in how they employ activism, and ultimately adults can either impede or help advance youth’s demands for justice.
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Burciaga, Edelina M., and Lisa M. Martinez. "HOW DO POLITICAL CONTEXTS SHAPE UNDOCUMENTED YOUTH MOVEMENTS? EVIDENCE FROM THREE IMMIGRANT DESTINATIONS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 451–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-4-451.
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Drawing on research spanning ten years in three immigrant destinations—Los Angeles, Denver, and Atlanta—we address the question, “How do political contexts shape undocumented youth movements?” To do so, we bring into dialogue social movements and immigration scholarship by providing a framework for understanding undocumented youth activism. Building on political opportunity theory in social movements and segmented assimilation theory in migration studies, we advance the notion of localized political contexts: contexts of varying levels of antagonism and accommodation toward immigrants, which shape the emergence and character of undocumented youth movements. We argue that variegated political, legal, and discursive landscapes shape undocumented activism in three ways: (1) the claims that are made; (2) the targets for these claims; and (3) the strategies and tactics the movement adopts. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of undocumented youth movements given the increasingly hostile political context unfolding at the national level.
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Chan, Steve Kwok-Leung. "Prostrating Walk in the Campaign against Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway: Collective Identity of Native Social Movement." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 1 (March 21, 2017): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i1.4986.
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Occupation, blockage and storming are not rare in social movements a decade after China resuming sovereignty in Hong Kong. The organizers and participants usually involve locally born young people. Some of them are secondary school students in their teens. They are known as the fourth generation or post-1980s born Hongkongers. The paper examines the cultural context of social movements involving these youth activists. It mainly studied the campaign against the Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway development project. The project called for the demolition of the Tsoi Yuen Village, a small rural village located on its designed route. Since then, the role of younger generation in social movements has been generally recognized. Social media are widely employed in all stages of the movements with citizen journalists actively involved. The impressive ‘prostrating walk’ imitating Tibetan pilgrims becomes the symbol of these youth activists. It keeps appearing in other campaigns including Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014. This paper argues that the rise of nativism, advancement in ICT technology and shifting towards new social movements contribute to the dominant role of youth in recent social movements of Hong Kong. Collective identity of Hongkonger in response to the top-down assimilation by China, strengthens the movement.
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Wielk, Emily, and Alecea Standlee. "Fighting for Their Future: An Exploratory Study of Online Community Building in the Youth Climate Change Movement." Qualitative Sociology Review 17, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.17.2.02.
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While offline iterations of the climate activism movement have spanned decades, today online involvement of youth through social media platforms has transformed the landscape of this social movement. Our research considers how youth climate activists utilize social media platforms to create and direct social movement communities towards greater collective action. Our project analyzes narrative framing and linguistic conventions to better understand how youth climate activists utilized Twitter to build community and mobilize followers around their movement. Our project identifies three emergent strategies, used by youth climate activists, that appear effective in engaging activist communities on Twitter. These strategies demonstrate the power of digital culture, and youth culture, in creating a collective identity within a diverse generation. This fusion of digital and physical resistance is an essential component of the youth climate activist strategy and may play a role in the future of emerging social movements.
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Combeau-Mari, Evelyne. "The Protestant Mission and Youth Movements." International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 12 (August 2011): 1625–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2011.592756.
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Lauby, Fanny. "Diversity, Leadership, and Authenticity in the Undocumented Youth Movement." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 5, no. 1 (August 19, 2019): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2019.28.
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AbstractThe undocumented youth movement is diverse in terms of race, ethnicity, and immigration status. I argue that racial and immigration status diversity has a direct impact on the movement's ability to “expand the scope of conflict,” that is to say recruiting new members, reaching out to elected officials, and establishing representative leadership—elements that are critical to the sustainability and effectiveness of a movement. Findings also indicate that immigration status diversity plays a complex role. The presence of citizen allies brings both risks and benefits to the movement, as they reinforce the electoral connection sought by elected officials while at the same time jeopardizing the authenticity of the movement. Results are based on field research conducted between 2012 and 2015 in NJ and NY, including participant observation in state-level campaigns and interviews with over 130 immigrant youths, allies, and elected officials. This article contributes to the social movement literature by providing empirical evidence of the challenges present within diverse coalitions. It addresses the question of immigration status diversity, an issue that affects the immigration movement but speaks more broadly to the role of allies in social movements.
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Calhoun, Craig. "“New Social Movements” of the Early Nineteenth Century." Social Science History 17, no. 3 (1993): 385–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018642.
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Sometime After 1968, analysts and participants began to speak of “new social movements” that worked outside formal institutional channels and emphasized lifestyle, ethical, or “identity” concerns rather than narrowly economic goals. A variety of examples informed the conceptualization. Alberto Melucci (1988: 247), for instance, cited feminism, the ecology movement or “greens,” the peace movement, and the youth movement. Others added the gay movement, the animal rights movement, and the antiabortion and prochoice movements. These movements were allegedly new in issues, tactics, and constituencies. Above all, they were new by contrast to the labor movement, which was the paradigmatic “old” social movement, and to Marxism and socialism, which asserted that class was the central issue in politics and that a single political economic transformation would solve the whole range of social ills. They were new even by comparison with conventional liberalism with its assumption of fixed individual identities and interests. The new social movements thus challenged the conventional division of politics into left and right and broadened the definition of politics to include issues that had been considered outside the domain of political action (Scott 1990).
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Elliott, Thomas, and Jennifer Earl. "Organizing the Next Generation: Youth Engagement with Activism Inside and Outside of Organizations." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 205630511775072. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305117750722.
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Social movement scholars have long considered organizations (social movement organizations [SMOs]) vital to the success of a movement. SMOs organize events, mobilize participants, and recruit new activists into the movement. In the case of youth activism, SMOs can also play a vital role in the political socialization of youth. However, a substantial line of research finds that most SMOs do a poor job of encouraging and facilitating youth engagement in offline, face-to-face contexts. With the growing use of digital media by both social movements and youth, online activism presents another avenue through which SMOs can recruit youth participation. The extent to which SMOs are doing any better at this online than offline is an open and surprisingly new question, however. Using a unique dataset, we explore the extent to which SMOs are encouraging youth participation in social movement activity online. Based on our findings, we argue that engaging with and recruiting youth into SMOs is vital for the future health of these organizations as well as the political socialization of youth, and that SMOs are not doing enough to recruit youth online, mirroring their failure offline.
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Bashir, Manaf. "Framing an Online Social Movement: How Do the Leadership and Participants of the Egyptian 6th of April Youth Movement Frame their Facebook Activism?" International Review of Information Ethics 18 (December 1, 2012): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/irie305.
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The talks about the horizontality of Internet activism and the advent of social media applications have drawn great attention recently where leadership, organization and coordination are no longer tasks of a movement’s leadership, but also the general participants. This content analysis research attempts to show how the Egyptian 6 th of April Youth Movement framed its own activism and what this multiplicity of actors-based framing meant to social movement discourse. The significance of this study lies in its potential to contribute to the understanding of diverse frames by leaders and participants, with the latter rapidly emerging as new agents of social movements. The findings show that the leadership and participants used similar cause, motivational and consequence frames (the three social movement framing tasks), but the leadership used these frames more frequently than the participants and had a larger influence than the participants in the overall framing of the 6th of April Youth Movement.
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Ogawa, Akihiro. "Security Paradigms and Social Movements." Asian Journal of Social Science 46, no. 6 (November 29, 2018): 725–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04606006.
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Abstract In 2014, Japan’s cabinet approved a significant change to national security policy. Previously barred from using military force, except in cases of self-defence, a constitutional reinterpretation by the cabinet allowed “collective self-defence”—using force to defend itself and its allies. The decision was controversial, considering post-war pacifism is firmly entrenched in Japanese national identity. I analyse how national security has been portrayed in the policymaking process for reinterpreting the Constitution. Meanwhile, since the early 2010s, Japanese society has been rocked by demonstrations opposing this. I explore the rise of a new youth activist movement in response to the proposed legislation. In particular, I argue that new ideologies and strategies appealed to young people in the organising of various protests, focusing on how they interpret the national security discourse and locating these social movements in Japanese post-war peace activism.
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Cortés-Ramos, Antonio, Juan Antonio Torrecilla García, Miguel Landa-Blanco, Francisco Javier Poleo Gutiérrez, and María Teresa Castilla Mesa. "Activism and Social Media: Youth Participation and Communication." Sustainability 13, no. 18 (September 21, 2021): 10485. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131810485.
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Background: Digitalization and hyperconnectivity generate spaces for youth participation in social activism through social media platforms. The purpose of this research was to analyze young people’s online experience in social activism movements, including their preferences, themes, usage of language, and perceived impact. Methods: The research is framed within a qualitative interpretative–descriptive paradigm. Five focus groups were conducted, including 58 high school students from Malaga, Spain. Results: Several themes were identified through the coding process, including technological devices and social media preferences, participation in social movements or activism, perception of the degree of participation, the focus of interest, motivation for involvement, language use on social media, and beliefs. Conclusions: In a hyperconnected world, youth participation in social movements becomes more relevant. Their interest is reflected in the enormous potential that this social participation of young people has through networks and virtual platforms, becoming an informal communication model with characteristics to be an effective vehicle for social transformation.
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Lucena, Hadassa Monteiro de Albuquerque, João Carlos Pereira Caramelo, and Severino Bezerra da Silva. "POPULAR EDUCATION AND YOUTH: THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT AS AN EDUCATIONAL SPACE." Cadernos de Pesquisa 49, no. 174 (December 2019): 290–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/198053146754.
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Abstract This study aims to understand how individuals, in the course of their life histories, and mainly through experiential learning processes, build knowledge through the participation in a social movement. To this end, a qualitative research was conducted, using semi-structured interviews, to obtain life narratives from six participants of a Brazilian movement that brings together young people across the country: the Levante Popular da Juventude [Popular Youth Uprising]. The research allows us to understand how the educational experience lived in social movements favors the emancipation of individuals who experience it and lead to an awareness about participatory citizenship in face of local and global realities.
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Baron, Luis Fernando. "More than a Facebook revolution: Social Movements and Social Media in the Egyptian Arab Spring." International Review of Information Ethics 18 (December 1, 2012): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/irie306.
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Public opinion leaders and activists characterized the Egyptian “Arab Spring” of January 2011 as a “Facebook Revolution”. They highlight the intrinsic power of social media as an influencing factor for social change. Undeniably, social media played important roles in that revolution process. However, these roles cannot be disconnected from the socio-political contexts. This paper discusses the use of social media, particularly of Facebook, by the April 6th Youth Movement (A6YM), a decisive actor of the Egyptian protests. It is based on the analysis of two Egyptian newspapers and one American newspaper, between 2008 and 2011. We propose that a) social media provided alternative mechanisms for political expression and organization, b) social media contributed to the genesis and consolidation of the A6YM and to the establishment of youth political identities, and c) the combination of “bits and streets” amplified not just the movement’s mobilization but the degree of opposition experienced by the Egyptian regime.
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Setter, Davyd. "CHANGES IN SUPPORT FOR U.S. BLACK MOVEMENTS, 1966–2016: FROM CIVIL RIGHTS TO BLACK LIVES MATTER." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 475–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-4-475.
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Black Lives Matter is often unfavorably compared to the civil rights movement based on assumptions that the earlier movement was more palatable to a white public. Available data, however, demonstrate the civil rights movement’s unpopularity with contemporaneous white audiences. In this article I ask if white public support for Black social movements has changed over time. If so, what explains these shifts in support? Using logistic regression, I compare white audience views of Black movements in 1966 and 2016. I find that white support for Black movements has increased, but this shift is not uniform. While 1966 support is correlated with education, income, and liberal attitudes, support in 2016 is driven by polarized political attitudes and increased support among youth and women. Surprisingly, the education effect disappears entirely in the 2016 analysis. The results demonstrate the fluidity of movement audiences, which are strongly impacted by changes in the broader political context.
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Marri, Anand R., and Erica N. Walker. "“Our Leaders Are Us”: Youth Activism in Social Movements Project." Urban Review 40, no. 1 (December 11, 2007): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11256-007-0077-3.
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Balz, Hanno. "“We Don't Want Your 'Peace' …” The West German Antiwar Movement, Youth Protest, and the Peace Movement at the Beginning of the 1980s." German Politics and Society 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330302.
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This article examines the changes in social movements, in particular the peace movement since the late 1970s, their processes of differentiation as well as their connections to older aspects of the movements. Of particular interest is the breadth of the peace movement, which succeeded in mobilizing several hundred thousand persons at the beginning of the 1980s. How points of conflict developed between this movement and an antiwar movement led by a “new youth movement” around 1980 is the focus of this article.
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El-Sharnouby, Dina. "New Social Movements: The Case of Youth’s Political Project in Egypt." Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 3 (October 23, 2018): 264–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01003003.
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With the 2011 Revolution in Egypt, new forms of social mobilization and new possibilities for political interaction surfaced. The manifestation of these events suggested a different understanding of politics among particularly revolutionary youth. How do their values and practices affect political imaginaries? How are those imaginaries different from previous revolutionary struggles? This article highlights the political projects of the 2011 revolutionary youth versus previous revolutionary struggles by looking at youth activists and the case of the leftist Bread and Freedom party. Contrasting the Revolution of 1919 to 2011 in Egypt reveals a renewed call to social justice imagined to be practiced through the state and state institutions while minimizing ideology and a singular leadership in their mobilization strategies. Drawing on fieldwork done in 2014 and 2015, this paper suggests that the 2011 political project from youth’s perspective is about the importance of political practices of social justice over an ideology.
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Ramamurthy, Anandi. "The politics of Britain’s Asian Youth Movements." Race & Class 48, no. 2 (October 2006): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396806069522.
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Митин, Александр, and Alexander Mitin. "YOUTH POLICY AND YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS: CONCEPT AND MAIN APPROACHES." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2017, no. 3 (September 25, 2017): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2017-3-4-13.
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<p><span>The paper introduces some Russian and foreign researches connected with current position and a role the young play in the society, as well as with youth policy and the youth </span><span>organizations in social and political structure. According to the author, one can distinguish </span><span>three groups of youth movements, according to their forms, the areas of work and the methods of activity, in relation to the present stage of development of the youth organizations: moderate, centrist and radical. The current studies in this field are gradually moving from social and psychological terrain into the political one. The author assumes this might be connected with growth of political culture among the youth, their desire to become specialists in the vocation they have chosen and their readiness to act not only as an object of socio-political processes, but also the active co-author of political changes in the state. Therefore, the term «left youth organizations» finds more and more application in this regard. The term is connected with the work of moderate and radical youth movements and the organizations that pay attention in their program documents to the matters of social justice, the principles of solidarity and internationalism in the Russian political practice.</span></p>
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Hafez, Bassem Nabil. "New Social Movements and the Egyptian Spring: A Comparative Analysis between the April 6 Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 12, no. 1-2 (2013): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341245.
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Abstract In this article I will comparatively analyze the conceptual foundations of two Egyptian protest movements, the April 6 Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists, two prominent instigators of the Egyptian revolution, as part of the global rebellion against the dystopia perceived as the creation of neo-liberalism and globalization. In Egypt, the limitations of conventional opposition led to the mushrooming of New Social Movements (NSMs) over the past decade. The political dynamics since 2000 have yielded, among many, the aforementioned youth movements that represent two different approaches to the rebellion against the dystopia, which speeded up the downfall of Mubarak.
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Belyaeva, L. A., I. A. Zelenev, and V. A. Prokhoda. "Volunteering in Russia: History and attitudes of the contemporary youth." RUDN Journal of Sociology 21, no. 4 (December 7, 2021): 825–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2021-21-4-825-838.
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The article considers the issue of the youth participation in volunteering as a form of social activity and at the same time the direction of the youth policy. The analysis of the empirical data follows a short review of the history of volunteering in the pre-revolutionary and Soviet periods. The authors explain this movements contradictory nature by the social-political trends in the development of civil society and by the organizational influence of the authorities. The contemporary Russian volunteering is presented on the basis of the online survey data on two cohorts of the adult urban youth - 18-24 and 25-34 years old (N=705 and N=714). The samples represent the social-demographic and geographical features of two groups. The mathematical methods of analysis allowed to identify the scale of participation and the types of volunteer activities for both cohorts, social attitudes and real involvement in the volunteer movement, and an expected gap between them, which can be explained by a complex motivation for volunteering. We identified the following motivation models: the promotion model implies mercantile and career motives, the capital model - the growth of human and social capital, and the value model - beliefs and expectations of public recognition and respect. The second model is especially relevant for the younger cohort. The survey revealed the opinions of the youth as a social group about the factors that hinder participation in volunteering. Young people were critical of their group, and named social indifference as the first problem, then comes the lack of time, insufficient encouragement and public recognition. The research proved that the potential of volunteering is much higher than the youths participation in it. The development of this activity together with overcoming its bureaucratization can become an incentive for reducing the youths social apathy.
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Матвеева, Evgeniya Matveeva, Комарова, and Marina Komarova. "FEATURES OF FORMATION OF THE YOUTH MOVEMENT IN PRE-REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA." Journal of Public and Municipal Administration 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/17991.
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The article reveals the fundamental questions of formation of the youth movement in pre-revolutionary Russia. The situation of young people, as the dual bio-social phenomenon has some specifics: defining the relationship between psycho-physical and social development. The methodological basis of the research served as the essential principles of the science of history, such as consistency, Historicism, interdisciplinary and scientific objectivity that allowed the author to consider studied facts and events in the dynamics and interactions. The authors brought the problems of youth movement in Russia´s socio-economic conditions of pre-revolutionary Russia, under which they should be seen as an integral part of social movements in General and at the same time as having a certain autonomy.
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BEREZUTSKIY, YURI V., and NIKOLAY M. BAYKOV. "State youth policy and its role in social development." Public Administration 22, no. 5 (2020): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2020-22-5-12-18.
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The article presents the analysis of the state youth policy as an instrument of influence on the state and social development of youth, its social activity. The contradictions that exist between the performance indicators declared by the state policy and the real problems of youth, determined by the living conditions, are indicated. Based on the results of all-Russian and regional sociological studies and statistics, the motives of migratory movements of youth from their territories of residence to the centers of gravity of the country and foreign countries that have more attractive living and employment conditions for youth are justified. Using the example of the Russian Far East, the dysfunctional consequences of the clerical-bureaucratic approach laid down in the state youth policy to quantify the state of youth ignoring its large-scale migration outflow from the territories of residence are substantiated. Scientific and practical recommendations on improvement of indicators of the state youth policy promoting strengthening of its role in providing the basic needs of youth in various spheres of activity, especially in development of youth business are offered.
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Kadoda, Gada, and Sondra Hale. "Contemporary youth movements and the role of social media in Sudan." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2014.953556.
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Ghimire, K. B. "Social Movements and Marginalized Rural Youth in Brazil, Egypt and Nepal." Journal of Peasant Studies 30, no. 1 (October 2002): 30–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066150412331333232.
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McCune, Nils, Juan Reardon, and Peter Rosset. "Agroecological Formación in Rural Social Movements." Radical Teacher 98 (February 27, 2014): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2014.71.
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Among the many sectors currently engaged in struggle against the corporate food system, small farmers play a particularly important role—not only do they constitute a legitimate alternative to global agribusiness, but also they are the heirs to long traditions of local knowledge and practice. In defending peasant agriculture, rural social movements defend popular control over seeds and genetic resources, water, land and territory against the onslaught of globalized financial capital. A framework called food sovereignty has been developed by the international peasant movement La Via Campesina (LVC), to encompass the various elements of a food system alternative based on reclaiming popular resource control, defending small-scale agriculture and traditional knowledge, rebuilding local circuits of food and labor, and recovering the ecological processes that can make farming sustainable. Recognizing the need to develop “movement people” capable of integrating many ecological, social, cultural and political criteria into their organizational activities, LVC increasingly has articulated processes of popular education and consciousness-raising as part of the global social movement for agroecology and food sovereignty. Given the enormous diversity of organizations and actors in LVC, an underlying feature known in Spanish as diálogo de saberes (roughly the equivalent of “dialogue between ways of knowing”) has characterized LVC processes of education, training, formation and exchange in agroecology. The diálogo de saberes takes place at the level of training centers and schools of the LVC organizations, as well as the larger scale of agricultural landscapes and peasant territories. The interactions between peasant, family or communal farmers, their organizations, their youth and their agroecology create social processes that assume the form and dynamic of a social movement in several countries of Latin America.
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Ivanov, Mikhail V. "Youth and children's public associations of Yaroslavl: state, activities and prospects for the development of the public sector." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 6, no. 3 (September 21, 2020): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2020-3-260-273.
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The article presents the results of a comprehensive sociological study of the Yaroslavl youth movements, associations, as well as informal groups and their participation in the life of the city. 500 Yaroslavl citizens aged 14 to 35 were interviewed. The level of awareness of Yaroslavl youth about youth organizations, movements and movements, including operating in the city, the degree of involvement of young citizens in these organizations was assessed. Modern youth is poorly absorbing the difference between formalized public youth organizations and informal youth groups. Yaroslavl youth is rather apolitical. In the youth sector, military-patriotic and volunteer trends are developed and popular. Organizations of this orientation have a high recognition rating. If we compare formal and informal youth groups, then the Yaroslavl youth is most informed about the latter. Almost 60% of youth organizations and movements, according to their members, take part in the public life of the city. Most often, such participation is limited to involvement in citywide events, holidays and promotions (32%), as well as in the creation of performances that affect the urban environment and public life (30%). Potentially, one can try to attract from 70 to 84% of participants in youth associations of Yaroslavl to socially significant activities. The main points of application of their labor for the benefit of the city, youth sees social labor, creative, search and rescue and scientific activities.
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Presley, Lisa. "Book Review: Youth Cultures in America." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 1 (September 23, 2016): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n1.63.
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Editors Bronner and Clark collected more than 160 entries in order to compile Youth Cultures in America. The entries in this two-volume set are organized alphabetically and typically range in length from two to six pages. Due to the alphabetical rather than conceptual arrangement, the front matter of each volume includes a “Topic Finder” to assist in navigating the set. In the “Introduction,” the editors provide details for the broad selection of entries that range in scope from very general (“animals”) to extremely specific (“furry fandom”). The editors explain that they “have presented an array of contemporary groups, expressive forms, locations, and social movements and issues that cast youth cultures into relief” (xvii), including entries related to: body and health, music and dance, sports and games, generational classifications, social movements, and problems of youth. Although the majority of entries are concerned with the shared interests of youth, the length of individual entries are not necessarily consistent with their significance to youth culture.
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Aslam, Bilal, Shabnam Gul, and Muhammad Faizan Asgher. "The Impact of Social Media on the Freedom Movement in Indian held Kashmir." Global Mass Communication Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 274–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2021(vi-i).21.
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The contemporary phase of the youth-led freedom movement in Indian Held Kashmir (IHK) is not confined to the armed rebellion by the Kashmiri youth but is also coupled with a non-violent approach using social media against the atrocities and human rights violations such as systematic torture, rape, extrajudicial killing, and prisoner abuse, by the committed by the Indian armed forces. Victims' stories have been well-documented and 're-packaged for the world community through social media. The freedom movement went through various phases throughout history, and the most recent phase was introduced in 2016 after the brutal killings carried out by the Indian armed forces that included Burhan Muzaffar Wani, a youth-icon and a freedom fighter who used social media as a communication tool. The use of modern communication technologies like social media ensures that the narrative of the people of Kashmir regarding the freedom from the illegal occupation of Kashmir and suppression by Indian security forces would spread all around the world. This paper applies social movement framing analysis to this contemporary freedom movement in IHK to better understand the ways in which it is being re-defined by activists through exposure and affiliation to other transnational protest movements and re-framed in a manner that stresses the universal applications of contemporary human rights mobilizations.
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Keating, Paul. "Games for Social Change." International Journal of Game-Based Learning 6, no. 4 (October 2016): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijgbl.2016100105.
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Building on the use of the internet and social media as sites for activism, this paper highlights the emergence of political activism and collective protest in the online gaming environment. Referencing social movement theory and the rapidly evolving capacity of multiplayer online games to facilitate the development of strong group identities and real-time, real-world collaboration, the paper explores the potential of such games to create a space and a mechanism for enabling the emergence of movements for social change. Highlighting the growing number of social activist games designers, building values of equality and social justice into their gameplay, the paper draws an epistemological link between the work of these “conscientious designers” and the process of Conscientization within youth and community work inspired by the critical analysis of political activists such as Paulo Freire and Augusto Boal.
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Foa, Roberto Stefan, and Yascha Mounk. "Youth and the populist wave." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 9-10 (October 29, 2019): 1013–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719872314.
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If the values of younger citizens and voters are the trend of the future, in what direction do they point? Scholars have long noted a decline in political engagement and knowledge among youth in developed democracies, with the fear that this may undermine the stability of liberal institutions. However, youth electoral behaviour appears inconsistent: in much of continental Western Europe, younger voters support populist parties of both left and right, but in the United States and the United Kingdom, only left-wing populist movements benefit from youth mobilization. We explain this divergence by arguing for a distinction between democratic apathy and democratic antipathy. Democratic apathy is characterized by scepticism regarding the value of democratic institutions, low turnout and lack of interest in politics, whereas democratic antipathy involves the active embrace of illiberal movements hostile to pluralistic institutions. In societies where youth do not face economic and social discrimination, democratic apathy is the more common trend, whereas in parts of continental Europe where youth face systematic social exclusion, apathy has become active antipathy.
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Swerts, Thomas. "Gaining a Voice: Storytelling and Undocumented Youth Activism in Chicago*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 345–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-345.
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In recent years, undocumented youth have come out of the shadows to claim their rights in the United States. By sharing their stories, these youth gained a voice in the public debate. This article integrates insights from the literature on narratives and emotions to study how story-telling is employed within the undocumented youth movement in Chicago. I argue that undocumented youth strategically use storytelling for diverging purposes depending on the context, type of interaction, and audience involved. Based on ethnographic research, I show that storytelling allows them to incorporate new members, mobilize constituencies, and legitimize grievances. In each of these contexts, emotions play a key role in structuring the social transaction between storyteller and audience. Storytelling is thus a community-building, mobilizing, and claims-making practice in social movements. At a broader level, this case study demonstrates the power of storytelling as a political tool for marginalized populations.
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Лукьянова, Tatyana Lukyanova, Ловчева, Marina Lovcheva, Кибанов, and Ardalon Kibanov. "STATE SOCIAL POLICY FOR YOUTH: ODELS, CLASSIFICATION, ACTUAL PROBLEMS." Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 2, no. 6 (December 16, 2013): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2401.
Full textAbstract:
Activity of the state plays the major function in development and realization
of youth policy of Russia, it is directed on creation of legal, economic
and organizational conditions and guarantees for self-realization
of the identity of the young man and development of youth associations,
movements and initiatives. The most important means of involvement
of youth in political life and the social and labor relations is formation of
system of ideas and the principles concerning a place and a role of young
generation in the society, making base for effective joint practical activities
of the state, employers, public organizations and other social institutes
on realization of these ideas and provisions for formation and development
of youth, realization of its creative potentialities in interests of society. In
article problems of distribution of responsibility between the state,
business and noncommercial sector are considered at realization of youth
policy of Russia and other countries.
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Hillhouse, Raelynn J. "Out of the Closet behind the Wall: Sexual Politics and Social Change in the GDR." Slavic Review 49, no. 4 (1990): 585–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500548.
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The search for avenues to express changing cultural values has shaped recent politics in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). During the past decade tens of thousands of GDR citizens became involved in new social movements that included issueoriented groups within both the Protestant church and such mass organizations as the Kulturbund (League of Culture) and the Freie Deutsche Jungend (Free German Youth, FDJ). The rise of these issue-oriented movements evoked reactions from the former government ranging from repression to accommodation. Perhaps the most striking example of the old regime's response to social change can be seen in the emergence of a very visible gay and lesbian movement. Beginning with a handful of activists within the Evangelical church, the East German gay and lesbian movement expanded into state and party institutions throughout the republic. In 1985, partially in response to the growing movement, the state began a campaign to end discrimination on the basis of sexual and emotional orientation.
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Martínez-López, Rocío, Lilia Bemol-Ambrosio, and Esaú Sumano-Ramírez. "Ser joven y movimientos sociales." RA RIÓ GUENDARUYUBI 5, no. 14 (January 23, 2022): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.53331/rar.v5i14.4717.
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The aim of this paper is to show you the relationship between being young and social movements. For this, the notion and idea of youth is described from the biological, social and psychological point of view, as well as the importance of social movements during this stage of life, which will allow knowing the value they have in society.
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Lima, Maria da Paz Campos, and Antonio Martín Artiles. "Youth voice(s) in EU countries and social movements in southern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 19, no. 3 (August 2013): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258913493732.
Full text
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Budianti, Yohana Maris. "Civil Society Against Anti-Pancasila Movements Among Millenial Generation During The Covid-19 Pandemic." PUSKAPSI Law Review 1, no. 1 (May 17, 2021): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/puskapsi.v1i1.23597.
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One of the interesting discourses of the decade concerns the discourse against the anti-Pancasila movement. Although the Indonesian government has issued several programs to internalize Pancasila values among the youth generations, citizens are also responsible for protecting the state’s ideology. Accordingly, civil society, as an organized citizen, should catalyze anti-Pancasila movements. Covid-19 pandemic does not only threaten the health sector, but also threatens social activities. Regarding the latter, civil society activists are demanded to adjust to conditions to optimize their function as one of the social infrastructures of a community. Applying, descriptive qualitative approach, the present study aims to see the civil society movements against anti-Pancasila movements during the covid-19 pandemic. The study revealed that civil society is still consistent with its organization despite the dynamics of the implementation.
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Jamil, M. Mukhsin. "From Hard Rock to Hadrah: Music and Youth Sufism in Contemporary Indonesia." Teosofia 9, no. 2 (November 5, 2020): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/tos.v9i2.7959.
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Many studies on Islam in Indonesia usually focus on Islamic movements from social, economic, or political perspective. One missing viewpoint that does not get much attention or even completely ignored is the spiritual life of the Muslim youths. This study would examine and analyze the growth of the Syeikhermania and their attachment to Hadrah music of Majelis Shalawat Ahbab al-Musthofa led by Habib Syeikh Abdul Qadir Assegaf, an Arabic-descent Muslim preacher. Unlike Muslim youth organizations that are enthusiastically active in political movements that tend to be radical, Syeikhermania plays a role in creating harmony and tolerance. They transform spiritually from Hard Rock to Hadrah music. Therefore, this study disclosed the participation of the Muslim youths in the Majelis Shalawat Ahbab al-Musthofa which is motivated by the need for spiritual protection and expressing their identity as Muslim youths in contrast to the liberal and secular cultures on the one hand and fundamentalist and radicalist groups on the other hand.
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Hanna, Alexander. "Computer-Aided Content Analysis of Digitally Enabled Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.18.4.m1g180620x7n1542.
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With the emergence of the Arab Spring and the Occupy movements, interest in the study of movements that use the Internet and social networking sites has grown exponentially. However, our inability to easily and cheaply analyze the large amount of content these movements produce limits our study of them. This article attempts to address this methodological lacuna by detailing procedures for collecting data from Facebook and presenting a class of computer-aided content analysis methods. I apply one of these methods in the analysis of mobilization patterns of Egypt's April 6 youth movement. I corroborate the method with in-depth interviews from movement participants. I conclude by discussing the difficulties and pitfalls of using this type of data in content analysis and in using automated methods for coding textual data in multiple languages.
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Dixson, Adrienne D. "“What’s Going On?”: A Critical Race Theory Perspective on Black Lives Matter and Activism in Education." Urban Education 53, no. 2 (December 25, 2017): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085917747115.
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This article explores activism, education, and the #BlackLivesMatter movement. Using critical race theory (CRT), I analyze what this emergence of primarily youth-led activism means in the context of decades of neoliberal education reform. I raise specific questions about how youth-led activism, which has its genesis in and is largely shaped by social media, not only reflects limited robust mainstream discourses on race but also a failure of education, particularly schools and districts that serve students of color in under-resourced urban communities, to teach about and contextualize other historical movements for justice and racial equity.
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Roy, Ratan Kumar. "Online Activism, Social Movements and Mediated Politics in Contemporary Bangladesh." Society and Culture in South Asia 5, no. 2 (July 2019): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2393861719836296.
Full textAbstract:
Politics online is a significant phenomenon today in Bangladesh given the reach of internet, resulting in the proliferation of the use of social media and online activism. The intertwined dynamic of digital drive and mediated politics can be traced in other parts of the region of South Asia as a burgeoning spectacle. In this context, the instance of Bangladesh with regard to online activism provides distinctive clues to fathom the nature of mediated politics. This paper examines a social media-driven youth protest, Shahbag Movement in 2013 to unravel the interactive dynamics between new media, traditional media and social movement. Bringing in the empirical cases, in the ultimate analysis, it delves deeper into the conceptual aspects of media practices, mediation and mediatisation.
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della Porta, Donatella. "Deconstructing Generations in Movements: Introduction." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (February 27, 2019): 1407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831739.
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This introductory article to the special issue presents a theoretical framework built on a bridging of youth studies and social movement studies. Building on some preliminary observations and empirical evidence, the article introduces the interrelated research questions that this issue addresses, based on the work of the CRY_OUT project: What leads a significant number of young people in times of more or less severe crisis to engage in collective initiatives, rather than to remain passive? What are the forms of social commitment that critical young people choose to use, in particular during periods of crisis? Which meanings are attached to these forms of social engagement? What kinds of resources are available to young people for social mobilization? And to what extent do they vary across different degrees of socioeconomic crisis, governmental constellation, and type of conflict, thereby shaping individual-level forms and levels of social participation? To what extent do differences in the impact of the crisis on national contexts, and related political transformations, result in differences in young people’s social engagement in terms of motivations and forms? After presenting the theoretical model and research design, the article summarizes some results across three main aspects: the meaning of generations in social movements, the self-definition of Millennials, and their forms of commitment. It then presents the research design and the content of the contributions that follow.
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Kozłowska, Magdalena. "“Did You Teach Us to Do Otherwise?”." Aspasia 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2020.140106.
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The article deals with the issue of Jewish youth movements’ contribution to women’s empowerment in interwar Poland using the example of the socialist movement Tsukunft. The article explores the movement’s politics of memory in the interwar period and the selection of heroines whom the young women of Tsukunft were supposed to emulate, as well as real-life examples of Bundist women activists of the interwar period who served them as role models. In its examination of this alternative to the examples proposed by the mainstream state narrative, the article offers a view of Jewish social life in Poland, but also asks more specific questions, such as the true nature of relationships between Bundist women and men.
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Wedl, Alexandra. "Green Volunteers in Czechoslovakia: The Youth Magazine Mladý svět and its Environmental Campaign, 1970s-1980s." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 397–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.17.
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Concern with environmental degradation was one factor contributing to the discontent preceding the revolutions of 1989 in East-Central Europe. This article identifies the trajectories of environmental activism in Czechoslovakia, one of the most industrialized countries of the post-1945 socialist bloc. Analysing the media representation of environmental volunteers during late socialism, the examination focuses on the youth magazine Mladý svět, which prominently discussed environmental issues and became home to the Brontosaurus youth movement. During the so-called ‘normalization’ era of the 1970s and 1980s, which is often characterized as a time of stagnation, this movement for environmental volunteering provided young people with opportunities for self-realization and alternative lifestyles. While the movement shared several features of the New Social Movements of the 1970s, Czechoslovak green volunteerism took an ambivalent position within formal socialist youth structures, shedding light on the complex relationship between what is considered ‘alternative’ or ‘oppositional’ in late socialism.
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Terriquez, Veronica, Tizoc Brenes, and Abdiel Lopez. "Intersectionality as a multipurpose collective action frame: The case of the undocumented youth movement." Ethnicities 18, no. 2 (January 16, 2018): 260–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817752558.
Full textAbstract:
During the early 2010s, undocumented youth activists were leading the charge to gain congressional support for the federal Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act, which sought to provide a pathway to citizenship for eligible undocumented youth in the United States. Led primarily by Latino college students and graduates, this movement became very attentive to and inclusive of the concerns of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer members. Drawing on semi-structured interviews of Latino lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer undocumented youth and other documentary evidence, this article demonstrates how activists can deploy intersectionality as a collective action frame that serves multiple purposes. Specifically, intersectionality can function as: (1) a diagnostic frame to help activists make sense of their own multiply-marginalized identities; (2) a motivational frame to inspire action; and (3) a prognostic frame that guides how activists build inclusive organizations and bridge social movements. We show how this frame guided the ways in which lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer and other undocumented activists interpreted their own life experiences, prompted them to build inclusive organizations, and broadened the scope of their movement. We conclude by arguing that activists have the potential to adopt intersectionality as a master frame that strengthens ties among various movements mobilizing marginalized populations.