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Journal articles on the topic 'Yugoslavian war'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

Mentzel, Peter. "The German Minority in Inter-War Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408280.

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The Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes inherited a considerable number of Germans along with its ex-Habsburg territories when it was established in December 1918. The two most important German communities in inter-war Yugoslavia were the Germans of Slovenia and the Germans of the Vojvodina and Croatia-Slavonia, the so-called Donau Schwaben (Swabians). There were also scattered pockets of ethnic Germans in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Yugoslavian ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche), like the other Yugoslavian non-Slav minorities, were objects of discrimination by the Yugoslavian government. The Sl

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2

Çaputlu, Özgenur. "A Feminist Analysis: Sexual Violence in the Bosnian War (1992-1995)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (2021): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.15.

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Throughout history, war violence has disproportionately affected women, especially in patriarchal societies. Wartime rape, which is the most common and destructive type of conflict-related sexual violence, is the clearest example of these effects. This study clarifies the sexual violence experiences of Yugoslavian women during the Bosnian War, which had lasted between the years 1992-1995, with an anti-militarist feminist perspective. The first part of the article includes hypotheses of feminist theory about conflict-related sexual violence. The second part handles types of sexual violence such

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3

Silkin, Aleksandr. "«At night VChK arrested comrade head of the Bureau»: liquidation of the Central Yugoslavian Bureau under the Central Committee of the RCP(b) in 1921." Slavianovedenie, no. 5 (2021): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0016742-9.

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The article examines the activities of the Central Yugoslavian Bureau under the Central Committee of the RCP(b) at the final stage of the Civil War. According to the Soviet and Yugoslav historiography of the socialist period, the Yugoslavian communist organizations in 1920-1921 were mainly engaged in facilitating the returnof the Yugoslavs ‒ former Austro-Hungarian subjects who participated in the Civil War on both sides – to their homeland. The documents chosen for the article make it possible to assert that these organizations did not contribute to the repatriation of compatriots as much as

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Roberson, Donald N. "Creative chaos: learning from the Yugoslavian war." Studies in Continuing Education 32, no. 2 (2010): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0158037x.2010.488354.

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5

Djokic, Aleksandar, and Guillaume Pichelin. "The Role of Civic Identity in the Evolution of Relations Between Serbian and Croatian Civil Societies." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (2021): 675–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-675-691.

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For decades, Croats and Serbs lived together in a common political construction: Yugoslavia. It is difficult to date the appearance of animosity between Croats and Serbs. Nevertheless, two events proved particularly traumatic for their relations. The Second World War, when the Ustasha led a genocide against the Serbs, and the 1991-1995 war, when the two sides fought a merciless civil war. This article examines the evolution of relations between Serbian and Croatian civil societies from the beginning of the Yugoslavian project to 2021 and how the rise of civic identity in the future might help

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Mihaylov, Valentin. "Zasady etnopolitycznej i terytorialno-politycznej organizacji Jugosławii. Geneza, ewolucja, współczesne konsekwencje." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.021.

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Principles of Ethnopolitical and Territorial-Political Organization of Yugoslavia: Genesis, Evolution and Contemporary ConsequencesThe article is devoted to the principles of ethnopolitical and territorial-political organization of the Yugoslavian state. The study presents the genesis and evolution of this question in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (1918–1941) and in the Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia (1945–1991). In doing so it considers one of the most important and controversial problems in Yugoslavian ethnopolitics – the relations between its ethnopolitical and territorial

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Pomiguev, Ilya A., and Eldar R. Salakhetdinov. "The Memory Policy of the Second World War in the Post-Yugoslav Republics: Symbolic and Commemorative Aspects." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (2021): 659–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-659-674.

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The paper analyses the politics of memory of the World War II (WWII) in socialist Yugoslavia and compares the corresponding commemorative practices in the post-Yugoslav republics. The focus is on the design of holidays and memorial dates that reflect the symbolic and valuable attitudes of society, as well as the trajectory of nation-building. The formation of the state metanarrative in post-war Yugoslavia was closely related to the monopolisation of the leadership roles of the national liberation war by the communists, who united the six South Slavic nations in their struggle against the Nazi

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Duda, Jacek. "Kibice, polityka, wojna – wydarzenia na stadionie Maksimir w Zagrzebiu w relacjach prasy jugosłowiańskiej." Slavia Meridionalis 10 (August 31, 2015): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2010.007.

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Fans, politics and war – the events on the Maksimir stadium in Zagreb seen by the Yugoslavian newspapersThe article is the analysis of the press coverage of the incidents before the football match between Dinamo Zagreb and Crvena Zvezda Belgrade on May 13th, 1990. It emphasizes the significant outburst of the Serbian and Croatian nationalism in the newspapers after the events. According to many, this was considered one of the crucial moments when the façade of official “brotherhood and unity” ideology started to erode leading to the collapse of Yugoslavia. This analysis focuses on language cha

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9

Rakočević, Selena. "Political Complexities of Ethnochoreological Research: The Facets of Scholarly Work on Dance in the Countries of Former Yugoslavia." Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 65, no. 1 (2020): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/022.2020.00002.

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As independent scholarly discipline grounded in folkloristics, ethnochoreology was predominantly founded within the state institutions of the socialist regime of former Yugoslavia after World War II and was consequently molded theoretically and methodologically in accordance with the prevailing ideology of the ruling socialist political system. In post-socialist regimes established in former Yugoslavian republics after the 1990s, which led to emerging market economies and caused huge modifications in the official social and educational policies of each country, ethnochoreology continued to be

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Đerić, Gordana. "Social memory and applied criticism: On turning poetry into an ideological beating stick." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 4, no. 1 (2009): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v4i1.3.

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The subject of this text is the social memory, which the author understands as the consequence of complex relationships of modern politics, history and cultural production in the broadest sense. As for the majority of authors who engage in social memory, for her this phenomenon is inseparable from the process of creating a nation, as well. In the context of creating a nation in Eastern Europe the conditionality of these phenomena is recognized through the specific part that the language and literature played in those processes. Therefore, in this region, the hierarchy of power reflected itself

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Tomšová, Petra. "Slavic Swimming Championships in the Years 1927–1929." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 4, no. 1 (2021): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2021.04.02.

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In Czechoslovak swimming circles, swimming clubs were often criticized for having active sports contacts with many countries, especially Germany, Austria, Hungary, France, Sweden, England, but completely forgot about Slavic nations such as Poland and Yugoslavia. The reason could be found mainly in the fact that swimming in the Slavic countries developed only after the war. There were also financial reasons and greater distances between the states. After the successful European Championships in Budapest in 1926, when it turned out that the swimmers of the Slavic nations were able to compete in

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Moroz-Grzelak, Lilla. "Sfera symboliczna w procesach transformacyjnych krajów byłej Jugosławii. Pomniki." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.012.13805.

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The Symbolic Sphere in the Transformation Processes of the former Yugoslavia. Monuments The article focuses on the ways of treating the monumental memory of the past in the states that were established after the disintegration of Yugoslavia. These examples, which are not exhaustive, show that the process of transformation in the symbolic sphere does not create a uniform image in all countries. It oscillates between the destruction of the monuments of the past period in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also the different intensity of the events of the tragic war of the last dec

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Myers-Bowman, Karen S., Kathleen Walker, and Judith A. Myers-Walls. "A Cross-Cultural Examination of Children's Understanding of “The Enemy”." Psychological Reports 93, no. 3 (2003): 779–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2003.93.3.779.

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Despite the apparent ease and regularity with which adults label individuals and groups as “the enemy,” little is known regarding how children understand this concept. The current qualitative study examined the concept of enemy as understood by 105 3- to 12-yr.-old children from two sides of an international conflict—Yugoslavia and the United States. This article provides an analysis of the children's answers during a structured interview regarding their understanding of enemies, specifically the perceptions of children in a war zone and the perceptions of children living in relative safety. C

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Kabashi, Haki. "The Role of the Investigative Prosecutor and Judge in the Pre-Trial Proceedings in Kosovo (1999-2013)." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (2016): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p85-92.

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The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive elem

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Kabashi, Haki. "The Role of the Investigative Prosecutor and Judge in the Pre-Trial Proceedings in Kosovo (1999-2013)." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (2016): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p85-92.

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The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive elem

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Hamerli, Petra. "A corpus separatum elszakadása a Magyar Királyságtól: Fiume 1918. november 4." Acta Scientiarum Socialium, no. 48 (February 15, 2018): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33566/asc.2751.

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After the Great War, in autumn 1918 the nationalities of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy proclaimed their independence. Croatia, which formed a personal union with the Hungarian Kingdom for centuries, was recognized to be an independent state by the Hungarian Government. The Croatian Committee formed in London in 1915 expressed its willing to be part of a federalist South-Slavic state. In this way Hungary lost its only one port, the city of Fiume, as territorically it was part of the Istria. Nevertheless, it was not obvious that Croatia could keep Fiume – Rijeka –, as the Italian National Counci

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Koloskov, Evgenii A. "House of Flowers: An Analysis of the Image of Yugoslavia in Video Games." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 3-4 (2020): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.3-4.06.

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This article examines the image of Yugoslavia in contemporary video games. I researched games of various genres (action games, strategy games, military simulators, etc.) that were released on various gaming platforms (PC, Sony PlayStation, etc.) between 1990 and the present day. I researched such aspects as visualization, information, plot components, and popularity among players. I consider and provide definitions of the terms used to designate various elements of video games and their meaning for the perception of the image of the country. I paid special attention to the characters associate

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18

Šušnjara, Snježana. "Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Communist Regime: an Outlook on Educational Policy." Historia scholastica 7, no. 1 (2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-006.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the nine republics of Yugoslavia was always among the poorest republics in the former state. However, the school system, as it was the case in the totalitarian regimes, was under direct control of the state. The state had the power to influence school programs and to decide who could apply for school profession. After World War II, education became compulsory for all children and the state could have influenced easily all aspects of education. The state conception how to educate a new society and how to produce a common Yugoslav identity was in focus of the new

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Ferdinand, Siarl, and Flora Komlosi. "The Use of Hungarian and Serbian in the City of Szabadka/Subotica : An Empirical Study." Hungarian Cultural Studies 10 (September 6, 2017): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2017.278.

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In this study Ferdinand and Komlosi analyze the use of Hungarian and Serbian in the city of Szabadka/Subotica, which is located in the Serbian region of Northern Vajdaság/Vojvodina. A mostly Hungarian speaking city for centuries, Szabadka/Subotica suffered the strong pro-Serbian language policy implemented by the Yugoslavian government from the end of the First World War until the dismantlement of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, which gave Hungarian and other local minority languages a second chance to survive. Nowadays, Szabadka/Subotica is home to two main language groups, southern Slavic languages

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Zamparutti, Louise. "Foibe literature: documentation or victimhood narrative?" Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 1 (2015): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.1.1.6.

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This essay analyses the literature on the foibe to illustrate a political use of human remains. The foibe are the deep karstic pits in Istria and around Trieste where Yugoslavian Communist troops disposed of Italians they executed en masse during World War II. By comparing contemporary literature on the foibe to a selection of archival reports of foibe exhumation processes it will be argued that the foibe literature popular in Italy today serves a political rather than informational purpose. Counterpublic theory will be applied to examine how the recent increase in popular foibe literature bro

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Lawson, Rick. "Human Rights in Europe – Part II The European Court of Justice and Human Rights." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 1 (1992): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002016.

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In a previous contribution on the protection of human rights in Europe, I discussed some developments taking place in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Despite the major changes that have occurred in the CSCE during the last year, I would like to address the matter this time from quite a different perspective.2 This short note will focus on the importance of human rights in the legal order of the European Communities – cynical as it may seem to address this rather ‘sophisticated’ issue at a time that in the Yugoslavian civil war human rights are violated with a harsh

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Nistor, Ionut. "The Romanian-Yugoslavian Border at the End of World War II. Political-Territorial Projects and Ethnic Conflicts." Revista istorica, T. 27, Nr. 5/6 (за 2016), septembrie-decembrie (2018): 529–43.

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Lampe, John R. "Introduction." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201001.

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Read back from the 1990s, the scenario of a Greater Serbian agenda based in Belgrade and using Yugoslavia as a means to that end continues to tempt Western scholarship. Serbian exceptionalism thereby doomed both Yugoslavias. This special issue of East Central Europe addresses connections between Belgrade, Serbia, and Yugoslavia promoting contradictions that belie this simple scenario. Focusing on the first Yugoslavia, these six articles by younger Belgrade historians critically examine a series of disjunctures between the capital city and the rest of Serbia as well as Yugoslavia that undercut

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Jakovljevic, Rastko. "Traditional music and the anatomy of the festival network between Yugoslavian cultural politics and vernacular values." Muzikologija, no. 12 (2012): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz120229004j.

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As official policies in the post-war Yugoslavia were oriented towards economy, mainly tied to towns, rural areas were focused on agriculture to a large extent, as it had been before. However, the Party was determined to revive villages, being of the opinion that life in those areas should be purified from ?primitivism? so that it could be set to a higher level concerning issues of education, political structure, local organization and cultural life. Since people in villages felt determined to maintain their local culture, customs and music, the State officials had to find ways to articulate un

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Protic, Sonja, and Robert Pasicko. "Croatia's rural areas - renewable energy based electricity generation for isolated grids." Thermal Science 18, no. 3 (2014): 731–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tsci1403731p.

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Several Western Balkan states face the consequences of the Yugoslavian war, which left hometowns with dilapidated electricity grid connections, a high average age of power plant capacities and low integration of renewable energy sources, grid bottlenecks and a lack of competition. In order to supply all households with electricity, UNDP Croatia did a research on decentralized supply systems based on renewable energy sources. Decentralized supply systems offer cheaper electricity connections and provide faster support to rural development. This paper proposes a developed methodology to financia

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Silkin, Alexander A. "Democratic Party in the Early Years of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. “The Only Party of All Tribes, All Religions and All Classes”." Central-European Studies 2020, no. 3 (12) (2021): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.10.

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The article deals with the Democratic Party, founded in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1919. The party existed until the early years after the Second World War. However, despite more than 30 years of history, in the first half of the 1920s the inability of the party to fulfill its original mission, as its founders saw it, was manifested. That predetermined the split of the Democratic Party in 1924. One after another, the founders of the party abandoned the fundamentalist Yugoslavism that characterized the first program of the party and its activities in the early 1920s. Not only

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Gabor, Francis. "Reflections on NATO's New Mission: Conflict Prevention in the Struggles for Ethnic Self-Determination." Review of Central and East European Law 29, no. 2 (2004): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303504774062439.

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AbstractDuring the Cold War, both NATO's role and purpose were clearly defined by the existence of the threat posed by the Soviet Union. The traditional confrontation between the NATO and the Warsaw Pact military organizations effectively has ceased to exist. The dissolution of the Warsaw Pact—combined with the emerging constitutional democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and the transformation of the Russian Federation—has essentially assured that the future threat of a confrontation between the major armies on the European continent is highly unlikely. However, it soon became obvious tha

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Biela, Adam. "The Natural Experiment Approach in Analysis of War Crowds vs. Agoral Gathering Impact on Macroeconomic Changes." Journal for Perspectives of Economic Political and Social Integration 27, no. 1 (2022): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/pepsi-2021-0001.

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In this study natural experiment approach will be employed in an analysis of two social forces: war crowds vs. agoral gatherings and their impact on macroeconomic changes. The paper presents empirical and historical evidence that the European countries which reached their state independence as a result of agoral gatherings (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, East Germany, Romania, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Albania) obtained much higher indicators both in GDP and in GDP per capita in the decade 2009–2018 than the countries involved in the Yugoslavian war crowds (Croatia,

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KRIGE, JOHN. "The politics of phosphorus-32: A cold war fable based on fact." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 36, no. 1 (2005): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2005.36.1.71.

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ABSTRACT In July 1949, and again in January 1950 the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission shipped useful amounts of the short-lived isotope phosphorus-32 to a sanatorium in Trieste, Italy. They were used to treat a patient who had a particularly malignant kind of brain tumor. This distribution of isotopes abroad for medical and research purposes was hotly contested by Commissioner Lewis Strauss, and led to a bruising confrontation between him and J. Robert Oppenheimer. This paper describes the debates surrounding the foreign isotope program inside the Commission and in the U.S. Congress. In parallel,

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Gašić, Ranka. "Struggling with Yugoslavism in the First Yugoslavia." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (2015): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201007.

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The debate over Yugoslav nationalism versus Serbian nationalism and the structure of the new Yugoslav state came to occupy a prominent place in the public discourse of the Belgrade political and intellectual elite at the end of the First World War and again before the start of the Second World War. The considerable prewar interest in Yugoslavism and some sort of Yugoslav state had not focused on the realistic challenges of including a large Croatian and Slovenian representation. The focus of this article is on the reaction of the Belgrade elite to these challenges, their major lines of divisio

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Minnaar, Thomas, and Egonne Roth. "’n Nuwe lewe: Olga Kirsch se studentegedig “Resurrexit” / A New Life: Olga Kirsch’s Student Poem “Resurrexit”." Werkwinkel 9, no. 2 (2014): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/werk-2014-0012.

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Abstract The poem “Resurrexit” published by Olga Kirsch in 1945 in the student paper WU´s VIEWS has been all but forgotten. It is, however, a beautiful and an important poem with a pantheistic character. It commemorates the death of the young Jewish flight navigator lieutenant Alec Medalie, whose fighter plane was shot down by German antiaircraft fire near the Yugoslavian coast in 1944. Psychoanalysis opens the poem up to a reading which turns the typical male symbolic order’s death and men’s chaos caused by war into the young man’s rebirth as a new form of being. This happens through the mate

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Nilaj, Marsel. "The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p94-103.

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During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albani

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Gomes Guimarães, Bruno. "The international determinants of the Bosnian War." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 3 (2017): 593–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n3.07.p593.

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This paper analyzes the international determinants that led to and triggered the Bosnian War in the 1990s. An overview of the Socialist Yugoslavia and its international stance up to its dismemberment is presented at first, focusing on the integration of the country in the international system (and its impact on Yugoslavia) and on its international economic status. Then, the onset of the war and the actions of the Great Powers — United States, France, Germany, United Kingdom, and Russia — are analyzed, looking at the undermining of the Yugoslav state's sovereignty and the empowerment of domesti

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Fabre, Cécile. "The Case for Foreign Electoral Subversion." Ethics & International Affairs 32, no. 3 (2018): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679418000424.

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AbstractIt is widely alleged that President Putin's regime attempted to exercise influence on the 2016 U.S. presidential election. It is known that its Soviet predecessors funded Western communist parties for decades as a means to undermine noncommunist regimes. Similarly, the United States has a long history of interfering in the institutions and elections of its Latin American neighbors, as well as (at the height of the Cold War) its European allies. More recently, many believe that, absent U.S.-driven assistance, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia would have lost the 2000 Yugoslavian presi

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Szczesio, Sławomir L. "International aspects of the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (2021): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.1.

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This article analyses the international conditions during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is an outline of a broad research problem, a historical analysis from the perspective of the decades-long evolution of Yugoslavia’s international position. After its expulsion from the Eastern Bloc in 1948, the country balanced between East and West, becoming one of the founders and leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. The author focuses on the aspect of Yugoslavia’s role in the politics of the West, especially the US and the EEC, during and at the end of the Cold Wa

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Markowitz, Fran. "Census and Sensibilities in Sarajevo." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 1 (2006): 40–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000400.

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During the latter part of the twentieth century, there was a country called Yugoslavia. Built on the ruins of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the post-World War II Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia was an ethnically diverse state comprised of six republics, which, by the 1960s, was committed to a foreign policy of non-alignment and to the domestic programs of worker self–management and “brotherhood and unity” among its peoples (see, e.g., Banac 1984; P. Ramet 1985; Shoup 1968; Zimmerman 1987). Like most other European states, the decennial census became a defining feature of Yugoslavia's s

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Drapac, Vesna. "The End of Yugoslavia." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (2001): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002089.

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Francine Friedman, The Bosnian Muslims: Denial of a Nation (Colorado: Westview Press, 1996), 288 pp., $35.00, ISBN 0-8133-2096-8. Eric D. Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), 230 pp., $17.95, ISBN 0-271-01958-1. Lorraine M. Lees, Keeping Tito Afloat: The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997), 246 pp., $40, ISBN 0-271-01629-9. Reneo Lukic and Allen Lynch, Europe from the Balkans to the Urals: The Disintegration

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Ivešić, Tomaž. "Od jugoslovanstva do jugoslovanstva: Komunistična partija Jugoslavije in njen odnos do nacionalnega vprašanja v prvih desetletjih obstoja." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 2 (2020): 597–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-17.

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Communist Party of Yugoslavia was an all-Yugoslav political party. In the year 1922/23 the debate between the Left and Right current of the Party on their stand toward the national started. Because of the changed domestic and international political position, the CPY gradually changed their stand toward the Yugoslav state and the national question until the mid-1920s. The Author argues, that in the mentioned period the CPY, as well as other European Communist parties, started using and misusing national symbols and speaking the "language of the nation". With the outbreak of the Second World Wa

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Kulić, Vladimir. "National, supranational, international: New Belgrade and the symbolic construction of a socialist capital." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (2013): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.749224.

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The construction of New Belgrade as the new capital of socialist Yugoslavia was the most symbolic modernizing act initiated by the country's communist government. Yet, its precise meanings were suspended between the complicated and permanently transitory concepts of socialist Yugoslavia's federalism and its international aspirations. Focusing on three characteristic “snapshots” of the city's physical development, this paper analyzes how New Belgrade and its most important buildings represented the shifting concepts of socialist Yugoslavia as a multiethnic community and its even more changeable

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ΛΥΜΠΕΡΑΤΟΣ, ΜΙΧΑΛΗΣ Π. "ΚΚΕ ΚΑΙ ΣΛΑΒΟΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΗ ΜΕΙΟΝΟΤΗΤΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΑΤΕΧΟΜΕΝΗ Δ. ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ (1941-1944)". Μνήμων 20 (1 січня 1998): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.667.

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<p>Michalis P. Liberatos, The Greek Communist Party and the SlavophonesMinority in West Macedonia during the German Occupation (1941-194</p><p>The existence of a Christian Slavic-speaking population in West Macedoniaafter the exchanges of populations in 1923-1924 and its confrontationwith Greek residents affected not only the relations between Greeceand the neighbouring Balkan countries but also determined the attitudeof KKE towards the Greek political stage and its relations with the otherpolitical parties. Especially during the German Occupation in Greece thecontroversies w

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Marusic, M., A. Hebrang, and I. Kostovic. "War in Yugoslavia." BMJ 303, no. 6808 (1991): 997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.303.6808.997-c.

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Bogdanovic, Mira. "Yugoslav dissidents and the cold war." Sociologija 51, no. 2 (2009): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0902113b.

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During the cold war, Eastern Europe dissidents played a high-profile role as an instrument of anti-communist ideological subversion. In contrast, Yugoslav dissidents were relegated to a marginal status due to the extraordinary position of Yugoslavia between two opposing blocs. The expected explosive impact on the Soviet satellites of Yugoslavia's defection from the Soviet orbit in 1948, also turned Tito into an internationally famous dissident. After Tito turned his back on the Soviet Union, Yugoslav dissidents were practically of no interest to Western policy makers. They did not wish to anta

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Vujosevic, Tijana. "On animals and seas: menageries as representations of Yugoslav global and local space in the Cold War era." cultural geographies 26, no. 1 (2018): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474018782193.

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Socialist Yugoslavia, a small country in Southeast Europe, was unique in two ways. One was that it was not part of the Eastern Block and developed its own brand of socialism – ‘socialist self-governance’. The other was that it was a European country which, through the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement, associated itself with the recently decolonized countries of the so-called Third World and aspired to lead them. Interestingly, the worldliness of Yugoslavia and its uniqueness, respectively, were embodied in two menageries – the zoos of the Brioni archipelago in the Adriatic and Belje

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Glaurdić, Josip. "The Owl of Minerva Flies Only at Dusk?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (2013): 545–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413484758.

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Could the Western foreign policy makers have done anything to prevent the violence accompanying the breakup of Yugoslavia? The answer to that question largely depends on their level of awareness of what was happening in the South Slavic federation in the run-up to war. This article analyzes a string of newly declassified documents of the British Foreign Office related to the February 1991 visit of a high-level British political delegation to Yugoslavia, together with interviews with some of the meetings’ protagonists. These declassified documents and interviews offer a unique snapshot in the d

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Saideman, Stephen M. "Explaining the International Relations of Secessionist Conflicts: Vulnerability Versus Ethnic Ties." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 721–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550500.

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With the end of the Cold War, many observers expected that international conflict would be less likely to occur and easier to manage. Given the successful resolution of the Gulf War and the European Community's (EC) efforts to develop a common foreign policy, observers expected international cooperation to manage the few conflicts that might break out. Instead, the disintegration of Yugoslavia contradicted these expectations. Rather than developing a common foreign policy, European states were divided over how to deal with Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Germany pushed for relatively quick recogn

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Ninčević, Marjan Marino, and Filip Brčić. "Diplomatski odnosi Vatikana i Kraljevine Jugoslavije." Nova prisutnost XIV, no. 2 (2016): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.31192/np.14.2.2.

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The thesis will depict political and religious turmoil from the first half of the 20th century between Kingdom of Yugoslavia45 and Vatican State City, and present more than a decade of political relations, from the Kingdom’s very beginning up to World War II. Special emphasis will be on the events that occurred during the signing of the concordat in July 1935 and its consequences. The thesis will be concluded with reactions from both Croatian and Serbian side. This will present the entire political background in Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the disputes between Croatian and Serbian (Catholic and

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Videkanić, Bojana. "Nonaligned Modernism: Yugoslav Culture, Nonaligned Cultural Diplomacy, and Transnational Solidarity." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (2021): 504–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.105.

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AbstractThis article examines aspects of the history of socialist Yugoslavia’s contribution to creating a transnational Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) culture. It does so by analyzing cultural diplomacy on the Yugoslav cultural and political scene between the 1950s and 1980s. The cultural diplomacy of Yugoslavia and its nonaligned partners is seen as a form of political agency, paralleling and supplementing larger activities of forming economic and political cooperation in the Global South. Yugoslavia’s role in building NAM culture was instrumental in nurturing nascent transnationalism, which was

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Dimić, Natalija. "CONNECTING TRADE AND POLITICS: NEGOTIATIONS ON THE RELEASE OF THE GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE FIRST WEST GERMAN-YUGOSLAV TRADE AGREEMENT OF 1949/1950." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (2021): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.dim.333-352.

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After repatriations were officially over in January of 1949, around 1,400 German prisoners remained in Yugoslavia on charges of war crimes. Yugoslavia’s foreign political shift westward following the Cominform Resolution of 1948, paved the way for establishing productive economic, as well as political and cultural cooperation with West Germany. The first trade agreement between the two states was signed in December of 1949. In the next four months, the West German Government attempted to pressure the Yugoslav side to release the remaining German prisoners by not ratifying the agreement. Eventu

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Rajak, Svetozar. "No Bargaining Chips, No Spheres of Interest: The Yugoslav Origins of Cold War Non-Alignment." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (2014): 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00434.

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This article reevaluates the origins of Yugoslavia's instrumental role in the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and elucidates the roots and conceptualization of Tito's strategic reorientation toward nonalignment. Yugoslav foreign policy became truly independent only after Yugoslavia was expelled from the Soviet fold. The article shows that Belgrade began searching for a “third way” earlier than is acknowledged in the relevant historiography. The search began when, faced with the distinct threat of a Soviet invasion in the early 1950s, Yugoslavia became all but formally incorporated

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Trültzsch, Arno. "Troch, P. (2015). Nationalism and Yugoslavia: Education, Yugoslavism and the Balkans before World War II." Diplomacy & Statecraft 28, no. 1 (2017): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2017.1275543.

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