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Journal articles on the topic 'Yucatec Maya language'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Safar, Josefina. "Translanguaging in Yucatec Maya signing communities." Applied Linguistics Review 10, no. 1 (2019): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/applirev-2017-0082.

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AbstractThis article looks at translanguaging practices in four Yucatec Maya communities with a high incidence of deafness in the peninsula of Yucatán, Mexico. Deaf and hearing community members draw from a broad spectrum of semiotic resources to interact with each other and with people from other villages in the region: they sign with different degrees of fluency, speak Yucatec Maya and/or Spanish, gesture, draw, point and incorporate objects in their physical surroundings. Human beings have a general tendency to communicate between and beyond different languages and modalities and to creatively adapt their semiotic repertoires to each other to negotiate meaning. On top of that, I show that sociolinguistic and cultural features of Yucatec Maya communities scaffold translanguaging practices. The rich inventory of conventional co-speech gestures of Yucatec Maya speakers, positive attitudes towards deafness and signed language and a critical amount of shared cultural knowledge facilitate communication between deaf and hearing and contribute to the emergence of similar sign languages in historically unrelated communities. The investigation of Yucatec Maya signing communities through a translanguaging lens allows us to critically deconstruct existing classifications of sign languages and varieties. Yucatec Maya Sign Languages are portrayed as a multi-layered network of different villages, families, generations and overlapping deaf and hearing spaces, where translanguaging takes place.

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2

Butler, Lindsay K., and Rosa María Couoh Pool. "Effects of education on the production of plural morphology among bilingual speakers of Yucatec Maya and Spanish." Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 8, no. 3 (2017): 283–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lab.15037.but.

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Abstract Yucatec Maya differs from many better-known languages in that it has optional plural marking. In a psycholinguistic study of the production of optional plural marking with college-enrolled speakers of Yucatec Maya, Butler, Jaeger, and Bohnemeyer (2014) found that conceptual number information influences the production of optional plural marking. Since the participants in the Butler et al. (2014) study are not necessarily representative of speakers of Yucatec Maya, we examine the effects of conceptual number information, via the manipulation of set size, while factoring in the effects of age, education and language use variables on the production of optional plural morphology among bilingual speakers of Yucatec Maya and Spanish speaking in Yucatec Maya. In addition to finding effects of conceptual information, we found that education, but not age, significantly influences the production of plural morphology in Yucatec Maya. Participants with higher levels of education were more sensitive to conceptual number information.

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3

Vail, Gabrielle. "Issues of Language and Ethnicity in the Postclassic Maya Codices." Language and Dialect in the Maya Hieroglyphic Script 3, no. 1 (2000): 37–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.3.1.04vai.

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Researchers have long attributed the prehispanic Maya codices to a Yucatecan provenience, based on their style and on the occurrence of Yucatec words spelled phonetically in the glyphic texts. This interpretation has recently been challenged by two studies that demonstrate the presence of Ch’olan vocabulary and morphological features in the Dresden and Madrid codices, alongside the better known Yucatec spellings (Wald 1994, Lacadena 1997). The present study identifies the linguistic affiliation of lexical items in the codical texts (Yucatecan, Ch’olan, or indeterminate), and charts the distribution of Yucatecan and Ch’olan terms in the Madrid Codex as a means of identifying patterns of usage. Several models are examined to account for the linguistic diversity of the manuscript, including (a) possible bilingualism of scribes; (b) lexical borrowing; (c) errors introduced by copying; and (d) the likelihood that certain glyphs were logographic, and could have different values depending on the language being recorded. It is argued that the Madrid Codex was drafted by Yucatecan scribes who were influenced in various ways by Ch’olan speakers — a situation comparable to the use of Spanish loanwords in the Colonial Books of Chilam Balam.

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4

NORCLIFFE, ELISABETH, and T. FLORIAN JAEGER. "Predicting head-marking variability in Yucatec Maya relative clause production." Language and Cognition 8, no. 2 (2014): 167–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/langcog.2014.39.

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abstractRecent proposals hold that the cognitive systems underlying language production exhibit computational properties that facilitate communicative efficiency, i.e., an efficient trade-off between production ease and robust information transmission. We contribute to the cross-linguistic evaluation of the communicative efficiency hypothesis by investigating speakers’ preferences in the production of a typologically rare head-marking alternation that occurs in relative clause constructions in Yucatec Maya. In a sentence recall study, we find that speakers of Yucatec Maya prefer to use reduced forms of relative clause verbs when the relative clause is more contextually expected. This result is consistent with communicative efficiency and thus supports its typological generalizability. We compare two types of cue to the presence of a relative clause, pragmatic cues previously investigated in other languages and a highly predictive morphosyntactic cue specific to Yucatec. We find that Yucatec speakers’ preferences for a reduced verb form are primarily conditioned on the more informative cue. This demonstrates the role of both general principles of language production and their language-specific realizations.

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5

Hofling, Charles Andrew, and Fernando L. Ojeda. "Yucatec Maya Imperatives and Other Manipulative Language." International Journal of American Linguistics 60, no. 3 (1994): 272–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466234.

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6

Safar, Josefina, Olivier Le Guen, Geli Collí Collí, and Merli Collí Hau. "Numeral Variation in Yucatec Maya Sign Languages." Sign Language Studies 18, no. 4 (2018): 488–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.2018.0014.

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7

Guerrettaz, Anne Marie. "Ownership of Language in Yucatec Maya Revitalization Pedagogy." Anthropology & Education Quarterly 46, no. 2 (2015): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aeq.12097.

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8

Orie, Olanike Ola, and Victoria R. Bricker. "Placeless and Historical Laryngeals in Yucatec Maya." International Journal of American Linguistics 66, no. 3 (2000): 283–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466427.

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9

Miller, Cynthia. "The Social Impacts of Televised Media among the Yucatec Maya." Human Organization 57, no. 3 (1998): 307–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.57.3.54q3ur774hrm5226.

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The development of the Yucatan region has brought a wide range of new issues and pressures to indigenous Maya communities. Many of these are transmitted through the discourse of televised media, which is becoming increasingly popular among the rural Maya. Televised programming depicts an array of values, social roles, and behavior patterns that are in direct contrast to Yucatec Mayan culture. As exposure to the media and its urban orientation becomes more accessible, and contact between national and local cultures through the televised media increases, members of the Yucatec Mayan community of Yalcoba are rapidly renegotiating their senses of self and community. The tensions and contradictions that result from the political economy of television viewing are highly evident in how people talk about their consumption of televised media, as well as in emerging contrasts regarding language, social role performance, and household economy.

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10

Guerrettaz, Anne Marie. "Yucatec Maya language planning and the struggle of the linguistic standardization process." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2019, no. 260 (2019): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2019-2048.

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Abstract This study on Yucatec Maya language planning analyzes the linguistic standardization process over a six-year period. The primary research site was the programa, a mandatory Yucatec Maya course for 1,600 Indigenous Education teachers in Mexico. Alongside this acquisition planning effort, other government agencies simultaneously produced an official standard Maya. Programa administrators who oppose official standardization made their own model of Maya in widely distributed government textbooks. Neither model was the main target of programa language teaching; the Maya of classrooms is characterized by vast variation. Although the government promulgated an official standard in 2014, standardization of Maya has not been attained. The difficulties of creating a popular standard by and for Indigenous language speakers are analyzed. Social networks upholding different models of Maya are examined through an economy of language planning framework that views language as social capital and integrates knowledge and learning economy concepts. This research presents the notion of social-linguistic orders to understand how different models of a language coexist and/or compete in a language planning endeavor.

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11

AnderBois, Scott. "Focus and uninformativity in Yucatec Maya questions." Natural Language Semantics 20, no. 4 (2012): 349–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11050-012-9084-3.

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12

PYE, CLIFTON, and BARBARA PFEILER. "The Comparative Method of language acquisition research: a Mayan case study." Journal of Child Language 41, no. 2 (2013): 382–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000912000748.

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ABSTRACTThis article demonstrates how the Comparative Method can be applied to cross-linguistic research on language acquisition. The Comparative Method provides a systematic procedure for organizing and interpreting acquisition data from different languages. The Comparative Method controls for cross-linguistic differences at all levels of the grammar and is especially useful in drawing attention to variation in contexts of use across languages. This article uses the Comparative Method to analyze the acquisition of verb suffixes in two Mayan languages: K'iche' and Yucatec. Mayan status suffixes simultaneously mark distinctions in verb transitivity, verb class, mood, and clause position. Two-year-old children acquiring K'iche' and Yucatec Maya accurately produce the status suffixes on verbs, in marked distinction to the verbal prefixes for aspect and agreement. We find evidence that the contexts of use for the suffixes differentially promote the children's production of cognate status suffixes in K'iche' and Yucatec.

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13

Michnowicz, Jim, and Lindsey Carpenter. "Voiceless stop aspiration in Yucatan Spanish." Spanish in Context 10, no. 3 (2013): 410–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.10.3.05mic.

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Previous research has indicated that in Yucatan Spanish, /ptk/ are aspirated at greater levels than in other varieties, a feature attributed to contact with Yucatec Maya, a language that has both aspirated and ejective voiceless stops. The current study presents the first quantitative, acoustic, variationist investigation of the linguistic and social factors that constrain aspiration (as measured by VOT) in Yucatan Spanish. Analyses, conducted using mixed-effects statistical models, indicate that VOT values are longer in stressed syllables and phrase initially, and also before non-low vowels. Regarding social factors, men consistently favor longer VOT, along with older speakers. While no significant result was obtained based on language background (Maya-Spanish bilinguals vs. Spanish monolinguals), there is evidence of the influence of language and dialect contact on the observed patterns. Further results and conclusions are discussed.

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14

Padilla-Iglesias, Cecilia, Amanda L. Woodward, Susan Goldin-Meadow, and Laura A. Shneidman. "Changing language input following market integration in a Yucatec Mayan community." PLOS ONE 16, no. 6 (2021): e0252926. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0252926.

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Like many indigenous populations worldwide, Yucatec Maya communities are rapidly undergoing change as they become more connected with urban centers and access to formal education, wage labour, and market goods became more accessible to their inhabitants. However, little is known about how these changes affect children’s language input. Here, we provide the first systematic assessment of the quantity, type, source, and language of the input received by 29 Yucatec Maya infants born six years apart in communities where increased contact with urban centres has resulted in a greater exposure to the dominant surrounding language, Spanish. Results show that infants from the second cohort received less directed input than infants in the first and, when directly addressed, most of their input was in Spanish. To investigate the mechanisms driving the observed patterns, we interviewed 126 adults from the communities. Against common assumptions, we showed that reductions in Mayan input did not simply result from speakers devaluing the Maya language. Instead, changes in input could be attributed to changes in childcare practices, as well as caregiver ethnotheories regarding the relative acquisition difficulty of each of the languages. Our study highlights the need for understanding the drivers of individual behaviour in the face of socio-demographic and economic changes as it is key for determining the fate of linguistic diversity.

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15

Safar, Josefina. "“When you were that little…”." Gesture 19, no. 1 (2020): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/gest.19007.saf.

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Abstract In this article, I analyse how conventional height-specifier gestures used by speakers of Yucatec Maya become incorporated into Yucatec Maya Sign Languages (YMSLs). Combining video-data from elicitation, narratives, conversations and interviews collected from YMSL signers from four communities as well as from hearing nonsigners from another Yucatec Maya village, I compare form, meaning and distribution of height-specifiers in gesture and sign. Co-speech gestures that depict the height of upright entities – performed with a flat hand, palm facing downwards – come to serve various linguistic functions in YMSLs: a noun for human referents, a verb GROW, a spatial referential device, and an element of name signs. Special attention is paid to how height-specifier gestures fulfil a grammatical purpose as noun-classifiers for human referents in YMSLs. My study demonstrates processes of lexicalisation and grammaticalisation from gesture to sign and discusses the impact of gesture on the emergence of shared sign languages.

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16

Cru, Josep. "Language revitalisation from the ground up: promoting Yucatec Maya on Facebook." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 36, no. 3 (2014): 284–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2014.921184.

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17

Johnson, Robert E. "Sign Language, Culture & Community in a Traditional Yucatec Maya Village." Sign Language Studies 1073, no. 1 (1991): 461–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.1991.0031.

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18

Maldonado, Violeta Vázquez-Rojas, Josefina García Fajardo, Rodrigo Gutiérrez-Bravo, and Julia Pozas Loyo. "The Definite Article in Yucatec Maya: The Case OfLe…O’." International Journal of American Linguistics 84, no. 2 (2018): 207–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696197.

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19

PIGOTT, CHARLES M. "Aj-ts’íib or el letrado? Authorial Identity in Gómez Navarrete’s Bilingual Maya Poetry." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies: Volume 98, Issue 4 98, no. 4 (2021): 415–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.2021.24.

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Latin America is witnessing a revival in the literary production of indigenous languages, yet contemporary indigenous writers must often negotiate between different cultural understandings of what literature should be. The purpose of this article is to take one bilingual poem, composed in Yucatec Maya and Spanish, as a case study of the writerly conflict between the Maya paradigm of ts’íib and the ‘Western’ ideal of the letrado. The poem, written by Javier Abelardo Gómez Navarrete (1942-2018), is entitled ‘K’u’uk’um kaan’ in its Yucatec version and ‘Serpiente de regio plumaje’ in its version in Spanish. Through linguistic and hermeneutic analysis of key extracts, the article argues that Gómez Navarrete’s poem can be read as an exploration of what it means to be a Maya writer in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, in terms of the antagonistic yet mutually constitutive relationship between the categories of ts’íib and the letrado.

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20

Butler, Lindsay Kay. "Crosslinguistic and experimental evidence for non-number plurals*." Linguistic Variation 12, no. 1 (2012): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.12.1.02but.

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In this paper, I find support for the idea that plural marking shows variation across languages but can still be captured in a universal syntax (Wiltschko 2008, 2011). The proposal that the plural morpheme heads the Number Phrase (Ritter 1991; Bernstein 1991; Valois 1991; inter alia) is not adequate to account for plural marking in all languages. Wiltschko (2008) proposed that plurals may merge either as heads or adjuncts to various projections along the spine of the Determiner Phrase (DP, NumP, nP and the root). I provide syntactic, semantic and experimental evidence that the plural morpheme in Yucatec Maya is adjoined to the DP. I highlight evidence from other language types for variation in the syntax of plural marking, and I discuss how this variation might be constrained in particular ways. The implication of these findings is that identity of function does not imply identical syntax or semantics. Keywords: plural marking; Number Phrase; Determiner Phrase; Yucatec Maya; sentence production; morphosyntactic priming

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21

Uth, Melanie. "Traces of language contact in intonation." Prosodic Issues in Language Contact Situations 16, no. 3 (2019): 353–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.00043.uth.

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Abstract This article deals with the intonational realization of contrastive focus in Yucatecan Spanish. Data from three recent elicitation studies with a total of ten bilingual speakers of Yucatecan Spanish (YS) and Yucatec Maya (YM) and five monolingual speakers of YS suggest that contrastive focus in the Yucatecan Spanish variant spoken by the Spanish-dominant and monolingual speakers is mostly signaled by means of a high pitch early in the intonation phrase (IP) followed by a fall to the final stressed syllable of a contrasted word. In this respect, the established YS variety crucially differs from standard Mexican Spanish (MS), where the stressed syllable of a contrastive constituent is generally associated with an L+H* pitch accent (cf. de-la-Mota, Martín Butragueño & Prieto. 2010). However, the systematicity described above only shows up in the data produced by the Spanish-dominant and monolingual YS speakers, whereas the balanced bilingual data is characterized by much higher idiosyncratic variation. This fact suggests that the development of intonational systems is also a matter of consolidation or strengthening of features.

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22

Stanton, Travis W., and David A. Freidel. "Placing the Centre, Centring the Place: the Influence of Formative Sacbeob in Classic Site Design at Yaxuná, Yucatán." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 15, no. 2 (2005): 225–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774305000119.

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A series of Formative Period causeways (sacbeob) at the Maya site of Yaxuná, Yucatán, Mexico, constituted elements of an early geomantic plan that was renegotiated by the inhabitants of this centre for 1500–2000 years. This plan embodied a series of sacred metaphors including the World Tree and Milky Way. After its initial construction, this widely recognized sacred landscape was reinterpreted using the language of causeways and buildings by people with competing interests. A consideration of how the geomantic plan was differentially modified sheds light on important social transitions throughout the history of the site, as well as the role of landscape and shared memory among the ancient Yucatec Maya of Yaxuná.

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23

MACDOUGALL, J. PAIGE. "Deafness and sign language in a Yucatec Maya community: Emergent Ethnographic Practice." Annals of Anthropological Practice 39, no. 2 (2015): 150–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/napa.12077.

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24

GUERRETTAZ, ANNE MARIE, MIGUEL OSCAR CHAN DZUL, and IRMA YOLANDA POMOL CAHUM. "Yucatec‐Maya Language Revitalization: A Reconceptualization of Indigeneity and Call for Action." Modern Language Journal 104, no. 2 (2020): 511–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/modl.12657.

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25

García, Nuria Martínez, and Melanie Uth. "Lack of Syllable Duration as a Post-Lexical Acoustic Cue in Spanish in Contact with Maya." Languages 4, no. 4 (2019): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages4040084.

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This paper focuses on the duration of stressed syllables in broad versus contrastive focus in Yucatecan Spanish and examines its connection with Spanish–Maya bilingualism. We examine the claim that phonemic vowel length in one language prevents the use of syllable duration as a post-lexical acoustic cue in another. We study the duration of stressed syllables of nouns in subject and object position in subject-verb-object (SVO) sentences (broad and contrastive focus) of a semi-spontaneous production task. One thousand one hundred and twenty-six target syllables of 34 mono- and bilingual speakers were measured and submitted to linear mixed-effects models. Although the target syllables were slightly longer in contrastive focus, duration was not significant, nor was the effect of bilingualism. The results point to duration not constituting a cue to focus marking in Yucatecan Spanish. Finally, it is discussed how this result relates to the strong influence of Yucatec Maya on Yucatecan Spanish prosody observed by both scholars and native speakers of Yucatecan Spanish and other Mexican varieties of Spanish.

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26

UTH, MELANIE, and RODRIGO GUTIÉRREZ-BRAVO. "Language Contact and Intonation: Evidence from Contrastive Focus Marking and Loanwords in Yucatecan Spanish and Yucatec Maya." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 97, no. 1 (2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.2020.3.

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27

Méluzin, Sylvia. "The Tuxtla Script: Steps toward Decipherment Based on La Mojarra Stela 1." Latin American Antiquity 3, no. 4 (1992): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971950.

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The existence of the mesoamerican Tuxtla script is based primarily on inscriptions from five objects in addition to very scant epigraphic evidence on 16 other items (Méluzin 1992). The name “Tuxtlatec” is used to refer to the language rendered by this script. The longest inscription so far known in this writing system is on the recently discovered La Mojarra, Veracruz, Stela 1, which also reveals two Initial-Series-style dates. A bilingual approach is attempted using the month and day glyphs in the stela dates and their presumably equivalent glyphs and names in the Yucatec Maya calendar. Meanings of the four calendar names in the Tuxtlatec system are suggested. The four corresponding Maya glyphs are reinterpreted with alternate Yucatec translations offered for two of them. In two of the analyses Zoque words are pivotal, but it is argued that this in itself does not prove that Tuxtlatec was a dialect of Zoque.

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28

Hanks, William F. "The Language of the Canek Manuscript." Ancient Mesoamerica 3, no. 2 (1992): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100000699.

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AbstractThe Canek manuscript is written in a distinctive linguistic style, probably a local variant of Spanish influenced by Yucatec Maya and archaic forms of Spanish. It also reflects a curiously ambivalent perspective on the Itza king Canek, at once aligning him with the pagan Indians and suggesting an affinity with Saint Francis. Like many other colonial texts, the four extant folia of this manuscript show a blending of verbal genres. This paper presents a discourse analysis of the manuscript, demonstrating that it is organized according to a systematic rhetorical structure based on syntactic foregrounding, poetic parallelism and thematic development. Placed in the context of other colonial documents, this one displays the cultural and linguistic ambivalence of its author.

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29

Maxwell, Judith M. "Subclassification of Illness and Pain among Speakers of Two Mayan Languages: Cakchiquel and Yucatec Maya." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (1985): 499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465948.

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30

Armstrong-Fumero, Fernando. "Old Jokes and New Multiculturalisms: Continuity and Change in Vernacular Discourse on the Yucatec Maya Language." American Anthropologist 111, no. 3 (2009): 360–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01138.x.

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31

Borge Janetti, Gabriela. "Intercultural translation and indigenous articulation in higher education." Translation Spaces 6, no. 2 (2017): 230–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.6.2.03bor.

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Abstract Intercultural translation is a salient feature of communicative interactions in multilingual institutional spaces. This article draws on a concept of intercultural translation that functions as a linguistically radical strategy through which other ways of knowing and being are introduced, with particular emphasis on institutions, multilingualism, and less-translated languages. It describes the modes in which indigenous actors used intercultural translation to modify Mexico’s institutional tutoring program in higher education. It focuses on the selective appropriation of words and meanings, the standardization of concepts, and the configuring of an intercultural frame of reference, whereby members of an intercultural Mexican university introduced the Yucatec Maya word iknal as a hybrid educational system. In sum, the article posits intercultural translation as a critical communicative practice ubiquitous to the dynamics of language in socio-cultural spaces.

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32

Lehmann, Christian. "Roots, stems and word classes." Parts of Speech: Descriptive tools, theoretical constructs 32, no. 3 (2008): 546–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.32.3.04leh.

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The assignment of a linguistic sign to a word class is an operation that must be seen as part of the overall transformation of extralinguistic substance into linguistic form. In this, it is comparable to such processes as the transitivization of a verbal base, which further specifies a relatively rough categorization. Languages differ both in the extent to which they structure the material by purely grammatical criteria and in the level at which they do this. The root and the stem are the lowest levels at which a linguistic sign can be categorized in terms of language-specific structure. Further categorization is then achieved at the level of the syntagm. An empirical investigation comparing the categorization of roots and stems in a sample of six languages (English, German, Latin, Spanish, Yucatec Maya, Mandarin Chinese) turns up far-reaching differences. These differences in the amount of categorization that languages apply to linguistic signs at the most basic levels throw into doubt any thesis claiming universal categoriality or acategoriality for roots. Such a static view must be replaced by a dynamic one which asks for the role of categorization in linguistic activity. At the same time, these differences raise the issue of the amount of structure — or of grammar — that is necessary for a human language.1

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33

Craveri, Michela. "Retórica y organización del discurso en El ritual de los Bacabes." Estudios de Cultura Maya 57 (January 27, 2021): 179–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.ecm.57.2021.18657.

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The aim of this paper is to study the rhetorical structure of the Ritual of the Bacabs, a colonial document of great importance in the context of Yucatec Maya literature. After a philological analysis, I will focus especially on the study of textual rhetoric and the marks of orality of this ritual document. I will also study the textual symbolism and networks of paronomasias, used to link diseases, body parts, animals and medicinal plants in the same healing action. The analysis of its rhetorical organization and the textual mechanisms of meaning production allows us to understand the functions of ritual language and the presence of a codified system of discourse. The basis of my theoretical approach is the convergence between rhetoric and semiotic study of discourse.

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34

Restall, Matthew. "Heirs to the Hieroglyphs: Indigenous Writing in Colonial Mesoamerica." Americas 54, no. 2 (1997): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007743.

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Shortly after the Spanish conquests in Mesoamerica (or, as the colonizers termed it, New Spain), friars chiefly of the Franciscan and Dominican orders taught the art of alphabetic writing to the indigenous elite. As a result the colonial period saw the production of an extensive body of documentation—overwhelmingly notarial and largely legal in nature—by Mesoamerica's indigenous peoples, written in their own languages but using the Roman alphabet. The language best represented in the surviving material (and thus in the ethnohistorical literature) is Nahuatl, often misleadingly called Aztec but in fact widely spoken throughout central Mexico. Yucatec Maya places a distant second in terms of known records, probably followed in order of magnitude by Mixtec. While this article will focus primarily upon these three tongues, it should also be noted that scholars have investigated a small but significant body of Cakchiquel and Quiché materials from highland Guatemala, and that there are also known to exist unstudied sources in Chocho, Cuicatec, Mixe, Otomí, Tarascan, Totonac, and Zapotec; other Mesoamerican languages may also have been written alphabetically in the colonial period.

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Guerrettaz, Anne Marie, Eric J. Johnson, and Gisela Ernst-Slavit. "La planificación lingüística del Maya yucateco y la educación bilingüe en Yucatán." education policy analysis archives 28 (September 7, 2020): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.28.5136.

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The rapid decline of indigenous languages represents one of the most troubling topics within applied linguistics. Teachers’ implementation of indigenous language planning through their pedagogical practices is a significant but under-researched issue. This ethnographic study examines a Maya language program (i.e., professional development) for 1,600 teachers in the Yucatan’s Intercultural Bilingual Education (EIB) system, and K-12 schools in Maya-speaking communities where they worked. Using longitudinal data (2010-2016), analysis centered on the creation and promulgation of the Norms of Writing for the Maya Language (2014) and related language policy. Findings illustrate: 1) the importance of increasing the quantity of Maya-speaking teachers, and 2) a clash between widespread orthographic variation in Maya and teachers’ standard language-culture. The new standard has not been implemented in EIB, which still does not in practice require Maya proficiency of teachers. This research discusses possible benefits and risks of a standard Maya for EIB.

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Hollingworth, Liz, Pedro Sánchez-Escobedo, Graciela Cortés Camarillo, and Anthony Fina. "La Prueba Maya, A Test for Bilingual Teachers of Indigenous Language-Speaking Students." Heritage Language Journal 10, no. 1 (2013): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.10.1.1.

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La Prueba Maya is a new computer-based diagnostic assessment that was developed to measure the Maya proficiency of Mexican teachers. To assess Mayan fluency in reading, listening, speaking, and writing, La Prueba Maya's battery of tests was taken by 2,507 preschool and primary school teachers in Mexico. Results were used to determine proficiency in Maya as a second language for teachers wishing to work with indigenous Maya-speaking children in Yucatán, Campeche, and Quintana Roo. We ground this work in the theories and research from the fields of anthropology, education, linguistics, second language acquisition, the unique features of indigenous languages, and best practices in language assessment. The results of the tests indicate that the listening test was the easiest for test takers and the written test was the hardest. There are challenges and limitations of testing teachers of indigenous children, particularly when the teachers, in most cases, are new to basic and general testing procedures and digital media. Results of the test pilot showed teachers’ scores were higher in listening and speaking. If Mexico wants to protect heritage languages, then its teachers must be given opportunities to attend to their own competencies in reading and writing to pass the indigenous languages to the next generation.

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Rott, Julian A., Elisabeth Verhoeven, and Paola Fritz-Huechante. "Valence orientation and psych properties: Toward a typology of the psych alternation." Open Linguistics 6, no. 1 (2020): 401–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2020-0020.

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AbstractLanguages differ with respect to the morphological structure of their verbal inventory: some languages predominantly derive intransitive experiencer-subject verbs from more basic transitive experiencer-object verbs by morphosyntactic operations such as stative passivization (e.g., German, English), reflexivization (e.g., German, Spanish), or mediopassive voice (e.g., Greek, Icelandic). Other languages apply transitivizing operations of causativization to intransitive basic forms, e.g., via causative affixes (e.g., Turkish, Japanese, Yucatec Maya) or embedding under causative predicates (e.g., Korean, Chinese). Yet other languages derive both alternants from a common base (e.g., Hungarian, Cabécar). This classification is especially pertinent when applied to psych verbs, given that variable linking is a widely recognized characteristic of this domain. The valence orientation profile of a language’s psych domain has recently been linked to the presence or absence of noncanonical syntax, another well-known property of psych predicates. This article reports results from an ongoing study which aims to test this observation on a larger typological scale, presenting comparative empirical data on the interplay of morphology and syntax in the psych domains of Icelandic, Spanish, Korean, Chinese, Yucatec Maya, Finnish, Turkish, and Bété.

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Macri, Martha J. "Numeral Classifiers and Counted Nouns in the Classic Maya Inscriptions." Language and Dialect in the Maya Hieroglyphic Script 3, no. 1 (2000): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.3.1.03mac.

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Yucatecan, Ch’olan, and Tzeltalan languages have numeral classifiers which obligatorily follow numbers. Although such classifiers are not present in every number expression, several numeral classifiers occur frequently in the Classic Maya inscriptions. The most common of them, the period glyphs, constitute a feature which distinguishes Maya inscriptions from Mixe-Zoquean inscriptions, since the classifiers required in Mayan languages do not occur in Mixe-Zoquean languages. Any glyph immediately following bar/dot numbers should be examined carefully for that possibility. Several morphemes which immediately follow numbers are discussed here, and evaluated for the likelihood of their having functioned as classifiers.

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Haser, Verena. "A Dictionary of the Maya Language As Spoken in Hocaba, Yucatan (review)." Language 77, no. 2 (2001): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2001.0085.

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Bricker, Victoria R., and Olanike O. Orie. "Schwa in the Modern Yucatecan Languages and Orthographic Evidence of Its Presence in Colonial Yucatecan Maya, Colonial Chontal, and Precolumbian Maya Hieroglyphic Texts." International Journal of American Linguistics 80, no. 2 (2014): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/675422.

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Bright, William, and Gary Bevington. "Maya for Travelers and Students: A Guide to Language and Culture in Yucatan." Language 72, no. 4 (1996): 869. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416130.

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Cru, Josep. "Bilingual rapping in Yucatán, Mexico: strategic choices for Maya language legitimation and revitalisation." International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 20, no. 5 (2015): 481–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13670050.2015.1051945.

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Arnold, Dean E. "MAYA BLUE AND PALYGORSKITE: A second possible pre-Columbian source." Ancient Mesoamerica 16, no. 1 (2005): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536105050078.

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Maya Blue is an unusual blue pigment used on pottery, sculpture, and murals from the Preclassic to the Colonial period. Until the late 1960s, its composition was unknown, but chemists working in Spain, Belgium, Mexico, and the United States identified Maya Blue as a combination of indigo and the unusual clay mineral palygorskite (also called attapulgite). A source of palygorskite in the Maya area was unknown for years; then ethnoarchaeological research in the mid-1960s demonstrated that the contemporary Maya recognized the unique physical properties of palygorskite and used it as an additive for pottery temper and for curing certain types of illnesses. Because of its importance in Maya Blue, pre-Hispanic sources of the mineral were then suggested based on ethnoarchaeological data. One of these sources was the cenote in the town of Sacalum, Yucatan. This paper briefly reviews the history of the Maya Blue research from an anthropological perspective and presents evidence of a second possible pre-Hispanic mining site for palygorskite at Yo' Sah Kab near Ticul, Yucatan. Archaeological and technological approaches have demonstrated the use, distribution, composition, and characteristics of Maya Blue, but ethnoarchaeology has related it to Maya language and culture and to possible pre-Hispanic sources of one of its constituents, palygorskite.

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Machault, Julien. "Bricker Victoria R., A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan, 1557-2000." Journal de la société des américanistes 106, no. 106-2 (2020): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/jsa.18794.

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AnderBois, Scott. "At-issueness in direct quotation: the case of Mayan quotatives." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 29 (December 9, 2019): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v29i0.4623.

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In addition to lexical verbs of saying, many languages have more grammaticized means for reporting the speech of others. This paper presents the first detailed formal account of one such device: quotative morphemes in Mayan languages, with a focus on Yucatec Maya ki(j). When mentioned in previous literature, quotatives have either been regarded as a special kind of verb of saying or reportative evidential. I argue that quotatives have important differences (and some similarities) with both verbs of saying and reportatives. To capture these properties, I propose a ‘scoreboard’ account where quotative ki(j) signals that the co-occurring quotative material demonstrates a move in an in-narrative scoreboard.

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Hofling, C. Andrew. "Maya for Travelers and Students: A Guide to Language and Culture in Yucatan. Gary BevingtonSpoken Maya for Travelers and Students. Fernando Ojeda." International Journal of American Linguistics 62, no. 2 (1996): 214–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466291.

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Little, Carol-Rose, and Mia Wiegand. "A compositional morphosemantic analysis of exclusivity in Ch'ol." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (2018): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4376.

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We argue that novel empirical generalizations on exclusive operators in Ch’ol (Mayan) provide strong evidence for a morphological decompositionality of exclusivity into a core semantic entry and focus sensitivity. There is a robust literature on exclusivity and the distributions of scalar particles in various languages (Beaver & Clark 2003, 2008; Orenstein & Greenberg 2010; Coppock & Beaver 2011a,b). Coppock & Beaver (2011a) argue that mere operates in a different domain (properties) than only (propositions). Recent work on focus constructions in Mayan languages include Yasavul (2013) for K’iche’ and AnderBois (2012) for Yucatec Maya. However, little work has been done on the variation among exclusives in morphologically rich languages like Ch’ol. Original data from fieldwork indicate that exclusivity can occur independently of focus marking, and when divorced from focus, the exclusive morpheme has a wider distribution and range of meanings.

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Rhodes, Catherine R. "Dually Authenticated and Doubly Modern: Institutionalizing jach maaya in the Yucatan Today." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 30, no. 3 (2020): 326–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jola.12278.

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Josserand, Kathryn J. "Review of Bricker, Po?ot Yah & De Po?ot (1998): A dictionary of the Maya language as spoken in Hocabá, Yucatán & Hofling & Tesucún (1997): Itzaj Maya-Spanish-English dictionary / Diccionario Maya Itzaj-Español-Inglés." Written Language and Literacy 2, no. 2 (1999): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.2.2.09jos.

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Pat López, Miguel Antonio, and Pedro Antonio Sánchez Escobedo. "The Role of English Language for High-Achieving Mayan Students in the Yucatan Region, Mexico." Latin American Journal of Content & Language Integrated Learning 12, no. 1 (2019): 46–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/laclil.2019.12.1.3.

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The purpose of this research was to identify the role of the level of proficiency in the English language with high-performing third-year students in the Mayan area of Yucatán, near a tourist region called the Riviera Maya. The aim was also to explore the relationship between learning a second language and the subsequent overall improvement in the academic performance of students. These 114 high-achieving students were selected from 1177 students who had taken a standardized English test administered in seven middle schools in the region. Subsequently, individual interviews were conducted with the 21 students with the highest level of English and a focus group of ten students with low-level scores. The results showed an improvement in the English language, as well as its influence in reaching academic prowess in other subjects. This initial study indicated that the reinforcement of English language skills had broader benefits on other academic performance.

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