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Journal articles on the topic 'Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda'

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1

Kydd, Jonathan. "Coffee After Copper? Structural Adjustment, Liberalisation, and Agriculture in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (1988): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010454.

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In contrast to its policies in the economic sphere, Zambia has one of Africa's most liberal approaches to press freedom. To convey the flavour of public debate during, or immediately after, the 19-month experiment with a market-determined exchange rate, 10 quotations are presented below:Large scale mining will continue for 12 to 20 years, but small-working may go on for 50–60 years.– Francis Kaunda, Chairman, Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines, June 1987.Coffe after copper.– Campaign slogan of the Coffee Growers Committee of the Commercial Farmers' Bureau.Even real socialist countries have to fi
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2

Scarritt, James R. "President Kenneth Kaunda's Annual Address to the Zambian National Assembly: a Contextual Content Analysis of Changing Rhetoric, 1965–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (1987): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007655.

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Most writers on Zambia are agreed that President Kenneth Kaunda has grown more powerful over the last two decades by having learned to deal with changing circumstances, and that he has developed a unique position as an able and trusted mediator among political factions. There is also a consensus among those authors, however, that Kaunda's powers are rather severely constrained by the bourgeoisie-in-formation, by the weakening of the governing United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), by a declining economy, and by a difficult international environment, and that these limitations are growi
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3

Dixon-Fyle, Mac, and Munyonzwe Hamalengwa. "Class Struggles in Zambia and the Fall of Kenneth Kaunda." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 2 (1993): 398. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219556.

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4

SCHLER, LYNN. "DILEMMAS OF POSTCOLONIAL DIPLOMACY: ZAMBIA, KENNETH KAUNDA, AND THE MIDDLE EAST CRISIS, 1964–73." Journal of African History 59, no. 1 (2018): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000731.

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AbstractThis article examines Zambia's engagement with the Middle East conflict from 1964–73 as a window into the political strategies and ideological ambitions of Kaunda's government in the first decade of independence. At the start of independence, Kaunda's domestic agenda led him to establish ties with Israel and to advance a program for cooperative development based on Israeli technical assistance. However, broader international concerns, filtered through the struggle against white minority regimes in southern Africa, ultimately led Kaunda to embrace a leadership role in international prot
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5

Kangwa, Jonathan. "Reading The Bible With African Lenses: Exodus 20:1–17 As Interpreted by Simon Kapwepwe." Expository Times 132, no. 11 (2021): 465–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246211021861.

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The bible has been differently received, read, interpreted and appropriated in African communities. Political freedom fighters in Zambia used the bible to promote black consciousness and an awareness of African identity. The first group of freedom fighters who emerged from the Mwenzo and Lubwa mission stations of the Free Church of Scotland in North Eastern Zambia read and interpreted the bible in a manner that encouraged resistance against colonialism and the marginalization of African culture. This paper adds to current shifts in African biblical scholarship by considering Simon Mwansa Kapwe
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6

Panford, Kwamina, and Munyonzwe Hamalengwa. "Class Struggles in Zambia, 1889-1989, and the Fall of Kenneth Kaunda, 1990-1991." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 47, no. 2 (1994): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524447.

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7

Good, Kenneth. "Systemic Agricultural Mismanagement: the 1985 ‘Bumper’ Harvest in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 2 (1986): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000687x.

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After years of agricultural production significantly below domestic consumption needs for key commodities, in 1985 Zambia looked forward to a good harvest of maize, the nation's staple. The Minister of Co-operatives, Justin Mukando, said in February that more than eight million bags were anticipated, and the Prime Minister, Kebby S. K. Musokotwane, declared in May that ‘we expect about ten million bags of maize’.1 In the Zambian system of presidentialism and state capitalism, the purchasing, transportation, and storage of crops, as with many other agricultural functions, was in the hands of th
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8

Scarritt, James R. "Measuring Political Change: The Quantity and Effectiveness of Electoral and Party Participation in the Zambian One-Party State, 1973–91." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (1996): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000478.

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The introduction of a ‘one-party participatory democracy’ in Zambia in 1973 under the United National Independence Party (UNIP) of President Kenneth Kaunda made significant changes in the nature and extent of political participation, regime structure and public policy in that country. Among a number of constitutional changes, the proscription of the opposition parties – African National Congress (ANC) and United Progressive Party (UPP) – was probably the most important. There is a relatively extensive literature describing these changes and evaluating their significance. A number of further ch
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9

Ojwang, J. B., and D. R. Salter. "Legal Education in Kenya." Journal of African Law 33, no. 1 (1989): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008007.

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Legal education in Africa has attracted and will continue to attract the attention of scholars. An important reason is that African countries have enjoyed sovereign statehood for only a comparably short time, during which period transition, experiment, change, and even turmoil, have been the hallmark of society: all factors which must have a profound impact on received law (and, of course, on the primeval law), if this law is to serve effectively as a regulatory and stabilising device. This law, in its received cast, is thrown into a dilemma of turbulence; will it serve in wonted fashion, to g
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10

Haruna, Abdallah Imam, and A. Abdul Salam. "Rethinking Russian Foreign Policy towards Africa: Prospects and Opportunities for Cooperation in New Geopolitical Realities." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (2021): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.2.24.

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Diplomatic ties between Africa and the Russian Federation dates back to Africa’s dark decades of collective struggle for continental decolonization and severance in relations with its European colonizers. There is a vestige of historical evidence to support the claim that Russia had contributed immensely to this struggle in the early 1950s. Historically, the Russian Revolution of 1917 set the stage for the strenuous global struggle against colonialism and imperialism. This revolution, subsequently, inspired leaders of the nationalist movements on the African continent like Kwame Nkrumah of Gha
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11

Larmer, Miles. "“If We are Still Here Next Year”: Zambian Historical Research in the Context of Decline, 2002–2003." History in Africa 31 (2004): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003466.

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This paper addresses the challenges facing researchers seeking to explore the post-colonial history of Zambia, a country whose social infrastructure in general, and academic and research facilities in particular, are in a state of apparently perpetual decline. It describes some of the major archival resources available and their (significant) limitations. It surveys recent and ongoing attempts to document the history of nationalist movements and leaders. Finally, it explores the potential for developing a history of post-colonial Zambia which escapes the assumptions of a still dominant nationa
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12

Geisler, Gisela. "Who Is Losing Out? Structural Adjustment, Gender, and the Agricultural Sector in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (1992): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007758.

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In Zambia's first multi-party elections for two decades, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (M.M.D.) won a landslide victory over Kenneth Kaunda's United Independence Party (U.N.I.P) on 31 October 1991. Many observers believe that the sweeping 80 per cent majority gained by Frederick Chiluba and his M.M.D. in both urban and rural areas was to a large degree due to the increasing economic hardships most Zambians have been subjected to over the last years. The opposition's slogan ‘The Hour Has Come’ captured the mood of many who had lost patience with the gross economic mismanagement and wast
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13

Kalinga, Owen. "Independence Negotiations in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741001.

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AbstractThis article examines the processes of negotiations for autonomy from British rule in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It shows that developments in the Zambezia region, in particular African resistance to the Central African Federation, influenced the nature and pace of the negotiations. African nationalists conducted horizontal negotiations among themselves in addition to intense negotiations with colonial authorities divided between the Federation and London. In the end, the negotiations succeeded in transferring power to the Malawi Congress Party (
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14

Mbaku, John Mukum. "Constitutions and Citizenship: Lessons for African Countries." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 1 (2017): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0001.

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Summary Since the colonial period in Africa, ruling elites have manipulated laws regulating citizenship to advance their political and economic interests. The European colonialists used citizenship laws to enhance their ability to maintain control over the colonies and minimize the ability of Africans to fight for independence. Many Africans believed that independence and the establishment of new institutional arrangements would allow them to develop a common national citizenship, one in which all the citizens of each country would have equality before the law and be granted equal opportunity
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15

Ogene, Mbanefo S., Esther Chikaodi Anyanwu, and Ngini Josephine Ojiaku. "A Comparative Analysis of Racial Discrimination in Claude McKay’s Home to Harlem and Kenneth Kaunda’s Zambia Shall be Free." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 3 (2017): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n3p343.

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Abstract One major problem confronting the definition of Comparative Literature is that of the involvement (on the one hand) of more than one literature under comparison and (on the other hand) that of the consideration of the multidimensional aspects of such literature, such as social, historical, linguistic, religious, economic and cultural aspects of divergent societies. This study is guided by the above factors in analyzing the concept of Racial Discrimination in Southern Africa and African American literatures in the sense that the former’s experiences were on African soil, while the latt
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16

Mijere, Nsolo J. "African Proletarians and Colonial Capitalism: the origin, growth and struggles of the Zambian labour movement to 1964 by Henry S. Meebelo Lusaka, Kenneth Kaunda Foundation, 1986. Pp. xiv+560. ZK 41.20." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 4 (1987): 702–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010193.

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17

"Zambia – Kenneth Kaunda: ( April 28th, 1924 – June 17th, 2021 )." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 58, no. 6 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2021.10038.x.

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18

Prokopenko, Lyubov. "Russia-Zambia: stages and horizons of cooperation." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, February 20, 2019, 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-5-16.

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The article shows the dynamics of the development of the 55-year-long cooperation between the USSR/Russia and Zambia, as well as the characteristics of the first stage of the cooperation between our countries during the period when the United Party of National Independence (UNIP) led by Kenneth Kaunda was in power, and later in the 1990s when contacts were limited. The bilateral cooperation of our countries at the present stage is based on our common international interests. The partnership between Russia and the Republic of South Africa in the framework of the BRICS has not only been a new st
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19

Internacionales, Estudios. "Texto de la declaración conjunta emitida por los presidentes de Chile. Don Eduardo Frei, y de Zambia. señor Kenneth Kaunda, Santiago de Chile, 30 de noviembre 1966." Estudios Internacionales 1, no. 1 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.1967.19321.

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