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Journal articles on the topic 'Yugoslav Jews'
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KERENJI, EMIL. "‘Your Salvation is the Struggle Against Fascism’: Yugoslav Communists and the Rescue of Jews, 1941–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (2016): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000478.
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AbstractThis article recounts a little-known episode in which Yugoslav partisans, led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, rescued some 2,500 Jews from the former Italian camp for Jews in the northern Adriatic in the autumn of 1943. By focusing on this historical event, the article argues for broadening the notion of rescue of Jews during the Holocaust. Rather than locating ‘rescue’ in the motivations of individuals, the article takes as a point of departure the collective aspect of rescue and investigates the importance of the ideological considerations of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in its decision to rescue the Jews. Rather than in abstract ethical notions, the partisan rescue of the Jews was rooted in their political vision of the future socialist federation, of which the Jews were part.
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KOLJANIN, MILAN. "ESCAPE FROM THE HOLOCAUST. YUGOSLAV JEWS IN SWITZERLAND (1941-1945)." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 26 (January 6, 2016): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2015.26.167-177.
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The destruction of the Yugoslav state in April 1941 implied it joining the ‘new European order’ under the domination of the National Socialist Germany in which the Jewish people were exposed to total annihilation. The greatest number of Yugoslav Jews saved their lives by escaping to the areas under the Italian rule. After Italy capitulated in September 1943, a larger number of refugees found refuge in neutral Switzerland. Jewish refugees, like other Yugoslav refugees, enjoyed the help of the Yugoslav government in exile through its diplomatic missions. The conflict of two resistance movements in the country caused a division among the Jewish refugees in Switzerland. Ideological, political and social differences among the refugees were also reflected in the issue of returning to the country after the war. The paper was written on the basis of archival research and relevant historiographical literature.
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Koljanin, Milan. "The Jewish Community and Antisemitism in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia 1918-1941." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.010.
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The Jewish Community and Antisemitism in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia 1918-1941The Jews in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia made up about 0.5 percent of the total population. The new national framework provided the ability to accept the new state and national idea, but also gave impetus to strengthening their own identity embodied in Jewish nationalism, Zionism. Jews adapted to the new political circumstances relatively quickly and without major turmoil, at least as a whole. A liberal political foundation enabled the Jews to identify relatively easily with the new state. However, over a shorter or longer period, there were earlier national identifications as well. The spread and acceptance of antisemitism in Yugoslavia was affected by different traditions of the attitude towards the Jews in the political culture, political relations in the country and international circumstances. These factors were cumulative, although international circumstances certainly had a crucial impact, especially the coming to power of National Socialists in Germany. The manifestation of antisemitism in Yugoslavia can be divided into three main periods: 1918-1933, from the establishment of the Yugoslav state to the intensification of antisemitic propaganda, 1934-1938, from the intensification of antisemitic propaganda to the start of Jews’ conditioned loyalty, and 1939-1941, from the start of Jews’ conditioned loyalty to the Axis powers’ invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941. Hostility towards Jews was manifested much more strongly in the Habsburg Monarchy than in the Kingdom of Serbia. Therefore, the new state in the former monarchy territories inherited latent and sometimes open antisemitism. The spread of antisemitic propaganda and legislation in Yugoslavia should be associated with the state leaders’ attempts to find a modus vivendi with the totalitarian revisionist neighbors, primarily Germany. As a result, in early October 1940 the government adopted two anti-Jewish decrees. The destruction of the Yugoslav state in April 1941 heralded the beginning of the Holocaust there. Społeczność żydowska i antysemityzm w Królestwie Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców/Jugosławii 1918-1941Żydzi w Królestwie Jugosławii stanowili około pół procenta całej populacji. Nowe ramy narodowe dały im możliwość zaakceptowania nowego państwa i idei narodowej, ale jednocześnie wytworzyły impuls do umocnienia własnej tożsamości ucieleśnionej w żydowskim nacjonalizmie, syjonizmie. Żydzi, jeśli się patrzy całościowo, stosunkowo szybko i bez większych wstrząsów przystosowali się do nowych okoliczności politycznych. Liberalne podstawy polityczne sprawiły, że utożsamienie Żydów z nowym państwem było stosunkowo łatwe. Jednak przez krótszy lub dłuższy okres istniały wcześniejsze identyfikacje narodowe. Na rozprzestrzenianie się i akceptację antysemityzmu w Jugosławii miały wpływ kultura polityczna, stosunki polityczne w kraju oraz uwarunkowania międzynarodowe. Czynniki te działały łącznie, ale z pewnością kluczowe były okoliczności międzynarodowe. Chodzi tu przede wszystkim o dojście do władzy narodowych socjalistów w Niemczech. Manifestację antysemityzmu w Jugosławii można podzielić na trzy okresy: 1918-1933, od powstania państwa jugosłowiańskiego do wzmocnienia propagandy antysemickiej; 1933-1938, od wzmocnienia propagandy antysemickiej do początków warunkowania lojalności Żydów; oraz 1939-1941, od momentu warunkowania lojalności Żydów do ataku państw Osi na Jugosławię w kwietniu 1941 r. Wrogość wobec Żydów była znacznie silniejsza w Monarchii Habsburskiej niż w Królestwie Serbii. Dlatego nowe państwo odziedziczyło przejawy ukrytego, a niekiedy otwartego antysemityzmu na terenach dawnej monarchii. Rozprzestrzenianie się propagandy antysemickiej w Jugosławii i ustawodawstwo należy wiązać z próbą ustanowienia przez kierownictwo państwa modus vivendi z totalitarnymi rewizjonistycznymi sąsiadami, przede wszystkim z narodowosocjalistycznymi Niemcami. W rezultacie na początku października 1940 r. rząd przyjął dwa antyżydowskie dekrety. Zniszczenie państwa jugosłowiańskiego w kwietniu 1941 roku oznaczało jednocześnie początek w nim Holokaustu.
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Kevo, Mario. "Conflict between Yugoslavia and the International Committee of the Red Cross in the aftermath of the Second World War." Review of Croatian history 18, no. 1 (2022): 245–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v18i1.24287.
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The International Committee of the Red Cross from Geneva and its activities in the circumstances of the Second World War has been exclusively humanitarian, and the ICRC based it on the then applicable provisions and regulations of the International Law of War (the Law of Armed Conflict). In the aftermath of the Second World War, sporadic allegations began to arise on the ICRC's activities in the war’s circumstances, from 1939 to 1945. These allegations focused in particular on the ICRC's relations with the Authorities of the German Reich, and on the ICRC's activities in favor of the Jews during the war. Initially, the ICRC and its leadership has been facing sporadic accusations from various organizations or individuals, as well as accusations from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), that had no official relations with the ICRC, and shown open hostilities towards the ICRC in the aftermath of the Second World War. In mid-1946, the representatives of Yugoslav authorities accused the ICRC of protecting collaborators and war criminals and further aggravated the situation. The reason for the outbreak of the conflict was the issue of displaced persons, among other. The Yugoslav Red Cross started the conflict that continued through the official Yugoslav press, with the support of the Yugoslav authorities. Soon, both the Yugoslav Red Cross and the Yugoslav authorities extended their allegations towards the ICRC to the entire ICRC’s activities carried out during the war. Based on original archival sources, published sources and literature, the author presents the genesis of the conflict.
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Vučina Simović, Ivana. "Multilingualism in Sarajevo through the Lens of the Sephardim." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 67, no. 4 (2022): 564–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2022-0028.
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Summary This paper is a diachronic sociolinguistic analysis of the multilingual repertoire of Sephardic Jews in Sarajevo used in out-group communication, especially among men. I reflect on the language repertoire of the Sephardim during Ottoman (ca. 1565–1878), Austro-Hungarian (1878–1918) and Yugoslav (1918–1941) rule and with respect to inter-Jewish contact with the Ashkenazim, who migrated to Sarajevo during the Austro-Hungarian occupation. The change from Ottoman to Austro-Hungarian and then to Yugoslav regimes resulted in an ideological upheaval and change to the language repertoire. The enduring and stable multilingualism in popular use during Ottoman rule was replaced by languages dominant in Austro-Hungarian Sarajevo, namely Serbo-Croatian and German. Later, in the new South Slavic state, the use of Serbo-Croatian prevailed in public life.
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Giergiel, Sabina. "Przechwycić traumę, czyli Aleksandra Petrova opowieść o serbskim cierpieniu." Politeja 20, no. 3(84) (2023): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.84.14.
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TO SEIZE THE TRAUMA: ALEKSANDAR PETROV’S STORY ABOUT THE SERBIAN SUFFERING
 The paper focuses on Aleksandar Petrov’s novel Kao zlato u vatri, originally published by this Serbian author in 1998. The novel’s main characters represent diverse ethnic groups inhabiting the Balkans ( Jews, Serbians, Russians), and their fortunes intertwined with the tumultuous events of 20th century history, namely WWII and the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. The primary objective of the article is to address the question of whether it is feasible to apply Michael Rothberg’s model of multifaceted memory in a scenario involving distinct memory communities (such as Serbs, Croatians, and possibly Jews), characterized by a specific proximity (primarily territorial, historical and rooted in past coexistence within one national entity) and where relations are predominantly shaped by unresolved past grievances and mutual accusations of guilt.
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Stipić, Davor. "1951-1952 competition for the Monument to the fallen Jewish soldiers and victims of fascism in the Sephardi cemetery in Belgrade." Nasledje, no. 21 (2020): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2021177s.
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In their wish to preserve the memory to the compatriots who lost their lives in the Holocaust, the Jewish community in Yugoslavia started erecting monuments to Jewish civil victims and fallen soldiers as early as the first few post-WWII years. The Monument to the Fallen Jewish Soldiers and Victims of Fascism put up in the Sephardi cemetery in Belgrade in 1952, potent with artistic and political significance, stood out from the rest of the monuments of the period. It was dedicated to all the Jews from the Socialist Republic of Serbia who lost their lives in the World War II. The purpose of this article is to analyse the competition for the design of the monument by examining the documents from the Archives of the Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade, thus making a contribution to the research of the culture of Holocaust remembrance in the Yugoslav Socialism, but also to show artistic, social and ideological aspirations of the time when, after the Cominform schism, Yugoslavia was at political crossroads. By exploring the symbolism and aesthetic values of this work, the research presented in this paper attempts to enhance the understanding of architect Bogdan Bogdanović's early creative efforts.
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Sambells, Chelsea. "Convenient and Conditional Humanitarianism: Evacuating French and French Jewish Children to Switzerland during the Second World War." Nottingham French Studies 59, no. 2 (2020): 174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2020.0283.
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This article provides details of a relatively little-known Swiss initiative during the Second World War. From 1940, Swiss charities provided large-scale humanitarian aid to war-stricken children, offering short-stay evacuations of over 60,000 French, Belgian and Yugoslav children to Swiss families, including at least some French Jewish children. In summer 1942, however, when French authorities began the round-ups of Jews, this approach faltered. That September, when many French Jewish children were stranded after their parents' deportation, a meeting took place between the Swiss ambassador and the French Premier, Pierre Laval. A deal might have been struck to protect these French Jewish children from deportation and extermination, but was not the preferred policy. This article analyses that meeting, concluding that Swiss officials were bound by the view that their own self-mandated neutrality might be compromised, despite a pre-existing evacuation infrastructure and strong Swiss public support, and to the fatal detriment of thousands of French Jewish children.
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Damjanović, Miloš M. "Relations among Jews and Gentiles in Kosovo and Metohija between the Two World Wars: From Autocentrism to Assimilation." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.009.
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Relations among Jews and Gentiles in Kosovo and Metohija between the Two World Wars: From Autocentrism to AssimilationThe period between the two world wars in Kosovo and Metohija (1918-1941) was a peak period of legal protection, economic development, national and political self-positioning, educational and cultural emancipation, and general progress of the local Jewish community. The local Sephardic community, dedicated to tradition, enriched by the presence of the most progressive Ashkenazi newcomers, and surrounded by the Islamic and Christian majority populations in the private and public arena, strived to access the broader, more general framework of modern societal trends. Encouraged by examples from the immediate surroundings, by the national Yugoslav framework and the more developed Jewish municipalities within the state, through daily and varied interaction with neighbors and institutional contact, a metamorphosis of the local Jewish community was enabled. Internal changes were partially conditioned by intensifying relations with the non-Jewish communities. They mostly accompanied these relations and were their inevitable outcome. Parallel to the development of increasingly diverse and more frequent contacts which were pursued in order to self-develop, to maintain and improve interethnic relations, at the social level there erupted elements of interethnic intolerance based on political, religious or economic grounds. Antisemitism strained and, alongside other factors (internal tightness, popular mentality, national tradition, religious differences), additionally complicated and halted closer cooperation. Besides these disagreements, integration into Yugoslav society was complete, especially among the young generation, but only in extraordinary conditions did it end in assimilation, which was exclusively enabled by the newly arrived Jews coming from other, more open and more cosmopolitan environments. This paper will show and elaborate on numerous examples of private and social collaboration between Kosovo-Metohijan Jews and other nations in the given chronological framework that were, above all, of wider importance for regional development and establishing civilizational heritage. Relacje Żydów ze społecznością nieżydowską w Kosowie i Metochii między dwiema wojnami światowymi – od autocentryzmu do asymilacjiOkres między dwiema wojnami światowymi w Kosowie i Metochii (1918-1941) to ważna epoka ochrony prawnej, rozwoju gospodarczego, samostanowienia narodowo-politycznego, emancypacji edukacyjno-kulturowej i ogólnego rozwoju tamtejszej społeczności żydowskiej. Wierna tradycji lokalna społeczność sefardyjska, wzbogacona o wpływy bardziej postępowych przybyszów aszkenazyjskich i otoczona w większości przez ludność islamską i chrześcijańską, w sferze prywatnej i publicznej aspirowała do wejścia na szerszą, ogólną ścieżkę współczesnych ruchów społecznych. Zachęcona przykładami z najbliższego otoczenia – ze strony narodów jugosławiańskich i bardziej rozwiniętych społeczności żydowskich w kraju, poprzez codzienne różnorodne obcowanie z sąsiadami i poprzez kontakty instytucjonalne, lokalna społeczność żydowska uległa metamorfozie. Zmiany wewnętrzne były częściowo uwarunkowane intensyfikacją stosunków ze światem nieżydowskim, z reguły podążały za tymi stosunkami i były ich nieuniknionym skutkiem. Równolegle z rozwojem coraz bardziej zróżnicowanych i częstszych kontaktów budujących, utrzymujących i poprawiających relacje międzyetniczne, na płaszczyźnie społecznej pojawiały się elementy nietolerancji międzyetnicznej, wynikającej z kontekstu politycznego, religijnego i ekonomicznego. Antysemityzm, oprócz kilku innych czynników (zamknięcie wewnętrzne, mentalność mieszkańców, tradycja ludowa, różnice wyznaniowe), dodatkowo obciążał i wstrzymywał jeszcze ściślejszą współpracę. Mimo tych sprzeczności integracja ze społeczeństwem jugosłowiańskim, zwłaszcza wśród młodego pokolenia, była pełna, ale tylko w wyjątkowych przypadkach kończyła się asymilacją, wyłącznie wśród nowo przybyłych Żydów, pochodzących z innych, bardziej otwartych i kosmopolitycznych środowisk. W artykule zostaną przedstawione i omówione liczne przykłady prywatnej i społecznej współpracy Żydów z Kosowa i Metochii z innymi narodami w podanych ramach chronologicznych, które miały przede wszystkim szersze znaczenie dla rozwoju regionalnego i postępu cywilizacyjnego.
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DÉVAVÁRI, ZOLTÁN. "VIOLENCE AS THE WEAPON OF POLITICAL PARTIES. THE OPERATION OF ORJUNA AND SRNAO IN VOJVODINA (1922 – 1924)." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 28 (December 27, 2017): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2017.28.147-170.
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This paper deals with the ideology, terror and operations of the ORJUNA (Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists) and the SRNAO (Serbian National Youth) in Vojvodina. These organizations had an important and determining role in the political life of the Kingdom of SHS (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes).The foundation and operation of the ORUJNA and the SRNAO had a great impact on political and everyday life in Vojvodina and determined the lives of minorities (Hungarians, Germans and Jews) living in this new South Slavic state. In spite of the fact that influential movements greatly influenced the internal affairs of the Kingdom of SHS in the first decade of its existence (1918-1929), the literature on the ORJUNA and the SRNAO is incomplete to this day.Therefore, in addition to the relevant literature, this paper introduces and analyses the activity of the ORJUNA and the SRNAO concerning the minorities in Vojvodina by focusing on the period between the two elections from 18 March 1923 to 8 January 1925 using sources such as the liberal Bácsmegyei Napló in Subotica, the Hungarian Party’s Hírlap, the 1922-1925 issue of Torontál in Zrenjanin and the Catholic Délbácska in Novi Sad.The unfamiliarity, lack of analysis and importance of this topic require further research in the relevant archives.
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Delić, Ante. "U misiji Sv. Stolice kod Ante Pavelića i Josipa Broza Tita." Crkva u svijetu 54, no. 2 (2019): 176–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.34075/cs.54.2.2.
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The Vatican had never recognized the Independent State of Croatia (henceforth ISC) in accordance with its traditional policy of not giving recognition to the countries formed in war until hostilities cease and peace treaties come into effect. However, a few months after the declaration of the ISC, the Holy See sent an apostolic visitor to the Croatian Catholic episcopate in Zagreb, Dr. Ramiro Marcone, a monk from the Benedictine abbey in Montevergine, Italy. Marcone was accompanied by his secretary, Dr. Giuseppe Masucci, also a Benedictine monk. The two men lived in Zagreb until the end of the ISC in 1945 but also stayed for some time after that. In accordance with their duties, Marcone and Masucci were in contact with the archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, on a daily basis and were thus well-informed about numerous issues of the time, especially those pertaining to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the government of ISC. The Catholic hierarchy headed by archbishop Stepinac, welcomed the proclamation of ISC and throughout the war expressed their belief that the Croatian people had the right to its own independent state. Abbot Marcone and his secretary Masucci acted in synergy with archbishop Stepinac. In accordance with his mission Marcone submitted reports to the Holy See while his secretary Masucci kept notes in his diary. One can observe Masucci's constant work on saving the persecuted, specially Jews from his diary (which has two different versions in Croatian translation). After the end of ISC, Masucci and Marcone were under strict surveillance and control of the secret service of the new communist regime which considered the Catholic Church an enemy of the state and openly persecuted it with the intention of destroying it. Abbot Marcone travelled to Rome on 10 July 1945 and the Yugoslav authorities denied him re-entry. His secretary Masucci also left Yugoslavia on 20 March 1946 after constant pressure from the new administration and was also denied re-entry.
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Kwoka, Tomasz. "Etnotopografia Nowego Sadu – o dziedzictwie narodów osiedlających się w Nowym Sadzie." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (February 20, 2018): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.8.
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The article is an attempt to catalogue the most interesting traces of the presence of nations which were part of the Novi Sad community throughout the ages. From the very beginning of its existence, Novi Sad was a meeting place for different ethnic and cultural groups settling down in the city. Serbs from the surrounding countryside moved to the oldest districts of Novi Sad, Podbara, Salajka, and Rotkvarija, at the beginning of the 18th century. At the same period nations from different parts of the Habsburg Empire, such as Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks and Ruthenians brought by Habsburgs to colonize Vojvodina, moved to the city. It was the time of continuous development of Novi Sad, which became an important trading and manufacturing centre, where businesses were also run by the Jews, Armenians, Aromanians (Tzintzars), and the Greeks. The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the strengthening of presence of the Hungarian community, which ended with the First World War. After the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918), the ethnic structure changed seriously with the influx of Serbs from the southern regions of the country. This trend was followed after the Second World War and most recently during the period of the so-called Yugoslav wars at the Nineties. In the meantime, under dramatic circumstances of the second World War, German and Jewish inhabitants vanished from the city.
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Memišević, Ehlimana. "Book Review: <em>Derviš M. Korkut: A Biography—Rescuer of the Sarajevo Haggadah</em>." Genocide Studies and Prevention 17, no. 1 (2023): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.17.1.1939.
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At the beginning of 2020, the Sarajevo-based publishing house El-Kalem, released a biography of Derviš M. Korkut, a Bosniak hero, to whom Yad Vashem posthumously awarded Righteous among the Nations on December 14, 1994. Winston Churchill's words, with which the author begins the biography—that the Balkans produce more history than they can handle—best describe the difficult times in which Korkut lived. For Korkut and his fellow Bosnians, these difficult times lasted from the beginning of the 20th century to its very end. The book is based on exhaustive archival research and reconstructs Korkut’s life very precisely, while the concise overview of the historical circumstances of the 20th century in the Balkans, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, allows a better understanding of his actions. His defense of his Jewish neighbors began early when the Minister of Interior of the newly established Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Milorad Drašković, initiated a procedure for the disenfranchisement of Yugoslav Jews. Korkut took part in the campaign against Drašković’s policies, publicly condemned such a policy, and gave a speech in the town of Derventa, in favor of the Jews When, at the beginning of 1942, Nazi General Johann Hans Fortner came to the National Museum, demanding the handover of the Haggadah—a 15th-century Jewish manuscript brought to Bosnia and Herzegovina by Sephardic Jews who settled in Sarajevo, then part of the Ottoman Empire—Korkut managed to save the Haggadah, risking his own life in doing so (p. 40). Shortly after rescuing the Haggadah, a friend asked Korkut to help a Jewish girl, Donkica Papo (later Mira Baković), whose parents had already been sent to an Ustasha camp. After spending several months hiding in Korkut’s house, he managed to obtain forged documents for her and save her. In 1994, while Bosnia and Herzegovina was ravaged once again by the war, Mira Baković wrote to Yad Vashem, explaining how Derviš and his wife Servet Korkut had saved both her life and the Haggadah. Yad Vashem posthumously awarded him “Righteous Among the Nations” on December 14, 1994 at the Israeli Embassy in Paris (p. 63). This poignant, well-written biography shows not only a life of a truly remarkable man, but also how difficult times throughout the 20th century, reflected on the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina and how they tried to respond to them by preserving the unique Bosnian multi-ethnic, multi-confessional, and multicultural community. The story of Derviš M.Korkut’s life, marked by courage, perseverance, and resistance needs to be given the place in collective memory that it deserves, a task this book achieves. Written in English and thus available to a wider readership, it not only pays tribute to Derviš M. Korkut, but also sheds light on the Sarajevo he sought to preserve at the risk of his life.
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Kurtok, Antonina. "Świadectwo wbrew zapomnieniu – reminiscencje Evy Grlić i Jeli Godlar między literaturą i egzystencją." Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 18 (November 9, 2022): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561ksr.22.020.16372.
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W artykule ujęto problematykę literackiej walki z zapomnieniem. Analizie poddano utwory dwóch chorwackich autorek – pochodzącej z kosmopolitycznej rodziny węgierskich Żydów, aktywnej w titowskiej partyzantce i więzionej na Nagiej Wyspie Evy Grlić (Sjećanja 1998) oraz związanej z nadmorskim Šibenikiem, lecz o skomplikowanych środkowoeuropejskich korzeniach Jeli Godlar (Limenke i ciklame 1992). Teksty te wyróżniają się na tle chorwackiego pisarstwa lat 90. XX wieku, z uwagi na koncentrację na wydarzeniach drugiej wojny światowej i okresie tuż po jej zakończeniu. Intencją autorek było „ocalenie od zapomnienia” pokoleniowego przeżycia nim prymat w świadomości zbiorowej zyskają narracje traktujące o kolejnej wojnie – postjugosłowiańskiej. Utwory stanowią psychologiczno- estetyczny wyraz obawy przed tak rozumianym zapomnieniem, oznaczającym ostateczne zatarcie śladów (narracyjnych świadectw) istnienia w ważnym okresie historii najnowszej. A Testimony Against Oblivion – Reminiscences of Eva Grlić and Jela Godlar’s Between Literature and Existe The article deals with the literary struggle with oblivion. The author analyses works of two Croatian authors – Eva Grlić’s (Sjećanja 1998) who came from the cosmopolitan family of Hungarian Jews, active in the Tito’s underground army and imprisoned on the Naked Island, and Jela Godlar’s (Limenke and ciklame 1992) who had connections with the seaside town Šibenik, but having complex Central European roots. These texts stand out from the Croatian writing of the 1990s due to their focus on the events of the Second World War and the period directly proceeding its end. The authors’ intention was to “save from oblivion” a generational experience before the primacy of the collective consciousness will be given to narratives about the next – post-Yugoslav – war. The works are a psychological and aesthetic expression of fear of oblivion understood as the final blurring of traces (narrative testimonies) of existence in a such important period of modern history.
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Nikolic, Kosta. "Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the resistance movements in Yugoslavia, 1941." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950339n.
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During the Second World War a brutal and distinctly complex war was fought in Yugoslavia. It was a mixture of an anti-fascist struggle for liberation as well as an ideological, civil, inter-ethnic and religious war, which witnessed a holocaust and genocide against Jews and Serbs. At least a million Yugoslavs died in that war, most of them ethnic Serbs. In their policies towards Yugoslavia, each of the three Allied Powers (the United States of America, the Soviet Union and Great Britain) had their short-term and long-term goals. The short-term goals were victory over the Axis powers. The long-term goals were related to the post-war order in Europe (and the world). The Allies were unanimous about the short-term goals, but differed with respect to long-term goals. The relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union were especially sensitive: both countries wanted to use a victory in the war as a means of increasing their political power and influence. Yugoslavia was a useful buffer zone between British and Soviet ambitions, as well as being the territory in which the resistance to the Axis was the strongest. The relations between London and Moscow grew even more complicated when the two local resistance movements clashed over their opposing ideologies: nationalism versus communism. The foremost objective of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) was to effect a violent change to the pre-war legal and political order of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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Akova, Sibel, and Gülin Terek Ünal. "THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no. 1 (2015): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
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Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.
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Dragouni, Olimpia. "The Category of Neighbourhood in Islamic Modernism of Yugoslavia. "Fetve" of Husein Đozo." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2015.004.
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The Category of Neighbourhood in Islamic Modernism of Yugoslavia. "Fetve" of Husein ĐozoDeparting from Carl Schmitt’s assertion that all significant concepts of modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts, the article tries to recreate the political and ethical theory of the neighbour present in the Qur’ānic commentaries and fatwās (fatāwā) of Husein Đozo as the main representative of Islamic Modernism in former Yugoslavia. Subsequently it seeks to establish connection between the theoretical framework od theological dogmas, and the everyday praxis preserved in the formula of fatwā as a genre of religious Islamic literature which by giving answers to the questions of the faithful Muslims, forms a dialogue of authority and the society, of the theory and the praxis.Using the tools of Critical Discourse Analysis the text extracts the categories of neighbourhood and reveals that they are mainly faith-based. In other words, in the common perception, members of various religious communities: Muslims, Jews, Christians are each other’s neighbours. According to the analysed exegetical and juridical Islamic sources, the neighbourhood category is based on freedom and mutual respect and can be shared by Muslims, atheists and apostates from Islam to atheism.In consequence the text shows that the non-trespassable border of an inherent to each of the neighbour units culture, forms a central neighbourhood-defining category. It is precisely the maintenance of dissimilarities between the neighbours that safeguards tolerance, respect and freedom for the members of particular entities. The internal systems of signs, behaviours, artefacts and lifestyles sustain the preservation of equality between the neighbours, as long as they share the same social capital and thus, retain the symmetrical positionality towards each other.Taking up a position of distance from the common lifestyle values (like in the case of Roma Muslims), or from intellectual legacy of Semitic Abrahamic faiths (like in the case of Baha’i faith which incorporates such figures as Krishna and Buddha), results in exclusion from the category of neighbourhood. Thus, the spatial and social proximity forms the core of neighbourhood classification.The paper is based on rich exemplification of fatwas that reveal the absorption of Judeo-Christian heritage into the Islamic thought, and explains the theoretical and theological framework of this process. It presents the perception of neighbour and neighbourhood in the Islam of socialist Yugoslavia, and – to some extent – the intellectual outcome of Judeo-Christian and Islamic neighbourhood in terms of spatial and theological vicinity.Finally, the article shows that the Yugoslav Islamic stance towards the once classified neighbour is inclusive, welcoming and hospitable. Intellectual background of this attitude is formed by the tradition of Islamic Modernism of early 20th century Egypt, and the influence of such Islamic thinkers as Jamāl ad-Dīn al-Afghānī, Muḥammad ‘Abduh, Muḥammad Rašīd Riḍā, Maḥmūd Šaltūt. Hence, the article implicitly poses a question on the intellectual origins of the Islamic openness towards the neighbour, inherent to Titoist Bosnia. Kategoria sąsiedztwa w islamskim modernizmie w Jugosławii."Fetve" Huseina ĐozoWychodząc od twierdzenia Carla Schmitta, że wszystkie znaczące pojęcia współczesnej teorii państwa to zsekularyzowane pojęcia teologiczne, autor próbuje odtworzyć polityczną i etyczną teorię sąsiedztwa, obecną w koranicznych komentarzach i fatwach (fatāwā) Huseina Đozo, głównego przedstawiciela modernizmu islamskiego w byłej Jugosławii. Równocześnie stara się ustanowić relację między teoretycznymi ramami dogmatów teologicznych a codzienną praktyką, zachowaną w formule fatwy jako gatunku religijnej literatury islamskiej, która poprzez odpowiedzi na pytania wiernych muzułmanów tworzy dialog o władzy i społeczeństwie, teorii i praktyce. Zastosowano narzędzia krytycznej analizy dyskursu fragmentów tekstów dotyczących kategorii sąsiedztwa, pokazując, że teksty te są głównie oparte na wierze. Innymi słowy, w potocznej percepcji członkowie różnych wspólnot wyznaniowych, muzułmanie, żydzi i chrześcijanie, są sąsiadami. W myśl egzegetycznej i prawnej analizy źródeł islamskich kategoria sąsiedztwa opiera się na wolności i wzajemnym szacunku oraz może być dzielona przez muzułmanów, ateistów i konwertytów z islamu na ateizm.W konsekwencji tekst pokazuje, że nieprzekraczalna granica nieodłącznie wpisana w każdą sąsiedzką jednostkę kulturową tworzy centralną kategorię definiującą sąsiedztwo. To właśnie zachowanie różnic między sąsiadami chroni tolerancję, szacunek i wolność członków poszczególnych jednostek. Wewnętrzny system znaków, zachowań, artefaktów i stylów życia wspiera zachowanie równości między sąsiadami, dopóki dzielą ten sam kapitał społeczny a przez to utrzymują symetryczną pozycję wobec siebie.Tekst opiera się na licznych przykładach fatw odkrywających przyswajanie dziedzictwa judeochrześcijańskiego przez myśl islamu oraz wyjaśnia teoretyczne i teologiczne ramy tego procesu. Przedstawia także postrzeganie sąsiada oraz sąsiedztwa w islamie w socjalistycznej Jugosławii, a do pewnego stopnia również intelektualny wymiar judeochrześcijańskiego i islamskiego sąsiedztwa jako przestrzennej i teologicznej bliskości. Artykuł pokazuje, że stanowisko w jugosłowiańskim islamie wobec sąsiada ma charakter inkluzywny, otwarty i zapraszający. Intelektualne podłoże takiej postawy tworzy tradycja modernizmu islamskiego formującego się we wczesnych latach XX w. w Egipcie oraz wpływ takich islamskich myślicieli, jak Jamāl ad-Dīn al-Afghānī, Muḥammad ‘Abduh, Muḥammad Rašīd Riḍā, Maḥmūd Šaltūt. W ten sposób artykuł stawia też pytanie o intelektualne źródła islamskiej otwartości na sąsiada, nieodłączne dla Titowskiej Bośni.
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Hamzić, Omer. "Sukobi i neprijateljstva između ustaša i Zelenog kadra u Posavini krajem Drugog svjetskog rata, sa posebnim osvrtom na Orašje." Historijski pogledi 7, no. 11 (2024): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.11.163.
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The conflicts and general relations between the Ustashe and the Green Cadre (Bosnian Mountaineers) in Posavina during the last few months of the Second World War are examined in this article within the context of the general situation on the European and Yugoslav fronts, as the final collapse of fascist Germany and its satellites in Europe was already looming. As the end of the war approached, relations between the Ustashe and the Green Cadre, especially in Posavina, became increasingly tense and complicated. There were more frequent misunderstandings and conflicts between smaller Ustasha units, mostly comprised of Catholic Croats, and the Bosnian Mountaineers (Green Cadre), predominantly composed of Bosnian Muslims (or officially referred to as Croatian Muslims of Islamic faith). These conflicts in the Posavina region, around Brčko, Gradačac, Modriča, Šamac, and Orašje, are viewed in this article as an illustration of the real state of affairs regarding the relationship between the Independent State of Croatia (Ustasha military and civilian authorities) and Bosnian Muslims (in general) during the Second World War. These relationships were undoubtedly very complex and multi-layered, burdened with many local specificities that sometimes did not fit into some well-known schemes and narratives. There is ample evidence that the vast majority of the Muslim population, after initial expressions of loyalty and hope, were generally reserved and distrustful towards the Ustasha regime. Racial laws, repression, and persecution of Serbs, Jews, and other „undesirable elements“, followed by the insurgent wave as a response to this repression, instilled fear and insecurity among the population, leading to bloodshed and retaliatory actions in which Muslim civilians suffered. Already in the second half of 1941, prominent Bosnian Muslims publicly expressed their dissatisfaction with the state of the country by signing resolutions in Sarajevo and several Bosnian cities, demanding that the regime cease repression based on race, persecutions, and killings of innocent civilians, primarily Serbs and Jews. On the other hand, spontaneous self-organization for defense against the Serbian insurgent forces in the form of village militias and legions in several areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina was a result of distrust in the ability (and willingness) of the Croatian state to defend them and ensure a peaceful life, especially after the agreement with the Chetniks in mid-1942. The most organized was certainly the DOMDO battalion of Muhamed-age Hadžiefendić, which would actively operate from the beginning of 1942 until the autumn of 1943 in the Tuzla area. After the first fall of Tuzla into the hands of the Partisans on October 2, 1943, its collapse and complete disappearance would begin. Shortly after those dramatic events around Tuzla, from the remaining peripheral parts of the DOMDO battalion (Zvornik, Živinice, Gračanica, later Brčko), units of the Green Cadre (later: „Bosnian Mountaineers“) would be formed, which the Ustasha regime reluctantly had to tolerate. It is no coincidence that the high military-political authorities of the Independent State of Croatia classified those units as „rebels“ in their official reports. Until the end of the war, they were treated as an unreliable element against the interests of the Independent State of Croatia, which had to be kept under control and disarmed and dispersed at an opportune moment. Under increased pressure from the NOVJ units, tensions and distrust between the units of the Green Cadre („Bosnian Mountaineers“) on one side and the Ustasha on the other side intensified from September 1944 onwards. From the end of 1944, these tensions escalated into armed conflicts in several places in Bosnian Posavina. Here, misunderstandings and conflicts in Modriča, Odžak, Šamac, and Orašje are taken as examples. The most drastic and consequential conflict was the one in Orašje, which took place from March 12-14, 1945, and is given special emphasis here. In this work, an attempt has been made to break local myths with historical facts, as well as, since earlier, deeply entrenched stereotypes, that the Ustaše and the „Green Cadre“ were, in fact, one and the same, that they had the same goals, and that they fought for the „same cause“. This identification aimed to „attach“ to Bosnian Muslims as much Ustasha ideology as to Catholic Croats, as much as Chetnik ideology to Orthodox Serbs. Accordingly, it determined the extent of their participation on the winning side. Only by demystifying these imposed, fundamentally mistaken perceptions from our past, can we build a culture of memory, trust, and good interethnic relations, both in ethnically mixed communities and at the level of the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is the purpose and meaning of this research.
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Dobrovšak, Ljiljana. "The Articles about Jews from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Zagreb Zionist Magazine Židov from 1917 to 1941." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 4(21) (2022): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.4.133.
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The Zionist magazine Židov was published every Friday from 1917 to 1941 in Zagreb and was the only such magazine in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In addition to reports on socio-political events in Yugoslavia, Palestine, Europe, and the world, the magazine also contained various cultural contributions, polemics, advertisements, as well as obituaries, deaths, weddings, births, and other notices. A special column entitled "From Yugoslavia" contained information on the activities of Jewish municipalities in Yugoslavia, regardless of whether these municipalities were of Sephardic or Ashkenazi origin. Ashkenazis were behind the Zionist magazine Jew, but its articles also covered Sephardim. In this paper, the author analyzed the articles received from Bosnia and Herzegovina and published in the magazine Židov between 1917 and 1941.
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Šadinlija, Mesud. "Some aspects of activity of the Army of Yugoslavia in the aggresion against Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina on the territory of Central Podrinje in the beginning of 1993." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (2021): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.217.
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The presence of regular Yugoslav military forces in central Podrinje and their participation in the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina have been evident from the very beginnings. As there were no significant forces of the Yugoslav People’s Army in Bosnian Podrinje, in the beginning of April 1992 the 336th Motorized brigade was dislocated from the area of Tuzla and it established its command post in Šekovići, thus becoming the bearer of battle activities and organization of the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in this region, including in its organic composition all Serb armed formations from Zvornik, Kalesija, Šekovići, Vlasenica, Milići, Bratunac and Skelani. In the attacks during which the Serb forces gained control over a broader area of Central Podrinje, and the Bosniak population, which constituted a pronounced majority of the overall population, was suppressed and reduced to three isolated enclaves on the territory of Cerska, Konjević Polje and Srebrenica, the function of leading and commanding these forces, as well as other regular and irregular units which were directed or acted from the territory of Serbia, was conducted by the Operative group “Drina”, a formation under the command of the Belgrade military zone, later the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army. In the attacks on the remaining enclaves of Podrinje during the summer and autumn of 1992 the aviation of the Yugoslav Army was employed along with lighter jets of agricultural aviation, as well as artillery from the firing positions of the Yugoslav Army on the territory of Serbia. The contents of the Wance-Owen peace plan, according to which the greater part of the Bosnian Podrinje was supposed to be included into one of the provinces with a Bosniak ethnic majority, which would have spelt the end of the Serb national policy in Podrinje, represented an announcement of a large winter offensive of the Serbian forces. With a directive issued on 19 November 1992 the Drina corps of the Army of Republika Srpska was ordered to defend Višegrad, Zvornik and the corridor towards Serbia with its main forces, to deblock the communication on the line Milići – Konjević Polje – Zvornik, and to exhaust the enemy on the broader area of Podrinje, inflict upon him as much loss as possible, and force him to “leave the areas of Birač, Žepa and Goražde together with the Muslim population”. On the basis of this directive act, the planned offensive military activities of the Serb forces in Central Podrinje, initiated during November and finished with the agreement on the demilitarization of Srebrenica in April 1993, according to the documents of the Army of Republika Srpska, had three successive phases codenamed: “PROBOJ” (Breakthrough), “PESNICA” (Fist) and “UDAR” (Assault). Despite the significant engaged forces, the offensive “PROBOJ” did not go according to plan, and in the counterattacks during December the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina liberated a large number of settled places, and until 9 January 1993 gained control over Serb strongholds in the communication region of Bratunac – Kravica, and thus physically connected all parts of the liberated territory. Then a new offensive was launched, codenamed “PESNICA”, which, aside from the stabilization of the Serb defence of Bratunac, did not achieve its stated goals, while on the other side the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina arrived to the part of the state border with Serbia in the region of Skelani. In the final phase of the offensive, that bore the code name of “UDAR”, the Army of Yugoslavia directly joined the fighting in Central Podrinje on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the direction of Bratunac towards Srebrenica the forces from the composition of OG “Drina” and parts of other units from the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army were active, which established a command outpost in Ljubovija. In central Podrinje parts of the Special units corps of the Yugoslav Army also operated, and during the offensive they were stationed in the region of Skelani. From that side, from the direction of Skelani towards Srebrenica, the forces from the composition of the Užice corps of the 2nd Army of the Yugoslav Army were also active. When the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were suppressed from the larger part of the territory and together with the masses of Bosniak civilians restricted to the broader town area of Srebrenica, the units of the Yugoslav Army could retreat to the territory of their state. The offensive was concluded with the signing of the agreement about the demilitarization of Srebrenica.
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Kuhelj, Alenka. "Rise of xenophobic nationalism in Europe: A case of Slovenia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 4 (2011): 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.10.003.
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The article focuses on rise of nationalism and xenophobia in Slovenia. It starts by considering the issue of unrecognized minorities in Slovenia (former Yugoslavia nations) that have no minority rights, despite being large groups, as many international organizations for the protection of minorities have pointed out. A particular issue in this relation for Slovenia is the ‘Erased’ – the individuals who did not acquire Slovenian citizenship when Slovenia seceded from federal Yugoslavia – and despite the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) decision, the Slovenian state has still not recognized their rights, which were violated in the post-independence period. The article also examines two other minorities in Slovenia, the Jews and the Roma. The article finds Slovenia to be a closed, non-globalised society which, in spite of its constitutional declaration to protect the rights of minorities and other national communities, is seeking to retain a politically and culturally homogeneous nation state.
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Petrucci, Filippo. "Italian Occupation in Tunisia and Yugoslavia: Differences and Similarities in Relations with Jews." Maghreb Review 40, no. 1 (2015): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2015.0007.
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Mladenova, Marinela. ""Romanian Siberia" in the Traumatic Memories of Bulgarian Catholics from Banat." Balkanistic Forum 31, no. 2 (2022): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v31i2.1.
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The article presents some personal experiences and memories related to the deportation of Banat Bulgarian Catholics (1951-1956) in the open labor camp Baragan, Romania. These processes are related to the plans of the communist regime in Romania to deport, following the Soviet model of deportation, people living within a radius of 25 km along the border with Yugoslavia. This area is inhabited by different ethnic groups – Germans, Serbs, Bulgarians, Jews, Vlachs from Macedonia, Romanians, etc., considered "high risk factors". The publication is based on the memories of Rafael Mirchov, deported with his family when he was only 10 years old from the Banat Bulgarian village Star Beshenov to Baragan.
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Gordiejew, P. B. "Playing with Jews in the Fields of Nations: Symbolic Contests in the Former Yugoslavia." Social Identities 12, no. 3 (2006): 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630600744252.
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Bitunjac, Martina. "Der Wiener Studentenverein Bar Giora und sein Einfluss auf die Entstehungsgeschichte des Zionismus im kroatischen und südosteuropäischen Raum des Habsburgerreiches." Aschkenas 31, no. 2 (2021): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2021-0014.
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Abstract The establishment of the Bar Giora Zionist student association at the University of Vienna in 1904 was an important factor in the development of Zionism in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. The Verein jüdischer Akademiker aus den südslavischen Ländern (Association of Jewish Alumni from the South Slavic Countries) and its committed members had great influence on the transfer of the idea of a Jewish nation-state to the South Slavic region by creating multicultural supra-regional networks, organising conferences and publishing nationally oriented journals. The young Zionists from the Balkans also faced strong criticism from assimilated Jews. This paper explores the origins of Bar Giora, its self-understanding and its impact, as well as the assimilationist challenges faced by the Zionists.
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Meron, Theodor. "Crimes and Accountability in Shakespeare." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 1 (1998): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998059.
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Accountability for crimes, a theme central to Shakespeare’s plays, is also extraordinarily pertinent to our times. Newspapers have reported on the care taken by the leaders of the former Yugoslavia to order atrocities against “enemy” populations only in the most indirect and euphemistic way. Even the Nazi leaders constantly resorted to euphemisms in referring to the Holocaust. No explicit written order from Hitler to carry out the final solution has ever been found. At the height of their power, the Nazis treated the data on the killing of Jews as top secret. Similarly, a high-ranking member of the former security police told the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission that written instructions to kill antiapartheid activists were never given; squad members who carried out the killings simply got “a nod of the head or a wink-wink kind of attitude.”
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Lazić, Katarina. "LIKOVI IZ „GOLOG ŽIVOTA“." Nasledje Kragujevac XIX, no. 51 (2022): 421–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/naskg2251.421l.
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The topic of this work will primarily be the characters from the documentary film Bare existence directed by Aleksandar Mandić. The scenario for the film was written by Danilo Kiš himself. It was filmed in March 1989. in Israel. For the first and only time, Danilo Kiš appears in front of the camera in the role of a television narrator who represents the destinies of two Jews, Jovanka Ženi Lebl and Eva Nahir Panić, seven months before his death. Through their lives, the history of our region from the 1930s to the 1960s, poverty, communism, war, the State Security Service (UDBA), emigration, etc. are narrated in an exciting way. The series Bare existence was premiered in February 1990., six months after Kiš’s death, as the last tel- evision program that all citizens of the former Yugoslavia could watch together. The series consists of four episodes.
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Bitunjac, Martina. "Mirjam Rajner: Fragile Images. Jews and Art in Yugoslavia, 1918 – 1945, Leiden/Boston: Brill 2019, 446 S." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 72, no. 2 (2020): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700739-07202016.
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Manojlovski, Aleksandar. "Sjećanja sarajevskog jevreja Benjamina Samokovlije – Damjana o njegovom učešću u narodnooslobodilačkom i antifašističkom ratu u Jugoslaviji (1941-1945)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (2022): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.165.
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Benjamin Samokovlija (Sarajevo, 31.III.1918 - Skopje, 28.II.1996), comes from a Jewish family. On April 5, 1941 he was mobilized in the ranks of the army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In the second half of August 1941, Benjamin joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army and the People's Liberation Army. He took part in numerous battles in the anti-fascist war for the liberation of Yugoslavia. After the Fourth Enemy Offensive of the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia which took place in the first half of 1943, Samokovlija together with part of his partisan unit were captured by the Germans and imprisoned in Zenica. After a month in the Zenica prison, a group of 600 prisoners, including Samokovlija, were transferred to the Thessaloniki concentration camp. In October 1943, through an EAM connection, Benjamin Samokovlija managed to escape and join ELAS. He remained in the ranks of the Greek partisans until the contact with the Macedonian partisans from the First Macedonian-Kosovo Brigade on the territory of the Aegean part of Macedonia in the period between the second half of December 1943 and January 1944. He was admitted to the III Battalion and was in charge of the agitprop of the battalion, from where he was later transferred to the ranks of the II, V and X brigades, acting as a battalion commissioner and participating in the battles for the liberation of Macedonia. At the very beginning of World War II in 1941, Benjamin Samokovlija lost many of his immediate family members, including his parents and wife. As direct witnesses to the measures taken for the physical and economic destruction of the Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the German occupying authorities, their collaborators and the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia, his three sisters joined the People's Liberation War. His eldest sister Laura was killed in 1945. Benjamin Samokovlija is the holder of several military and state decorations. During his tenure, he ran a number of state-owned enterprises. It is particularly important to emphasize that for less than two decades he served as President of the Jewish community in the Republic of Macedonia, building strong friendly relations with other religious communities in the country.
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Babić, Strahinja, Aleksandra Marjanović, Gordana Stanković-Babić, Nevena Babić, and Rade Babić. "Dr. Eva Haljecka (1869-1947) first female surgeon and gynecologist in Serbia." Medicinska rec 1, no. 3 (2020): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/medrec2003136b.
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Dr. Eva Haljecka, a Jew of Polish origin, was born on 1869 in Poland, died on 1949 in Yugoslavia, Belgrade, was the first woman surgeon and gynecologist-obstetrician in Serbia and Yugoslavia. Carried out on 1910 the first caesarean section in Niš. She was a duty manager in district hospital in Niš in three occasions - during the Balkan wars, in the World War I and after the World War I. Dr. Eva Haljecka was the first woman doctor of that time in Serbia who seek the full equality beetween male and female doctors and she was awarded for that. German newspaper Illustrirte Zeitung wrote about her and also about other women doctors - Draga Ljočić, Darinka Maletić-Banković, Marija Vučetić-Prita and Ljubica Đurić. Dr. Eva Haljecka accepted Serbia as a new homeland and made it for her all that he could.
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Haboush, Jahyun Kim. "Dead Bodies in the Postwar Discourse of Identity in Seventeenth-Century Korea: Subversion and Literary Production in the Private Sector." Journal of Asian Studies 62, no. 2 (2003): 415–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096244.
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As katherine verdery notes, dead bodies have had political lives in virtually every civilization since antiquity. They frequently emerge as powerful metaphors of change, especially after a time of crisis when the meaning of political symbols is redefined. This is vividly exemplified by what happened to the exhumed bodies of various ethnic groups in the former Yugoslavia (Verdery 1999, 1–22). Postwar discourse is another site in which dead bodies frequently emerge as metaphors. Some of the most unforgettable sights concerning World War II are pictures of huge piles of exhumed human bodies from the mass graves of Jews. We know that these are not skeletons of those who have died natural deaths because these images have often been shown along with the pictures of inmates of the concentration and death camps, emaciated to the point of nonrecognition as living human beings. Through this process, the pictures have acquired an independent status as encoded language: they signify unbelievable evil committed against humanity, and they display the moral weakness of the rest of humanity that failed to resist and end such atrocities.
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Igic, Rajko. "Can outstanding research be done under less than ideal conditions?" Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 132, no. 9-10 (2004): 360–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh0410360i.
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Great scientific discoveries rarely originate from small and poor countries. However, the lives and achievements of three Yugoslav scientists who were active in the biomedical sciences, Laza K. Lazarevic (1851-1891), Ivan Djaja (1884-1957), and Pavao Stern (1913-1976), serve as an example of success in this environment. These scientists, as well as the majority of other successful investigators in small and poor countries, were trained in foreign and developed countries and, upon return, were given the freedom to start a self dependent research program. They overcame many obstacles, including wars and civil unrests, to contribute significantly to certain medical fields. It is interesting that although a Jew, Stern was allowed to work during the World War II in Zagreb, which became capital of the so-called Independent State of Croatia, a puppet state under German control. Perhaps his good name among pharmacologists helped him to keep position during this tough period. Nowadays, new technologies requiring for biomedical research are rather expensive, and poor countries cannot afford to finance many scientists. Thus, selection of the most productive researchers is the challenge for those who finance scientific work.
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Igic, Rajko. "Can Outstanding Research Be Done Under Less Than Ideal Conditions?" Einstein Journal of Biology and Medicine 20, no. 1 (2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.23861/ejbm200320522.
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Great scientific discoveries rarely originate from small and poor countries. However, the lives and achievements of three Yugoslav scientists who were active in the biomedical sciences, Laza K. Lazarevic ́ (1851-1891), Ivan Djaja (1884-1957), and Pavao Stern (1913-1976), serve as an example of success in this environment. These scientists, as well as the majority of other successful investigators in small and poor countries, weretrained in foreign and developed countries and, upon return, were given the freedom to start a self-dependent research program. They overcame many obstacles, including wars and civil unrests, to contribute significantly to certain medical fields. It is interesting that although a Jew, Stern was allowed to work during the World War II in Zagreb, which became capital of the so-called Independent State of Croatia, a puppet state under German control. Perhaps his good name among pharmacologists helped him to keep position during this tough period. Nowadays, new technologies needed for biomedical research are rather expensive, and poor countries cannot afford to finance many scientists. Thus, selection of the most productive researchers is the challenge for those who finance scientific work.
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Troy, Jodok. "Jens Stilhoff Sörensen, State Collapse and Reconstruction in the Periphery. Political Economy, Ethnicity and Development in Yugoslavia, Serbia and Kosovo." Comparative Southeast European Studies 59, no. 4 (2011): 522–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2011-590411.
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Lityński, Adam. "Powracające ludobójstwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej i Rosji (1894-1995)." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 267–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.13.
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There have been numerous publications on genocide, which provides evidence that this topic is up-to-date, important and still insufficiently researched. The author of the legal concept of "genocide " is Rafał Lemkin, a Polish scholar of Jewish nationality: "Father of Genocide Convention". In 1948, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a convention on the prevention and punishment of genocide crime. During the hundred years (1894-1995), genocide repeatedly occurred in Central and Eastern Europe. The greatest genocide in human history is the extermination of the Jews (the Holocaust). The author also recalls the genocide of the Armenians (1894-1915) in the Ottoman Empire (although it goes beyond Central and Eastern Europe and Russia). There were numerous genocide cases in the Soviet Union, and it is only about them that it is possible to accumulate substantial literature. Namely, the author reminds: the Cossacks genocide following the Bolshevik revolution; genocide in the countryside in connection with the collectivization process; Great Famine in Ukraine; the extermination of entire national minorities (so-called national operations 1937-1938); the most massive such operation was the "Polish operation." The author also recalls genocide in the countries of former Yugoslavia: especially in the fascist so-called Independent Croatian State [Nezavisna Država Hrvatska - NDH). The genocide of Ukrainian nationalists on Poles (1943-1946) closes the text. The article describes the largest genocidal operations carried out in Central and Eastern Europe over the course of a century and outlines their historical and political background, the manner in which they were carried out and their relationship with the international law and individual national regulations in force at the time.
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Rock, Jonna. "Sarajevo and the Sarajevo Sephardim." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (2018): 892–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1368469.
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This article highlights issues pertaining to the Sephardim ([-im] is the masculine plural Hebrew ending and Sepharad is the Hebrew name for Spain. Sephardim thus literally means the Jews of Spain) in Sarajevo from the time of their arrival in the Ottoman Empire in the late fifteenth century until the present day. I describe the status quo for the Sephardi minority in post-Ottoman Sarajevo, in the first and second Yugoslavia, and in today's post-Communist Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The objective is to shed light on how historic preconditions have influenced identity formation as it expresses itself from a Sephardic perspective. The aim is moreover to generate knowledge of the circumstances that affected how Sephardim came to understand themselves in terms of their Jewish identification. I present empirical findings from my semi-structured interviews with Sarajevo Sephardim of different generations (2015 and 2016). I argue that while none of the interlocutors conceive of Jewish identification as divergent from halachic interpretations of matrilineal descent, they moreover propose other conceptions of what it means to be Jewish, such as celebrating Shabbat and other Jewish holidays, and other patterns of socialization. At the same time, these individuals also assert alternative forms of being Bosnian, one that includes multiple ethnicities, and multiple religious ascriptions. This study elucidates a little-explored history and sheds light on the ways in which historical conditions have shaped contemporary, layered framings of identification among Sarajevo's current Jewish population. This article is relevant for those interested in contemporary Sephardic Bosnian culture and in the role and function of ideology in creating conditions for identity formation and transformation.
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Stojanovic, Aleksandar. "A beleaguered church the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) 1941-1945." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748269s.
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In the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) from its establishment only days after the German attack on Yugoslavia in early April 1941 until its fall in May 1945 a genocide took place. The ultimate goal of the extreme ideology of the Ustasha regime was a new Croatian state cleansed of other ethnic groups, particularly the Serbs, Jews and Roma. The Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC), historically a mainstay of Serbian national identity, culture and tradition, was among its first targets. Most Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries were demolished, heavily damaged or appropriated by the Roman Catholic Church or the state. More than 170 Serbian priests were killed and tortured by the Ustasha, and even more were exiled to occupied Serbia. The regime led by Ante Pavelic introduced numerous laws and regulations depriving the SPC of not only its property and spiritual jurisdiction but even of its right to existence. When mass killings stirred up a large-scale rebellion, a more political and seemingly non-violent approach was introduced: the Croatian regime unilaterally and non-canonically founded the so-called Croatian Orthodox Church in order to bring the forced assimilation of Serbs to completion. This paper provides an overview of the ordeal of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the NDH, based on the scholarly literature and documentary sources of Serbian, German and Croatian origin. It looks at legislation, propaganda, the killings and torture of Orthodox clergy and the destruction of church property, including medieval holy relics. The scale and viciousness of some atrocities will be looked at based on unused or less known sources, namely the statements of Serbian refugees recorded during the war by the SPC and the Commissariat for Refugees in Serbia, and documents from the Political Archive of the Third Reich Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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Oreshina, Yulia. "Useful Sites of Memory: Jewish Museums in Belgrade and Sarajevo." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.5.2.
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Understanding museum as a tool of mediation, premediation and remediation of cultural memory, I focus in this article on two case studies — the Jewish Museum in Sarajevo and Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade. While the Jewish Museum in Sarajevo positiones the city of Sarajevo as the first center of Jewish life in Balkans, the Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade claims to be the only museum in ex-Yugoslavia presenting the history of Jews in the entire region. Both museums, therefore, claim to be the most important museums on this topic in the region, and certainly in a way compete to each other. What are the real stories hidden under these narratives, and which political and historical circumstances influence the fact that these two museums represent such contrasting stories? With the help of content analysis of the museum exhibitions, I detalize the narratives presented in the both case studies. In the focus of my interest is contextualization of Jewish history in the region and juxtaposition of the ways it is presented in the chosen museums. Obviously, Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade still represents the unifying Yugoslavian narrative, serving as an umbrella museum for the entire region. In case of Sarajevo, close connection between ongoing process of victimization of the recent past of the city and mythologization of preYugoslavian life in Sarajevo, together with idealization of Bosnian-Jewish relations can be observed. Additionally, I look into the way of representation of the topic of the Holocaust. In the both case studies, the way of narration of the Holocaust is closely linked to the dominant historical narrative of the country, and the museum exposition serves as yet another justification of it. In both cases, the narrative of the Holocaust is shadowed by the previously existing historical tradition — in Yugoslavian times, the Holocaust was predominantly connected to the Ustasha regime and was symbolized by Jasenovac. Nevertheless, within current political realities, the Holocaust memory and the memory of Jewish life in Serbia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina undergoes certain changes and becomes instrumentalized in many contexts.
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Hozic, Aida A. "State Collapse and Reconstruction in the Periphery: Political Economy, Ethnicity and Development in Yugoslavia, Serbia and Kosovo. By Jens Stilhoff Sörensen. New York: Berghahn Books, 2009. xiii, 318 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Maps. $95.00, hard bound." Slavic Review 70, no. 2 (2011): 456–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.2.0456.
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Vulesica, Marija. "Holocaust Research in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia. An Inventory." Südosteuropa 65, no. 2 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0018.
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AbstractThe Holocaust and other mass killings committed during the Second World War in the Yugoslav territories play a more significant role in current public debates than they do in education and research. 85% of Yugoslavia’s Jews were annihilated in the period between 1941 and 1945. In socialist Yugoslavia, it was Holocaust survivors in particular who collected materials that documented the execution of exterminist policies. How has the examination of the Holocaust changed since the dissolution of Yugoslavia; and how have the newly established states of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Serbia coped with this part of their history? The author asks whether an exclusive exploration of Jewish suffering is possible—or even desirable—in today’s post-Yugoslav societies. She gives an overview of the evolution of a specific ‘Yugoslav’ approach to the history of the Holocaust, and depicts recent Croatian, Bosnian, and Serbian efforts in this field. Furthermore, she looks at what kind of attention the Holocaust in Yugoslavia has received in international Holocaust Studies.
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Detrez, Raymond. "Book Review: Nadège Ragaru, “Et les Juifs bulgares furent sauvés”: Une histoire des saviors sur la Shoah en Bulgarie." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 10 (December 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2608.
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Book Review: Nadège Ragaru, “Et les Juifs bulgares furent sauvés”: Une histoire des saviors sur la Shoah en BulgarieThis presentation reviews a recent book by the French historian and political scientist Nadège Ragaru, analyzing how Bulgarian society has been dealing with the fate of the Bulgarian Jews during World War II. Pressurized by its Nazi German ally to send 20,000 Bulgarian Jews to extermination camps then located in the General Government, a part of the former Republic of Poland, the Bulgarian wartime government participated in the deportation of 11,343 Jews from the territories under Bulgarian administration in Greek Thrace and Yugoslav Macedonia, while withholding, after protests by some politicians and intellectuals, the Church and a part of the Bulgarian population, from completing the number of 20,000 by sending another 8,000 Jews from Bulgaria proper. In three consecutive chapters, Ragaru discusses how the People’s Courts dealt with the persecutors of the Jews, analyzes the ideological sensibilities raised by a film (a Bulgarian-DDR coproduction) about the deportation, and examines the use of three original short documentary shootings of the events. In the two final chapters, Ragaru deals with the relative pluralism of opinions that has been the case since the fall of the communist regime and the internationalization of the topic, especially as the tense relations with North Macedonia are concerned. Ragaru’s general conclusion is that in spite of the increased preparedness to admit Bulgaria’s involvement, the salvation continues to be overstated, while the complicity is smuggled away.Boek recensie: Nadège Ragaru, “Et les Juifs bulgares furent sauvés”: Une histoire des saviors sur la Shoah en BulgarieDit recente boek van de Franse historica en politieke wetenschapster Nadège Ragaru analiseert de manier waarop de Bulgaarse samenleving is omgegaan met het lot van de Bulgaarse Joden gedurende de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Onder druk van haar Nazi-Duitse bondgenoot om 20.000 Bulgaarse Joden naar uitroeiingskampen toen gesitueerd in het Generaal-Gouvernement, een deel van de voormalige Republiek Polen te sturen nam de Bulgaarse regering deel aan de deportatie van 11.343 Joden uit de territoria in Grieks Thracië en Joegoslavisch Macedonië onder Bulgaars bestuur, maar zag, na protesten van enkele politici en intellectuelen, de kerk en een deel van de Bulgaarse bevolking, af van de uitlevering van het resterende aantal van 8.000 Joden uit Bulgarije zelf. In drie opeenvolgende hoofdstukken, Ragaru beschrijft hoe de Volksrechtbanken omgingen met de vervolgers van de Joden, welke ideologische gevoeligheden werden opgeroepen door een film (een Bulgaars-Oost-Duitse coproductie) over de deportatie, en het gebruik dat gemaakt werd van drie originele korte documentaire filmfragmenten over de gebeurtenissen. In de laatste twee hoofdstukken behandelt Ragaru de relatieve verscheidenheid aan opinie na de val van het communistische regime en de internationalizering van het onderwerp, in het bijzonder in verband met de relaties met de Republiek van Noord-Macedonië. Haar algemene conclusie luidt dat, ondanks te toenemende bereidheid om de betrokkenheid van Bulgarije te erkennen, de redding toch overbelicht blijft, terwijl de medeplichtigheid wordt weggemoffeld.Recenzja książki: Nadège Ragaru, “Et les Juifs bulgares furent sauvés”: Une histoire des saviors sur la Shoah en BulgarieNadège Ragaru, francuska historyczka i politolożka, w swej najnowszej książce analizuje, w jaki sposób społeczeństwo bułgarskie traktowało bułgarskich Żydów w czasie II wojny światowej. Rząd Bułgarii, ulegając naciskom swego sojusznika, nazistowskich Niemiec, w sprawie wysłania dwudziestu tysięcy bułgarskich Żydów do obozów Zagłady w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie, wcześniej Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej, deportował 11 343 Żydów z terytoriów greckiej Tracji i jugosłowiańskiej Macedonii, znajdujących się wówczas pod rządami władz Bułgarii. Jednak po protestach nielicznych polityków, intelektualistów i Cerkwi oraz części bułgarskiej ludności władze Bułgarii ostatecznie odstąpiły od procederu wydalenia z kraju pozostałych 8 000 Żydów. W trzech kolejnych rozdziałach Ragaru opisuje, jak Trybunały Ludowe traktowały prześladowców Żydów, jaką podatność na ideologię wśród społeczeństwa bułgarskiego ukazała filmowa koprodukcja bułgarsko- -enerdowska o deportacjach, a także wyjaśnia, do czego posłużyły trzy krótkie oryginalne fragmenty filmów dokumentalnych ukazujące tamte wydarzenia. W ostatnich dwóch rozdziałach Ragaru przedstawia różnorodność opinii po upadku reżimu komunistycznego oraz internacjonalizację tematu, w szczególności kwestię stosunków z Republiką Północnej Macedonii. Autorka wysnuwa ogólny wniosek, że mimo przejawiającej się skłonności Bułgarii do uznania swego zaangażowania [w Zagładę], kwestia ocalenia Żydów [przez społeczeństwo bułgarskie] jest nadal bardziej eksponowana, a współsprawstwo jest wciąż zamiatane pod dywan.
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Levin, Vladimir, and Ekaterina Oleshkevich. "Tombstones, Stonemasons, and Mental Maps." European Journal of Jewish Studies, March 7, 2024, 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-bja10074.
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Abstract This article proposes a methodology for understanding the business networks and mental maps of Jewish communities in central and eastern Europe from the late nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries. The methodology is based on scrupulous documentation of Jewish tombstones, especially the signatures of stonemasons. Through analysis of the signatures found in the Jewish cemeteries of Croatia, geographical networks become apparent, and we can reconstruct the mental maps of Croatian Jews, both in the Austro-Hungarian period and in interwar Yugoslavia. The Jewish cemeteries in some other central European cities serve as comparative material for our discussion.
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Vulesica, Marija. "Fragile Images. Jews and Art in Yugoslavia, 1918–1945, written by Mirjam Rajner." European Journal of Jewish Studies, January 6, 2023, 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11411107.
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Zivkovic, Marko. "The Wish to be a Jew: The Power of the Jewish Trope in the Yugoslav Conflict*." Cahiers de l’Urmis, no. 6 (March 15, 2000). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/urmis.323.
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