Academic literature on the topic 'Youth, soviet union'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Youth, soviet union.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Youth, soviet union"
1
White, Frederick H. "British Lord, American Movie Idol and Soviet Counterculture Figure." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 1 (April 13, 2015): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04201004.
Full textAbstract:
For an entire generation of Soviet youth, Tarzan was a provocative symbol of individualism and personal freedom. Previous scholarship has included Tarzan within the larger counterculture movement of the thaw period (1953–64), but has not specifically examined how this occurred. Joseph S. Nye has coined the term soft power to describe the ability to attract and to co-opt rather than to force another nation into accepting your ideals. Within this rubric, Tarzan’s presence in the Soviet Union was simultaneously entertaining and provocative. As literary fare in the 1920s, Tarzan represented an escape from war and revolution and was sanctioned as acceptable reading for Soviet youths. The celluloid Tarzan also represented an escape, but this time from the repressive Stalinist regime and the hardships of post-WWII Soviet society. Raised on both the books and films, a new generation of Soviet youth longed for the individual freedom that Tarzan came to represent. Tarzan’s impact in the Soviet Union is one example of western cultural infiltration that contributed to the idealization of American individualism over the Soviet collective within the Soviet Union.
2
Sawert, Daniel. "New Materials for Studying Preparation and Staging of the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in 1957." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 550–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-550-563.
Full textAbstract:
The article assesses archival materials on the festival movement in the Soviet Union in 1950s, including its peak, the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students held in 1957 in Moscow. Even now the Moscow festival is seen in the context of international cultural politics of the Cold War and as a unique event for the Soviet Union. The article is to put the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in the context of other youth festivals held in the Soviet Union. The festivals of 1950s provided a field for political, social, and cultural experiments. They also have been the crucible of a new way of communication and a new language of design. Furthermore, festivals reflected the new (althogh relative) liberalism in the Soviet Union. This liberalism, first of all, was expressed in the fact that festivals were organized by the Komsomol and other Soviet public and cultural organisations. Taking the role of these organisations into consideration, the research draws on the documents of the Ministry of culture, the All-Russian Stage Society, as well as personal documents of the artists. Furthermore, the author has gained access to new archive materials, which have until now been part of no research, such as documents of the N. Krupskaya Central Culture and Art Center and of the central committees of various artistic trade unions. These documents confirm the hypothesis that the festivals provided the Komsomol and the Communist party with a means to solve various social, educational, and cultural problems. For instance, in Central Asia with its partiarchal society, the festivals focuced on female emancipation. In rural Central Asia, as well as in other non-russian parts of the Soviet Union, there co-existed different ways of celebrating. Local traditions intermingled with cultural standards prescribed by Moscow. At the first glance, the modernisation of the Soviet society was succesful. The youth acquired political and cultural level that allowed the Soviet state to compete with the West during the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students. During the festival, however, it became apparent, that the Soviet cultural scheme no longer met the dictates of times. Archival documents show that after the Festival cultural and party officials agreed to ease off dogmatism and to tolerate some of the foreign cultural phenomena.
3
Mohr, Rachel, and Kate Pride Brown. "Generational and Geographic Effects on Collective Memory of the USSR." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.156.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines memory of the Soviet Union and political opinions in modern Russia through qualitative, semi-structured interviews across generations in two Russian cities. The study aims to explore the differences in memory and meaning of the Soviet Union across generation and geography, and to connect those differences to political dispositions in modern Russia. Respondents were asked about their impressions of the Soviet Union and modern-day Russia, and responses were coded for emergent themes and trends. The research finds that youth bifurcate along geographic lines; respondents in St. Petersburg were more likely to reject Soviet ideals than their counterparts in Yoshkar-Ola. The former also tended to prefer liberalism and globalization, while the latter expressed greater nationalism. Older respondents showed no distinct geographic trend, but gave more nuanced assessments of the Soviet Union due to the power of personal memory over cultural reconstruction. In younger respondents, these findings indicate that living in a cosmopolitan metropolis may condition interpretations of the Soviet past and influence contemporary political identity toward globalization. Youths living in smaller cities have less interaction with other global cities and therefore may have more conservative perceptions of the Soviet Union and Russia.
4
Bostan, Olga, and Ilya Malafei. "“The Soviet Union is Inside Me”: Post-Soviet Youth in Transition." Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography 9, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/jue.v9i2.9380.
Full textAbstract:
The USSR ceased to exist 28 years ago, and there are generations of young people who were born after the dissolution. Mobility opportunities are now abundant and easily available to them. Yet the Soviet past still shapes the post-Soviet present for citizens of countries of the former USSR. We interviewed eight young people from Belarus and Moldova who currently reside in the Netherlands and utilised grounded theory methodology to understand how they make sense of the Soviet past of their countries and how it influences them. While the post-Soviet young adults possess an internalised experience of reminiscences of Soviet times and have inherited certain patterns of thinking, communicating, and behaving, they are detached from Sovietness and express neither love nor hatred towards it. They locate themselves in a symbolic middle position in which they are critical both towards the Soviet legacy and ‘the Western’ alternatives, and the very transitional character of their position becomes the essence of it. The findings contribute to the body of scholarship on young adults’ experiences in post-Soviet countries, and the evaluation and understanding of the Soviet experience. Furthermore, they assist in understanding current events as well as the trends and the mobility trajectories of post-Soviet young adults.
5
ELISEEV, A. L., and O. V. LEONOVA. "KOMSOMOL AS THE CONDUCTOR OF THE STATE YOUTH POLICY OF THE SOVIET STATE." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 9, no. 3 (2020): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2020-9-3-32-42.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to reveal the role of Komsomol in the political system of the USSR. The authors note that Komsomol was directly a state body in relation to youth, acted as the official guide of party and economic directives to the youth environment, developed and implemented in practice the state youth policy in relation to Soviet youth. The main functions of the communist youth union in the Soviet society are also highlighted, the representation of Komsomol in the authorities of the Soviet state is reviewed, the role of Komsomol in the adoption of the law on youth is revealed.
6
Kasamara, Valeria, and Anna Sorokina. "Post-Soviet collective memory: Russian youths about Soviet past." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 2-3 (June 2015): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.06.003.
Full textAbstract:
The research is focused on the image of the Soviet Union and that of its successor — the Russian Federation — in the minds of the Russian student youth. The concept of collective memory, being interdisciplinary and highly debatable, has been used in the given paper in its broad socio-cultural sense meaning the attitudes of interconnected social groups regarding the past and the present. The participants of the poll were 100 students from the leading Moscow universities. They had been born after the Soviet Union collapse, so, the majority of them have a very obscure idea of the Soviet reality, simultaneously feeling nostalgia for the Soviet political past. The results of the research show that the image of the Soviet Union drastically differs from that of Russia in the young people’s minds being positive and negative, respectively.
7
Zaseev, Georgy A. "The Main Directions of Ideological Work with the Youth of Ossetia in 1918-1924." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 3 (September 25, 2023): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2023-47-55.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the main directions of ideological work with the youth of Ossetia in 1918-1924. The relevance of the topic is determined by the insufficient study of the ideological component of the youth movement in the North Caucasus in the early Soviet period, which determines the purpose of this study. The article shows that the youth movement in Ossetia was closely connected with the activities of the all-Russian youth organization – Russian communist youth union (1918, since July 1924 – Russian Leninist Communist Youth Union, since 1926 – All-Union Leninist Communist Youth Union/Komsomol), created by the Soviet government for the political education of the young generation of the proletarian republic. Its appearance was due to the need to unite the disparate youth organizations that already existed in various cities of the country and create a single center operating under the leadership of the Communist Party. The process of formation of Komsomol bodies spread in the national regions of the country, including the Terek region, and then in the Mountain ASSR and its individual regions, including Ossetia. One of the main goals of the youth policy was to attract to the side of the party the broad masses of young people who could be involved in the restoration of the economy. Youth organizations in Ossetia solved various party tasks. Ossetian youth were actively involved in Soviet construction. It also participated in rallies, meetings and other public events. The work of the youth was expressed in the organization of Komsomol cells in the Vladikavkaz district, Digoria and remote villages. The fight against unemployment was carried out by involving young highlanders in production. The conclusion is drawn about the role played by the youth Komsomol organizations of Ossetia in strengthening the Soviet power, establishing party work in the politically, socially and economically difficult North Caucasian region. The source base of the study was made up of publications in the mass periodical press, collections of documents on the history of the Ossetian organization of the Komsomol, as well as materials from the SOIGSI Scientific Archive. The study was carried out on the basis of a problem-chronological approach using general historical methods and taking into account the principles of historicism, consistency and objectivity.
8
Soroka, Svitlana, and Olena Faichuk. "Evolution of Youth Protest: Soviet Historiography of Informal Youth Associations in Ukraine." Studia Warmińskie 59 (December 31, 2022): 403–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.7453.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents a historiographical study of the informal youth associations of Soviet society that is relevant to contemporary sociology. Although informal youth associations in the Soviet Union had always existed, their analysis was only possible after the beginning of “perestroika”. The activation of research beganin 1986–1988. The peak of sociological research on these youth associations, as well as the development of mechanisms to analyse and point in their direction, occurredin 1989–1991. The authors have described the main areas of activity of informal youth associations, as well as how this problem has been addressed by some researchers.
9
Galley, Mirjam. "Childhood and Youth in the Soviet Union under Stalin." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 24, no. 1 (January 2023): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.0007.
Full text
10
ZASLONKINA, O. V. "THE PROBLEM OF THE HISTORICAL CONTINUITY OF ALL-UNION LENINIST YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE AND YOUTH PARLIAMENTARISM IN RUSSIA IN THE LAST QUARTER OF THE XX CENTURY." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 10, no. 3 (2021): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2021-10-3-60-68.
Full textAbstract:
The articledeals with the historical experience of the development of Russian youth parliamentarism. The author examines the possibility of continuity of organization and functions between the consultative and advisory bodies of young parliamentarians of post-Soviet Russia and the institutions of All-Union Leninist Young Communist Leaguein 1918-1991. It is formulated that the fundamental differences between the activities of All-Union Leninist Young Communist Leagueand the youth parliamentarism of recent Russian history. It argues for the idea that they consist in a mismatch of ideological attitudes, organizational structure and functional purpose of the subjects under consideration. At the same time, a certain historical continuity of post-Soviet youth parliamentarism in relation to All-Union Leninist Young Communist League of the USSR is stressed. In conclusion muchattention is drawn to the same legal format of activity as public organizations, as well as in the tasks of forming a personnel reserve to replenish the ranks of political elites and the adminis-trative apparatus of the state.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Youth, soviet union"
1
MacIntyre, Jean. "Political socialization of youth in the Soviet Union : its theory, use, and results /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA272609.
Full text
2
Dunlop, Lucy. "Discourses of heroism in Brezhnev's USSR." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c9431343-a6c4-4ace-86df-d4d3c1f915be.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines propaganda and educational campaigns in the Brezhnev-era USSR, where the Party-state continued the longstanding Soviet attempt to form the country's youth into conscientious builders and defenders of communism. Focusing on the military, military-historical and physical-cultural activity that the state identified as areas of strategic importance in a period of intensifying competition with the capitalist world, the thesis analyses the interactions between propaganda and its producers, and the ordinary and extraordinary young people at whom it was aimed. It finds that state agencies and organisations of the Brezhnev era followed tradition in employing heroic motifs and discourses to elicit heroic behaviour amongst the population, often seeking to apply themes and material from earlier periods directly to the situation of late-1960s and 1970s youth. In particular, propaganda emphasised the importance of both models of wartime heroism, and the characteristics articulated in the 1961 Moral Code of the Builder of Communism - but in a political and social environment now much changed from those in which they had originally emerged. The thesis begins with a study of material surrounding the reinstatement of universal conscription after Khrushchev's army reforms, before examining youth involvement in one of the flagship military-patriotic education campaigns of the period. The second part of the thesis then shifts the focus to a more symbolic, yet no less significant site of the 'defence of the honour of the Motherland': the international sporting arena, particularly during the 1972 Olympiads in 'hostile' West Germany and Japan. Through a case study of coverage of the gymnast Olga Korbut, the thesis argues that, while propaganda-makers still sought to control the Soviet definition of 'heroism', conditions increasingly allowed for the emergence of celebrity and a popular heroism based more on self-advancement and public acclaim than on established Soviet ethical models.
3
Uhl, Katharina Barbara. "Building communism : the Young Communist League during the Soviet thaw period, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:485213b3-415d-4bc1-a896-ea53983c75f8.
Full textAbstract:
The present study focuses on the activity of the Young Communist League (Komsomol) to promote the communist project during the so-called Thaw period in the Soviet Union (1953-1964). The term ‘communist project’ describes the complex temporal triangle in which the relevance of the present was rooted in its relationship to the heroic past and the bright future. Young people were supposed to emulate the heroism of previous generations while fighting remnants of the undesired past. This was presented as a precondition for achieving the communist future. The structure of this study reflects the chronology of the communist project. It analyzes the rhetoric used by the Young Communist League to promote the communist project and explores the strategies used to mobilize youth for building communism. The first chapter focuses on the organizational structure of the Komsomol and assesses its readiness for this task. Despite attempts to strengthen horizontal communication and control, streamline administration and reorganize its structure, the Komsomol remained hierarchal and bureaucratic. The second chapter explores the promotion of past heroism in rituals, social practices and the use of public space. The third chapter is also concerned with the past; it describes the Komsomol’s fight against ‘remnants of the past’, primarily religion and deviant behaviour such as hooliganism, heavy drinking and laziness. The final chapter focuses on the Komsomol’s attempts during the Thaw to bring about the future: its efforts in the economy, moral, political and cultural education, and the realm of leisure.
4
Duda, Aleksandra Marta. "When 'it's time' to say 'enough'! : youth activism before and during the Rose and Orange Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1108/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses on the emergence and development of two youth opposition campaigns, Kmara in Georgia and Pora in Ukraine, campaigns which were part of the “coloured revolutions” which took place in Eastern Europe in 2003 and 2004. The thesis identifies, analyzes and compares the influence and the role of youth activism in post-communist countries, and attributes a new role to the Kmara and Pora campaigns as vanguards of oppositional protest and transmitters of public grievances in the under-researched context of semi-authoritarian regimes. Two sets of questions are answered in this study, which relate to how and why youth opposition campaigns occurred and developed in Georgia and Ukraine. These questions are addressed through a comparative analysis of the political and social contexts in which narratives on Kmara and Pora are placed. Based on the combination of four main approaches to the study of social movements – viz. political opportunities, resource mobilization, framing processes, and diffusion – the analysis enabled deep insight into various aspects of the emergence and development of Kmara and Pora's campaigns and exposed commonalities and differences between them. The study confirms that the fixed and volatile features that decided on the nature of Georgian and Ukrainian regime provide a key tool for understanding the outburst of youth political activism in a hybrid form of a political system.
5
Claro, Mona. "Ni hasard ni projet. : genre, sexualité et procréation pendant la jeunesse en Russie (années 1970-années 2010)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH146.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse s’intéresse d’un point de vue sociologique et socio-historique aux parcours d’entrée dans l’âge adulte de deux générations de femmes russes, en se focalisant sur l’entrée dans la sexualité, dans la conjugalité, et dans la maternité. Des entretiens ont été menés à Moscou ou à Saint-Pétersbourg avec des femmes (N=32) et des hommes (N=12). Les personnes interrogées sont majoritairement diplômées, entrées dans l’âge adulte avant et après la perestroïka (entre les années 1970 et 2010), et parmi elles les parcours atypiques (avec un premier enfant tardif ; sans enfants ; homo- et bisexuels) sont surreprésentés. Par ailleurs, deux corpus de presse ont été analysés (articles et rubriques relatives au courrier du lectorat d’une part dans un magazine soviétique de vulgarisation médicale, d’autre part, dans un magazine post-soviétique pour adolescent·e·s). D’une génération à l’autre, la transition du socialisme d’État au capitalisme s’est accompagnée de nouvelles possibilités et contraintes, et les évolutions de l’encadrement politique de la contraception et de l’avortement depuis les années 1970 font émerger des modèles inédits pour le gouvernement de soi dans le domaine procréatif. L’âge moyen de la première maternité a reculé, et les normes (notamment de genre et d’âge) qui prévalent lors des débuts sexuels et amoureux se sont largement recomposées ; la diffusion inédite de méthodes de contraception technologiques (préservatif surtout, pilule dans une moindre mesure) a joué un rôle-clé dans ces évolutions. Une analyse des socialisations genrées à la sexualité et au contrôle des naissances (en famille, à l’école, entre pairs, par les médias, notamment) est menée pour chacune des deux générations. À une génération de femmes qui avait un premier enfant pendant les études, ou très rapidement après, succède en Russie post-soviétique, dans les grandes villes, une génération qui fait l’expérience d’une « jeunesse sexuelle » inédite. Par là, on entend une période de la vie légitimement dédiée à des relations (hétéro)sexuelles idéalement protégées, dans le cadre d’un ou de plusieurs couple(s) successif(s), cohabitant(s) ou non, possiblement sans perspective de mariage ni de maternité. Mais la montée en puissance d’un tel idéal de maîtrise de la fécondité en début de vie sexuelle n’implique pas nécessairement que la naissance du premier enfant soit vécue sur le registre du projet conjugal concerté et soigneusement planifié. Plus les jeunes femmes avancent dans la vingtaine, plus elles sont assignées au sérieux conjugal, et plus, dès lors qu’elles sont en couple hétérosexuel stable, une injonction à la maternité précoce peut entrer en contradiction avec l’idéal de maîtrise du risque de grossesse. Il est alors banalisé – voire valorisé – de glisser tacitement d’une sexualité contraceptée à une sexualité potentiellement féconde, et de vivre la naissance de son premier enfant sur le registre du destin maternel et de l’abnégationThis study addresses, from a sociological and sociohistorical point of view, the transitions to adulthood of two generations of Russian women by focusing on their entry into sexuality, into conjugality and into motherhood. Interviews were held in Moscow and in Saint Petersburg with women (N=32) and men (N=12). A majority of respondents are highly educated and reached adulthood before and after Perestroika (between the 1970s and the 2010s). Atypical life course experiences are overrepresented among them (having a late first child, not having children, homo- and bisexual life courses). In addition, two series of press articles were analyzed (articles and features devoted to readers’ letters from both a Soviet popular medical magazine, and a post-Soviet teenage magazine).From one generation to the next, the transition from State Socialism to capitalism has brought new opportunities and constraints, while developments in the way contraception and abortion have been managed by the authorities since the 1970s have led to the emergence of new models of self-government, regarding fertility control. The average age at entry into motherhood has risen and the norms (in particular those related to gender and age) that prevail in early stages of sexual and love trajectories have been largely reshaped. The unprecedented diffusion of technological contraceptive methods (especially condoms and, to a lesser extent, the pill) has played a key role in those developments.An analysis of gendered socialization with respect to sexuality and birth control (for instance in the family, at school, among peers or via the media) is conducted for each of these two generations. The generation of women who had a first child while being students in higher education, or very quickly afterwards, was followed, in the large cities of post-Soviet Russia, by a generation who experienced an unprecedented “sexual youth”. This term is understood as a life stage that is legitimately devoted to ideally protected (hetero)sexual relationships, within one or several successive relationship(s), cohabiting or not, possibly with no prospect of marriage or childbearing. However, the increasing importance of this ideal of fertility control in early sexual life does not necessarily signify that the first birth is experienced as a concerted and carefully planned conjugal project. Young women advancing through their twenties are increasingly exhorted to take their conjugal life seriously, and once they are in a stable heterosexual couple, injunctions to early motherhood may conflict all the more strongly with the ideal of avoiding pregnancy. As a consequence, it tends to be common – or even valued – to tacitly shift from a sexuality involving contraception to a potentially fertile sexuality, and to experience the first birth as one’s inevitable maternal destiny and as a form of self-sacrifice
6
Collias, Karen A. "Heroes and patriots the ethnic integration of youth in the Soviet Union during the Brezhnev era, 1965-1982 /." 1987. http://books.google.com/books?id=0SHaAAAAMAAJ.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1987.Typescript (photocopy). on microfilm. Cover title. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 355-373).
7
Storozheva, Olga. "Formování názoru a postoje k rozpadu SSSR a následující dekády 90. let u ruské mládeže." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436356.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the research work was to discover and describe the main characteristics of young people's ideas about the collapse of the USSR and the 1990s in Russia as well as to define the specific features of opinion and attitude formation. The time frame of targeted historical period is between 1991 and 1999/2000, from the Soviet coup d'état attempt in 1991 to the time when Boris Yeltsin Russian president of that time appointed Vladimir Putin as his successor in 1999/2000. In order to achieve this goal, more than 30 interviews with young people from Moscow, Kazan, and Novosibirsk were collected and analyzed. As a result, several types of images of the collapse of the USSR and the 90s were formed; the role of school, family and media in the process of image formation were described, some historical myths were identified, and four types of historical opinion formations of young Russians were structured and named. Keywords: memory studies, collective memory, history mythologization, Soviet Union Fall, nostalgia, historical attitude formation, Russian youth attitude, opinion formation
Books on the topic "Youth, soviet union"
1
1936-, Riordan James, ed. Soviet youth culture. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1989.
Find full text
2
1936-, Riordan James, ed. Soviet youth culture. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989.
Find full text
3
Weaver, Kitty D. Bushels of rubles: Soviet youth in transition. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1992.
Find full text
5
Furst, Juliane. Stalin's last generation: Soviet post-war youth and the emergence of mature socialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.
Find full text
6
I︠U︡riĭ, Korotkov, Litvinov Georgiĭ, and Todorovskiĭ Valeriĭ 1962-, eds. Stili︠a︡gi. Sankt-Peterburg: Amfora, 2009.
Find full text
7
MacIntyre, Jean. Political socialization of youth in the Soviet Union: Its theory, use, and results. Monterey, Calif: Naval Postgraduate School, 1993.
Find full text
8
I, Bui͡anov M. Razmyshlenii͡a︡ o narkomanii: Kniga dli͡a︡ uchiteli͡a︡. Moskva: "Prosveshchenie", 1990.
Find full text
9
Ri︠a︡bt︠s︡ev, Aleksandr. Zhiznʹ prozhitʹ - ne pole pereĭti: Trilogii︠a︡ : memuary : detstvo, otrochestvo i i︠u︡nostʹ. Ri︠a︡zanʹ: Izdatelʹ Sitnikov, 2015.
Find full text
10
Ilʹinskiĭ, Igorʹ Mikhaĭlovich. Vasiliĭ Alekseev. Moskva: "Molodai︠a︡ vardii︠a︡,", 1986.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Youth, soviet union"
1
Powell, David E. "Religion and Youth in the Soviet Union." In Politics and the Soviet System, 29–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09820-0_3.
Full text
2
Walker, Charlie. "Positionality and Difference in Cross-Cultural Youth Research: Being ‘Other’ in the Former Soviet Union." In Innovations in Youth Research, 210–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355880_12.
Full text
3
Lemish, Dafna, and Nelly Elias. "“One Meets Through Clothing”: The Role of Fashion in the Identity Formation of Former Soviet Union Immigrant Youth in Israel." In Childhood and Consumer Culture, 244–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281844_16.
Full text
4
Dobson, Richard B. "Youth Problems in the Soviet Union." In Soviet Social Problems, 227–51. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429307140-14.
Full text
5
Bernstein, Seth. "Class Dismissed?" In Raised under Stalin. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501709883.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
The Komsomol’s introduction of meritocratic, supposedly class-blind membership policies in 1935–36 created significant tensions in Soviet political culture. Instead of a league of proletarians, youth leaders claimed the Komsomol would become an organization of the “best” Soviet youth of all classes. However, uncertainties about who could join reflected and facilitated the creation of a new social hierarchy in the Soviet Union, helping young professionals and students displace proletarians as the ideal young subject. At the same time, the children of supposed enemies presented a challenge to youth leaders who struggled to determine whether the offspring of so-called anti-Soviet elements could overcome their parents’ sins.
6
Adler, Eliyana R. "2 Children in Exile: Wartime Journeys of Polish Jewish Youth." In Polish Jews in the Soviet Union (1939–1959), 30–56. Academic Studies Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781644697504-005.
Full text
7
Fürst, Juliane. "The Power of Style." In The Oxford Handbook of the History of Youth Culture, C15P1—C15N38. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190920753.013.15.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Youth style as a twentieth-century transnational project demonstrates the growing interconnectedness of young people all over the world and highlights geographical and political particularities. Focusing on the subcultural youth styles in the Soviet Union, yet with an emphasis on its inter- and transnational contexts, highlights the tensions between, and coexistence and mutual fertilization of, global and local factors in creating “style.” The Soviet lens serves both as an interesting case study and a reminder that there is no such thing as a single, definitive prototype of youth style, but that style is a never-ending negotiation between different intellectual, emotional, and physical forces that incorporate imported and local elements. The history of youth cultural style from the revolution to Perestroika includes Soviet flappers and foxtrotters, the so-called stiliagi, beatniks, hippies, punks, and late-socialist slackers. The unexpected richness and variety of Soviet youth subcultures reveal youth style as a globally interconnected phenomenon with several translations, mutations, and adaptations existing simultaneously.
8
Magnúsdóttir, Rósa. "The Paradoxes of Peaceful Coexistence, 1956–1957." In Enemy Number One, 100–121. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190681463.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter 5 focuses on Soviet and American interactions from 1956 to 1957. It covers the domestic life of peaceful coexistence and reactions to American official propaganda in the Soviet Union, which were still dominated by fear and repressions. The paradoxes of peaceful coexistence are mostly noted in the continued opening to the West and the United States, while dealing with the consequences of these increased contacts. This is seen, for example, in how the diminishing focus on anti-Americanism went hand in hand with attempts to celebrate socialism, culminating with the Festival of Youth and Students held in Moscow in 1957. Also, this chapter covers the rather tame efforts of the Soviet Embassy in Washington, DC, to control images of the Soviet Union in America, where celebrating socialism was always an uphill battle.
9
Kirasirova, Masha. "Scripting Central Asian Revolution for the Afro-Asian World." In The Eastern International, 185–216. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197685693.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The realization that film could reach greater audiences in the non-Western world than literature could led Soviet cultural bureaucracies to invest in and promote Afro-Asian cinematic networks. Yet telling stories about how the Soviet Union was decolonized proved more difficult for domestic Easterners than presenting non-white faces of the Soviet Union or acting out certain Muslim cultural codes. Tajik filmmaker Kamil Yarmatov struggled to craft a narrative about the Bolshevik revolution in the Soviet East that would appeal to domestic and foreign audiences. At the 1968 Afro-Asian Film Festival, Yarmatov still managed to perform the role of a successful revolutionary Easterner for foreign audiences, but narratives about the domestic East as a model for the foreign East had lost their coherence. Soon Soviet and international filmmakers, as well as a new more disaffected generation of Soviet youth, moved on to more playful and subversive treatments of the Sovietization of Central Asia.
10
"The birth of the Russian youth movement." In The Communist Youth League and the Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1932, 37–59. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203815847-9.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Youth, soviet union"
1
Clement, Victoria. "TURKMENISTAN’S NEW CHALLENGES: CAN STABILITY CO-EXIST WITH REFORM? A STUDY OF GULEN SCHOOLS IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1997-2007." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/ufen2635.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1990s, Turkmenistan’s government dismantled Soviet educational provision, replacing it with lower quality schooling. The Başkent Foundation schools represent the concerted ef- forts of teachers and sponsors to offer socially conscious education grounded in science and math with an international focus. This case study of the Başkent Foundation schools in Turkmenistan establishes the vitality of Gülen schools outside of the Turkish Republic and their key role in offering Central Asian families an important choice in secular, general education. The paper discusses the appeal of the schools’ curriculum to parents and students, and records a decade-long success both in educating students and in laying the foundations of civil society: in Turkmenistan the Gülen movement offers the only general education outside of state provision and control. This is particularly significant as most scholars deny that there is any semblance of civil society in Turkmenistan. Notes: The author has been conducting interviews and recording the influence of Başkent schools in Turkmenistan since working as Instructor at the International Turkmen-Turk University in 1997. In May 2007 she visited the schools in the capital Ashgabat, and the northern province of Daşoguz, to explore further the contribution Gülen schools are making. The recent death of Turkmenistan’s president will most likely result in major reforms in education. Documentation of how a shift at the centre of state power affects provincial Gülen schools will enrich this conference’s broader discussion of the movement’s social impact. The history of Gülen-inspired schools in Central Asia reveals as much about the Gülen movement as it does about transition in the Muslim world. While acknowledging that transition in the 21st century includes new political and global considerations, it must be viewed in a historical context that illustrates how change, renewal and questioning are longstanding in- herent to Islamic tradition. In the former Soviet Union, the Gülen movement contributed to the Muslim people’s transi- tion out of the communist experience. Since USSR fell in 1991, participants in Fethullah Gülen’s spiritual movement have contributed to its mission by successfully building schools, offering English language courses for adults, and consciously supporting nascent civil so- ciety throughout Eurasia. Not only in Turkic speaking regions, but also as far as Mongolia and Southeast Asia, the so-called “Turkish schools” have succeeded in creating sustainable systems of private schools that offer quality education to ethnically and religiously diverse populations. The model is applicable on the whole; Gülen’s movement has played a vital role in offering Eurasia’s youth an alternative to state-sponsored schooling. Recognition of the broad accomplishments of Gülen schools in Eurasia raises questions about how these schools function on a daily basis and how they have remained successful. What kind of world are they preparing students for? How do the schools differ from traditional Muslim schools (maktabs or madrasas)? Do they offer an alternative to Arab methods of learning? Success in Turkmenistan is especially notable due to the dramatic politicization of education under nationalistic socio-cultural programmes in that Central Asian country. Since the establishment of the first boarding school, named after Turkish Prime Minister Turgut Ozal, in 1991 the Gülen schools have prospered despite Turkmenistan’s extreme political conditions and severely weakened social systems. How did this network of foreign schools, connected to a faith-based movement, manage to flourish under Turkmenistan’s capricious dictator- ship? In essence, Gülen-inspired schools have been consistently successful in Turkmenistan because a secular curriculum partnered with a strong moral framework appeals to parents and students without threatening the state. This hypothesis encourages further consideration of the cemaat’s ethos and Gülen’s philosophies such as the imperative of activism (aksiyon), the compatibility of Islam and modernity, and the high value Islamic traditions assign to education. Focusing on this particular set of “Turkish schools” in Turkmenistan provides details and data from which we can consider broader complexities of the movement as a whole. In particular, the study illustrates that current transitions in the Muslim world have long, complex histories that extend beyond today’s immediate questions about Islam, modernity, or extremism.