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Journal articles on the topic 'Zeal (Christian)'
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1
Pawłowski, Sławomir. "Jesus Christ – Living Rule of Christian life. Ecumenical Dimension of sequela/imitatio Christi." Studia Oecumenica 16 (December 22, 2016): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/so.3198.
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The ideas of sequela Christi and imitatio Christi as a rule of Christian life are all rooted in the words and attitude of Jesus and the Apostles, and then expressed in the teaching of the Church, from the Fathers onwards. They have a great ecumenical importance as a regula vitae for all Christians. In the new millennium, we must show the world the «whole» Christ in His fullness of truth: in the power of the baptismal grace, with the joyful boldness of the Spirit, in ways renewed in methods and zeal. The ecumenical dimension of this following/ imitation Christ rises from his Trinitarian, Christological, pneumatological and baptismal foundation in the perspective of the evangelization.
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NISHIKAWA, SUGIKO. "The SPCK in Defence of Protestant Minorities in Early Eighteenth-Century Europe." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 4 (October 2005): 730–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905004306.
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The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, the SPCK, has been much discussed as the epitome of Anglican evangelistic zeal and is well known for its dedicated work in the distribution of Christian literature. Whereas the fact that continental Protestants were in regular contact with the SPCK has been noted, few attempts have so far been made to examine SPCK relations with continental Protestants. In fact, the SPCK emerges as more and more concerned with its responsibilities towards its persecuted foreign brethren. Thus it is important to place the SPCK in the context of the Europe-wide Protestant Reformation.
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Ma, Li, and Jin Li. "The Tragic Irony of a Patriotic Mission: The Indigenous Leadership of Francis Wei and T. C. Chao, Radicalized Patriotism, and the Reversal of Protestant Missions in China." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 8, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040175.
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Motivated by a patriotic zeal for the national salvation of China, in the 1910s, US-trained Chinese intellectuals like Francis Wei and T. C. Chao embraced a progressive version of Protestantism. While Christian colleges established by liberal missionaries during this time initially contributed greatly to nurturing a generation of intellectual elites for China, its institutionalization of progressive ideas, and its tolerance and protection of revolutionary mobilization under extraterritorial rights, also unintendedly helped invigorate indigenous revolutionary movements. Meanwhile, in the 1920s, anti-Western and anti-Christian student movements radicalized in China’s major urban centers. When the communist revolution showed more promise of granting China independence, Francis Wei and T. C. Chao became optimistic supporters. However, neither of them foresaw the reversal of China missions under the Three-Self Patriotic Movement in the 1950s.
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Underwood, Horace G. "Christianity in Korea." Missiology: An International Review 22, no. 1 (January 1994): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969402200106.
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Christianity in Korea has often been viewed rather superficially. It has been praised for its evangelistic zeal or criticized as being pietistically oriented toward numerical growth with little concern for society. It has been criticized for slavishly copying Western forms and praised by others for struggling for human rights. The author attempts to deepen our understanding of Korean Christianity by taking up such matters as the problems of indigenization, the forms of worship, and Christian social activism as seen against its historical and social background.
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Levy, Ian Christopher. "Useful Foils: Lessons Learned From Jews in John Wyclif's Call for Church Reform." Medieval Encounters 7, no. 2 (2001): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006701x00012.
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AbstractAs an ardent advocate for Church reform in the late fourteenth century, John Wyclif found in Jewish history and practices a wealth of material upon which to draw when chastising the present Christian clerical class. Wyclif likens modern friars and prelates to the Jews of the Bible, and concludes that in their avarice and zeal for unscriptural human traditions they have in fact have proven themselves even greater enemies of Christ than the Jews themselves. Though Jews are consistently used as foils, they are not the recipients of gratuitous epithets. Noteworthy is the fact that Wyclif most often employs the term perfidia when speaking of Christian clerics rather than Jews. When he does speak of avarice, treachery, and murder on the part of the Jews those occasions are largely limited to the clerical class, and then in an effort to admonish the Christian clergy of his own day. As Wyclif read the New Testament accounts of Christ and the apostles, thereby forming his vision of an ideal Church, so he read of their adversaries and accepts them as the model for all who oppose his idealized Church.
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Kang, Young Ahn. "GLOBAL ETHICS AND A COMMON MORALITY." Philosophia Reformata 71, no. 1 (December 2, 2006): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000376.
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'Globalization’ is on everybody‘s lips; a fad word fast turning into a shibboleth, a magic incantation, a pass-key meant to unlock the gates to all present and future mysteries. For some, ‘globalization‘ is what we bound to do if we wish to be happy; for others ‘globalization‘ is the cause of our unhappiness. For everybody, though, ‘globalization‘ is the intractable fate of the world, an irreversible process; it is also a process which affects us all in the same measure and in the same way.1 These words of Zygmund Bauman succinctly depict the contemporary situation all of us are facing no matter where we come from. As Christians, it is very difficult for us to oppose globalization, in principle, since Christians have been globalist almost from the start. Even though Christians have historically felt a deep rootedness in a certain national, ethnic or cultural identity, there was always someone or some groups who were ready to transcend their local and cultural bounds. Christian zeal for mission work over the whole globe: “to the ends of the earth” demonstrates this. Christianity is a ‘global religion,‘ even though there is still prejudice to think of it as typically Western. Contrary to the global North, Christianity is rapidly growing in the global South, especially in Africa and Latin America.
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Hollerich, Michael J. "Religion and Politics in the Writings of Eusebius: Reassessing the First ‘Court Theologian’." Church History 59, no. 3 (September 1990): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167741.
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Ever since Jacob Burckhardt dismissed him as “the first thoroughly dishonest historian of antiquity,” Eusebius has been an inviting target for students of the Constantinian era. At one time or another they have characterized him as a political propagandist, a good courtier, the shrewd and worldly adviser of the Emperor Constantine, the great publicist of the first Christian emperor, the first in a long succession of ecclesiastical politicians, the herald of Byzantinism, a political theologian, a political metaphysician, and a caesaropapist. It is obvious that these are not, in the main, neutral descriptions. Much traditional scholarship, sometimes with barely suppressed disdain, has regarded Eusebius as one who risked his orthodoxy and perhaps his character because of his zeal for the Constantinian establishment.
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Dimock, Elizabeth. "Women, Missions and Modernity: From Anti-Slavery to Missionary Zeal, 1780s to 1840s." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000689.
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This paper focuses on women and the early period of the modern missionary movement from the late eighteenth century to the 1830s, considering links between the anti-slavery campaigns and the development of overseas missions within a framework of early twenty-first century understandings of modernity. There are three sections. The first discusses women's writing in relation to anti-slavery, the second examines the shift from women's anti-slavery activism at home to broader activities at home and overseas, while the third focuses on the London-based Female Education Society and its role as an organising body for women in educational work overseas. Connecting the three sections is an understanding of women's lives in a changing world, caught up in Britain's expanding empire. The women described here were mostly from Christian families in a time when religious affiliation was in a state of flux. This paper argues that women's interest in anti-slavery became enmeshed with a desire to bring education to those who would attain freedom and was encompassed in broader understandings of liberty and enlightenment. The desire to educate expanded to include the “heathen” in many parts of the world, and this paralleled the burgeoning of modern missions.
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Litvack, Leon B. "The Balliol That Might Have Been: Pugin's Crushing Oxford Defeat." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 45, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 358–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990207.
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Augustus Welby Pugin (Fig. 1) was the acknowledged leader of the Gothic revival in 19th-century England. Examples of his work appear everywhere in the country-everywhere, that is, except Oxford. This man was guided by strict principles of "pointed" or "Christian" architecture; however, unlike many architects of his day, Pugin's beliefs were also governed by a fervent-and sometimes oppressive-devotion to the Roman Catholic Church. He was convinced that outward signs of devotion were indispensable, and that the Church of Rome was the true expounder of Christian faith. Pugin would have loved to erect a building based on these principles in what he called "the most Catholic-looking city in England." The aim of this article is to demonstrate that the rejection of Pugin as architect for the new buildings at Balliol in 1843 was not simply a case of a Roman Catholic's working in a hostile Protestant environment; rather, he was dismissed because of the vehemence with which he pressed his own cause and derided that of others. Balliol was a great loss to Pugin; the course of events described in these pages serves as a painful reminder of overabundant zeal in pursuit of a goal.
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Rambo, Shelly. "Haunted (by the) Gospel: Theology, Trauma, and Literary Theory in the Twenty-First Century." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 125, no. 4 (October 2010): 936–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2010.125.4.936.
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At the end of the twentieth century, the expansion of trauma from a therapeutic concept to a way of theorizing about the ruptures of history and memory had, in Geoffrey Hartman's words, added a “displaced evangelical intensity” to literary studies (293). The literary turn to trauma highlighted an ethical dimension to practices of writing, reading, and interpretation; texts were then freighted by violence, called to witness the horrors of history, challenging claims to the clarity and accessibility of words and narrative. Hartman conveys his hesitations about this turn by invoking a religious term—“evangelical”—which is etymologically related to gospel, or “good news.” His concern about an infusion of religious zeal into the study of literature may enact a critical refutation of the historical erasure of Jewish origins by Christian claims to “good news.”
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Ben-Aryeh Debby, Nirit. "Crusade Propaganda in Word and Image in Early Modern Italy: Niccolò Guidalotto’s Panorama of Constantinople (1662)*." Renaissance Quarterly 67, no. 2 (2014): 503–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/677409.
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AbstractThe focus of this article is a vast seventeenth-century panorama of Constantinople, which is an exceptional drawing of the city, currently displayed at the Tel Aviv Museum of Art. The panorama is an elaborate piece of anti-Ottoman propaganda designed by the Franciscan friar Niccolò Guidalotto da Mondavio. Guidalotto also prepared a large manuscript, held in the Vatican Library, which details the panorama’s meaning and the motivation behind its creation. It depicts the city as seen from across the Golden Horn in Galata, throwing new light on both the city and the relationships between the rival Venetian Republic and the Ottoman Empire. It also trumpets the unalloyed Christian zeal of Niccolò Guidalotto and serves as a fascinating example of visual Crusade propaganda against the Ottomans in the early modern period.
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Doland, Virginia M. "Satanic Ritual Abuse and Determinate Meaning: A Response to Professor Ellis." Journal of Psychology and Theology 20, no. 3 (September 1992): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719202000325.
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Ellis’ argument that the process of “legend ostension” may, in itself, create its own “reality” is well taken and ought to be cautionary. In the current SRA controversy, it is possible that a variety of legend ostension, fed by the fires of the media, over-anxious authorities and mass panic, has at times helped in creating the events of which they speak. In our zeal to interpret a “text” or a series of accounts in ways which privilege our own expectations and preconceptions, the lives of families and individuals can be destroyed. The world is full of suffering and evil; Satan is “real,” but in the current SRA controversy, the Christian community has at times responded by giving the powers of darkness more than their due thus adding to the world's suffering and evil.
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Lypynsʹkyy, Vyacheslav. "The reasons for the conclusion of the union and the relation in the process of conservative and radical influence in the Brest region." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 81-82 (December 13, 2016): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2017.81-82.749.
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In his work "Religion and Church in the History of Ukraine," V.Lipinsky primarily answers the question: Did Volodymyr the Great accept Christianity in the time when Byzantium was still in connection with Rome and the prince was "Uniate", but "Orthodox" ? Volodymyr the Great accepted Christianity in time when there was no official gap between Byzantium and Rome, but the relationship between these two Christian hierarchies was already very tense from the days of Photius, which is about a century before Vladimir baptism. The controversy over the primacy between the Pontiffs and the Constantinople Patriarchs did not accept yet the character of the complete rupture and these two hierarchies, arguing with zeal among themselves, all of them mutually recognized. In this mutual recognition of the church hierarchy, there was a connection between the two churches, which already differed considerably in their spirit.
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Zgraja, Brunon. "Stworzenia nierozumne wezwaniem do doskonałości. Przyczynek do studium nad "Hexaemeronem" św. Ambrożego." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 821–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4176.
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The present article presents an interpretation made by St. Ambrose in the Commentary to the Six Days of Creation, the so-called Hexaemeron, of some features of the brainless crestures – plants and animals – in the context of indications and instructions regarding perfection of moral life of the faithful entrusted to his care and, at the same time, it shows the essential elements of a model of Christian perfection, from the point of view of Ambrose as pastor. In brief, Ambrose appeals to the faithful to cultivate in themselves an attitude of humility before God, to stand up for the Christ’s persecuted sheepfold, to guard the deposit of faith handed over to them, to faithfully fulfill his commands, furthermore, to care for conversion of others, to strive for a proper shape of matrimonial and parental love. What is more, Christian perfection, in Ambrose’s opinion, means also freedom from greed, from laziness, a development of the virtues of faith and hope, cultivating an attitude of justice and charity in one’s life, ability to withstand poverty, trust in God’s care, zeal in fulfilling the tasks entrusted to us, hospitality, care for parents, joint responsibility for the development of the State, and also keeping widow’s chastity.
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Picard, Suzanne. "Gospel Formation and the Catalytic Corrective." Axis Mundi 2, no. 2 (October 5, 2017): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/axismundi63.
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Burton Mack’s Myth of Innocence delves into the nebulous territory of earliest Christianities with a reformer’s zeal and an academic’s rigour. Confronting a paucity of primary documentation and a scholarly obsession over the historical Jesus, Mack attempts to change the popular and academic vision of Christian origins with what he describes as “a single shift in perspective”: looking at the Gospel of Mark not to study the indelible uniqueness of the Christ Event, but to uncover the social histories of the document and its existence as a social charter.1 Thus, Mack turns to social-historical methodology (and nuanced literary criticism) in order to elucidate the social traditions and interests underpinning the Gospel of Mark,2 and to illustrate how the gospel’s careful craftsmanship informs scholarly and Church traditions of Christianity’s novel origins. Mack argues that Mark’s gospel was a charter document for his community, functioning as an authorizing defence amidst c.70 CE social upheaval, persecution, and perceptions of failure.
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Hammond, Geordan. "The Revival of Practical Christianity: the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Samuel Wesley, and the Clerical Society Movement." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003521.
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Reflecting on the early endeavours of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) following its establishment in 1699, John Chamberlayne, the Society’s secretary, confidently noted the ‘greater spirit of zeal and better face of Religion already visible throughout the Nation’. Although Chamberlayne clearly uses the language of revival, through the nineteenth century, many historians of the Evangelical Revival in Britain saw it as a ‘new’ movement arising in the 1730s with the advent of the evangelical preaching of the early Methodists, Welsh and English. Nineteenth-century historians often confidently propagated the belief that they lived in an age inherently superior to the unreformed eighteenth century. The view that the Church of England from the Restoration to the Evangelical Revival was dominated by Latitudinarian moralism leading to dead and formal religion has recently been challenged but was a regular feature of Victorian scholarship that has persisted in some recent work. The traditional tendency to highlight the perceived dichotomy between mainstream Anglicanism and the Revival has served to obscure areas of continuity such as the fact that Whitefield and the Wesleys intentionally addressed much of their early evangelistic preaching to like-minded brethren in pre-existing networks of Anglican religious societies and that Methodism thrived as a voluntary religious society. Scores of historians have refuted the Victorian propensity to assert the Revival’s independence from the Church of England.
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Juhász-Ormsby, Ágnes. "Erasmus’ Apophthegmata in Henrician England." Erasmus Studies 37, no. 1 (2017): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18749275-03701001.
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The sudden surge in English translations of Erasmus’ Apophthegmata during the later years of Henry VIII’s reign can be partly attributed to the gradual introduction of the new standards set by the humanist educational agenda and partly to the profound political and religious changes brought about by the English Reformation that was codified in the Act of Supremacy in 1534. Richard Taverner’s The garden of wysdom and The second booke of the Garden of wysedome (1539) and Nicholas Udall’s Apophthegmes (1542) reveal a pronounced shift towards a more widely conceived education of the English public. While Taverner’s translation, with its overt political commentary, provided a morally instructive commonplace book, marked by a Protestant overtone and influenced by Luther’s and Melanchthon’s views, Udall’s extensive pedagogical notes were meant to disseminate new methods of instruction modelled on Erasmus’ De ratione studii. Albeit in notably different ways, Udall’s and Taverner’s promotion of classical culture through apophthegms reflected their humanist zeal to reshape existing moral and cultural ideals and to expand the codes of conduct of the reformed Christian commonwealth in England.
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Murzaku, Ines Angeli. "The Basilian Monks and their Missions in 17th–18th centuries to Chimara (Himara) Southern Albania." Downside Review 135, no. 1 (January 2017): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580616684286.
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The study focuses on the 17th-18th century Basilian missions in Southern Albania, specifically in the region of Himara and the people behind these missions. The article is based on primary, never-before-published archival sources. The study explains that despite the zeal, knowledge, and dedication of the missionaries, the Basilian missions in Southern Albania were sporadic, not organized, and the monks were not particularly trained in missions. This by no means minimizes the contributions of Basilian missionaries Neofito Rodino, Nilo Catalano, and Giuseppe Schirò and their hard labors in Albania. On a positive note, the Basilian missions to convert the Orthodox (as requested by the Orthodox Himarriots) might have raised Rome’s sensitivities to recognize and appreciate Byzantine tradition beginning from its backyard - the Monastery of the Mother of God of Grottaferrata in Rome, and the Italo-Albanians or Italo-Greeks living in Calabria and Sicily. These missions paved the way to the beginning of an ecumenical thinking and changed attitude in the Latin Church regarding Christian East.
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Atkins, Gareth. "Reformation, Revival, and Rebirth in Anglican Evangelical Thought, c.1780–c.1830." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003569.
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For Anglican Evangelicals, terms like ‘awakening’ and ‘revival’ pointed rather to reinvigoration and the recovery of old glories than to some new and disturbing disjunction. Those seeking change, remarked Rowland Hill, would do well to follow the example of the reformers, who ‘did not innovate, but renovate, they did not institute, they only reformed.’ Nevertheless, this still left many – like Hill -balancing their urge to reform on the one hand with the importance of Anglican ‘regularity’ on the other. Several initiatives bore the mark of this tension. For example, the foundation of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1799 owed much to frustration with the inactivity of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG). The new society was ‘founded upon the Church-principle, not the High Church principle’, remarked John Venn, who stressed that it was possible to express Gospel zeal within a solidly Anglican framework. As the Missionary Magazine commented perceptively, ‘a set of people will no doubt contribute to this whose predilection for the Church and dislike to Methodists and Dissenters, would have effectively kept them from aiding the [London Missionary Society]’. The Christian Observer, founded in 1802 to be the periodical mouthpiece of ‘moderate’ Evangelicalism, evinced the same concerns in its first number, when it promised ‘to correct the false sentiments of the religious world, and to explain the principles of the Church’. As the leading Evangelical ‘regulars’ maintained, only this uneasy balancing act could bring far-reaching change.
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Mironov, Arseny S. "Rethinking of the Pan-Epic Value Category “Heroic Anger” in Russian Bylinas: The Knight’s “Fury / Resentment” as a Christian Concept." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 20, no. 2 (2021): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-2-57-75.
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Purpose. The article examines the concept of anger, which should be placed among the central concepts of the world’s folk epics. Results. According to axiological analysis, pre-Christian epic poetry renders anger as a certain “indicator” of heroic nature peculiar to this or that character: the epic hero is “obliged” to feel this emotion when public evaluation of his personal honor (the one made either by his relatives or his bride, lord, rival, etc.) does not meet his own idea of those honors which should be granted to him as a possessor of miraculous strength. Such an underestimation is treated by the character as a kind of disgrace, and, consequently, provokes his anger – a feeling that induces him to restore “justice” through violent means. Russian folk epics, however, should be considered as a principal exception from this rule: bylinas don’t render the “fury” – or the “resentment” – of the knight as his response to the underestimation of personal honor. In Russian heroic songs, the pagan understanding of anger mentioned above is replaced by a new treatment of this feeling: now, anger is conceived as a manifestation of “love-eagerness” focused on those external realities and objective categories, which presuppose their own “honor”. Also, bylinas are remarkably distinct from other folk epics by their two opposed types of heroic characters: here, we find both “pagan knights” (Volkh, Dunay, Vasiliy Buslaev, Ivan Godinovich, Sukhman) and “Christian knights” (Ilya, Dobrynya, Alesha, Mikula, etc.). If the former ones are angry because of their personal disgrace (and, as a rule, perish), the latter ones become angry when certain individuals, objects, and value categories (“God’s law”, “honorable icons”, widows, orphans, etc.) are insulted or devoid of their sacredness; in bylinas, these heroes are invariably rendered as victorious, though their feats – the ones caused by “fury” and “eagerness” – do not increase their own property honor. Conclusion. Among the world’s folk epics, only Russian bylinas render the hero’s anger as a Christian concept presupposing both righteous zeal and love.
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Thomson, Andrew. "Right hand up, left hand down: The New Satanists of rock n’ roll, evil and the underground war on the abject." Metal Music Studies 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms_00031_1.
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Satan has long served as the ultimate evil, the world’s primary scapegoat. The Devil’s role in music, especially extreme music and heavy metal, has been to shock, terrify and enrage. But what if the imagery and ideology of Satan is used to combat an immoral societal evil? Is it then possible that the radical evil could itself become a force for good? This article intends to examine the music and philosophy of three modern bands, dubbed The New Satanists: Ghost, Twin Temple and Zeal & Ardor. Each band uses varying degrees of satanic influence to raise awareness of their perceived objectionable and abject issues in society: a harsh and unjust patriarchy, the Christian conversions and role of religion during the era of American slavery and suppression of individuality from the Catholic Church. Through the examination of these bands, social issues and Jean Baudrillard’s concept of symbolic evil, this article will examine theories of traditional evil potentially becoming a force for good when it combats the moral sickness existent in society. An alternate perspective – that of Satan as a liberator – could serve as a cure for a gamut of ills.
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McGuckin, John Anthony. "St Symeon the New Theologian (969-1022): Byzantine spiritual renewal in search of a precedent." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001319x.
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St Symeon the New Theologian is, without question, one of the most original and intriguing writers of medieval Byzantium. Indeed, although still largely unknown in the West, he is surely one of the greatest of all Christian mystical writers; not only for the remarkable autobiographical accounts he gives of several visions of the divine light, but also for the passionate quality of his exquisite Hymns of Divine Love, the remarkable intensity of his pneumatological doctrine, and the corresponding fire he brings to his preaching of reform in the internal and external life of the Church. He was a highly controversial figure in his own day. His disciples venerated him as a saint who had returned to the roots of the Christian tradition and personified its repristinization. His opponents, who secured his deposition and exile, regarded him as a dangerously unbalanced incompetent who, by overstressing the value of personal religious fervour, had endangered the stability of that tradition. The Vita which we possess was composed in 1054, in an attempt to rehabilitate Symeon’s memory and prepare for the return of his relics to the capital from which he had been expelled when alive. This paper will investigate how he himself understood and appropriated aspects of the earlier tradition (particularly monastic spirituality), hoping to elucidate why he felt himself inspired to reformist zeal, and why many of his contemporaries (not simply his ‘worldly opponents’ as his hagiographer would have us believe) regarded him as unbalanced. It will end by attempting some reflection on what the controversy reveals on the larger front about how the Church ‘selectively looks back on itself, so to paraphrase our president’s description of the conference theme, and whether the model of tradition and its reception exemplified in this Byzantine writer can offer anything to the dialogue between history and theology which the doctrine of Tradition (Paradosis) inevitably initiates.
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Vidovic, Julija. "In the service of Christian unity: The ecumenical zeal of Fr. George Florovsky and his contribution to the establishment of the world council of churches." Sabornost, no. 9 (2015): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sabornost9-9779.
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Louis, Jeanne-Henriette. "Les Quakers et l’Exil en Amerique du Nord au XVIIe siecle." Moreana 44 (Number 171-, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.44.3-4.7.
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Friends and exile in North America in the 17th century. Quakers (or Friends) like to consider Adam’s fall as an exile from divine nature towards animal nature, and the quest for “ Inner Light” as a reverse exile, a return to divine nature. Their “theologian”, Robert Barclay, explained this in a very clear way in his Apology of the true Christian divinity, as the fame is held forth, and preached, by the people called, in scorn, Quakers, published in 1675. The missionary zeal of Friends at the beginning of their movement, led them to announce the good news of redemption in North America as soon as 1656, which brought persecution on them during three decades. Banishment, and even death penalty, were the kind of exile imposed upon Friends by Boston Puritans and by other settlers on the North American coast. Pennsylvania’s Holy Experiment launched by William Penn offered for several decades a space for creativity for the voluntary exile of Quakers and Mennonites who left Europe in quest of a spiritual New World. Officially ended in 1756, the Holy Experiment of Pennsylvania goes through an apparent exile from this date. But we can find its values in other places, at other times. Redemption belongs to a world which is not invisible, but unseen because of many people’s blindness.
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Scurtu, Codruț-Dumitru. "Aspects of the Paternity of Metropolitan Iosif Naniescu’s Liturgical Chant (1818-1902)." Artes. Journal of Musicology 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajm-2018-0003.
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Abstract The Romanian Orthodox Church in the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century had a valuable generation of hierarchs protopsalts, composers, translators and promoters of the psaltic music of the Byzantine tradition. From this exceptional generation, Iosif Naniescu is the most valuable composer and interpreter of the 19th century psaltic music. By his rich musical work, Metropolitan Iosif stands out as a reference point for the composition and translation of Greek psaltic chanting. Thanks to the original compositions and translations from the old music notation system, Iosif Naniescu may be included among the promoters of the Christian music notation system in our country alongside Macarie the Monk (with whom he would collaborate), Anton Pann (with whom he bound a close friendship between 1839-1854), and Dimitrie Suceveanu (whom he promoted as a protopsalter of Moldavia). The quality of his performance is highlighted by the countless written testimonies over time. Iosif Naniescu shows a special talent and zeal in his widespread work of over 100 musical manuscripts (stored in our country and in the Holy Mountain of Athos); he is also acknowledged for the Psalms of Time, which he copied in anthologies besides his own chants. Therefore, the present article comes to assert the origins of his chants and pays tribute to classical music of Byzantine tradition.
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Heinrich, Anselm. "WILLIAM GLADSTONE AND THE THEATRE." Theatre Survey 52, no. 1 (May 2011): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055741100007x.
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William Ewart Gladstone, four times prime minister (1868–74, 1880–5, 1886, and 1892–94), the “greatest colossus of the Victorian Age,” the most influential prime minister of the nineteenth century, and the Grand Old Man (G.O.M.) of British politics and statesmanship, seems an unlikely advocate for the theatre. Deeply religious, conservative, and serious, Gladstone is not easily imagined as an avid theatregoer. It is difficult to imagine him supporting the ephemeral, often subversive, and suggestive character of the theatre. And indeed, in his early years Gladstone despised the theatre and called it an “encouragement of sin.” As prime minister, he was almost obsessed by a religious zeal; Richard Foulkes has noted that “Few, if any, prime ministers have carried out their role in making senior Church appointments as assiduously as Gladstone did.” For members of Victorian Britain's Christian majority, the theatre was anathema and regarded as morally suspect. They were intensely suspicious and saw playgoing as a distraction from religion and as a promoter of frivolity, vanity, and female forwardness. They linked theatres to “prostitution, juvenile delinquency, idleness, drunkenness and frivolity.” In fact, theatres were the “antithesis of the Victorian world view which prized respectability, gentility, decency, education and uplift.” Until at least the later decades of the nineteenth century, theatre “was widely regarded as the lowliest of the arts, if one at all.”
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Frantzman, Seth J. "Zeal for Zion: Christian, Jews, and the Idea of the Promised Land. By Shalom Goldman. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009. 367 pp. $35.00 cloth." Church History 80, no. 2 (May 13, 2011): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000382.
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Basenko, Ruslan. "RENAISSANCE-HUMANISTIC CONCEPTS OF CULTURE OF PEDAGOGICAL DIALOGUE OF THE TEACHERS OF THE ORDER FROM THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN EARLY MODERN TIMES." Aesthetics and Ethics of Pedagogical Action, no. 15 (March 9, 2017): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2226-4051.2017.15.175866.
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A period of European Renaissance is the birth of the modern personality and virtues Renaissance Christian humanism is a model of ethical attitudes today. The first attempt of early modern European youth education in educational system of coordinates of Renaissance humanism, no doubt, was created within the youth Order of St. Ignatius.The proposed article is devoted to the analysis of verbal communicative competence of early modern Jesuit teachers. The author revealed the contents of value-semantic, spiritual and pedagogical concepts of educational communication in the Society of Jesuits, and proved that it was based on Renaissance and Christian- humanistic positions of “brilliance, beauty and sophistication” of the academic word, the skill of public speaking and high style and the art of eloquence of the early modern university speaker.The author concludes that the Jesuits interpreted pedagogically Renaissance and humanistic intellectual heritage to the implementation of the Order implementing schooling some semantic meaning loads of humanism in this article. Recognizing it as "imitation of ancient people", as an appeal to samples of ancient learning,fundamental virtues of the Society of Jesus proclaimed erudition, sophistication of Latin, intellectual culture, exquisite taste, eloquence, perfection scientist speech and public speaking, virtuous behavior. With the Renaissance and humanistic individualism priorities code integrity Jesuit added active devotion, diligence, active, creative enthusiasm and initiative, determination and zeal, compassion, rationality and prudence, the Jesuits appreciated the talent and abilities of youth, drawn attention to the need to care for the physical health etc. Etymological interpretation of humanity as humanity in correctional priorities Jesuits answered task of building virtues of modesty and politeness, prudent and tolerance, respect and attention for elders, love and kindness, ethics, partnership and unity.The article highlights and grounds the components of the Jesuit methodology of formation of conversational competencies in the youth of the Order (didactically and cognitive, rhetoric and stylistic, moral and aesthetic); the article also proves the sonority of the Jesuit practice of teaching literature with the didactic pedagogy of the European Renaissance. The conclusion was made about the significant role of socio- cultural, socio-integrating task and spiritual significance of educational communication of Jesuit teachers for implementation of the European Youth Policy of St. Ignatius rank in XVI – XVII centuries.
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McCready, William D. "Bede, Isidore, and theEpistola Cuthberti." Traditio 50 (1995): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013179.
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The observation has been made frequently enough in the recent and, indeed, not so recent scholarly literature to have assumed the status of a received truth: the Venerable Bede, esteemed for both his saintliness and his scholarship, simply did not like Isidore of Seville. Although Bede knew Isidore's major works, at least, and used them extensively, he was less respectful of Isidore, we are told, than he was of his other authorities. On only three occasions does he refer to Isidore by name, and each time it is to correct him. Part of the explanation, it has been suggested, lies in their sharply differing attitudes towards antique literary culture. Whereas Isidore was a product of the ancient world, says Riché, Bede decisively turned against its cultural and educational legacy, rejecting the approach, sanctioned by both Augustine and Gregory the Great, that enlisted the liberal arts in the service of Christian thought. He also, Riché goes on to say, was distrustful of the broadly-based scientific curiosity evinced in Isidore's works. Despite his acknowleged accomplishments, Bede's own scientific interests were, like those of other educated Anglo-Saxons, strictly limited. Natural philosophy writ large was suspect because of the irreligious aberrations to which it might lead. To C. W. Jones and a number of more recent commentators, the crux of the matter is Isidore's incompetence, not his excessive zeal. In Bede's view, Isidore simply did not work to a high enough standard. Hence he turned to other authorities, scarcely containing his disdain of the Sevillian. “The weakness of Isidore's treatment of cycles is manifest to the elementary student,” Jones points out; “it would be more than irritating to Bede.”
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Boer, Roland. "Keeping the Faith: The Ambivalent Commitments of Friedrich Engels." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 40, no. 1 (March 2011): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429810389019.
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The importance of the early religious commitment of Friedrich Engels, who had such an ambiguous effect on world history, is often recognised but rarely analysed. This article offers a critical treatment of the formative religious experience of the young Engels. His was a (Calvinist) Reformed upbringing and the faith he inherited was taken up with a zeal and exuberance he would later transfer to communism. In the early part of the article, this exuberance is balanced with Engels’s increasing frustrations with the narrow piety of his home town in Wuppertal, a frustration enhanced by his increasing engagement with critical biblical analysis in Germany at the time. The second half of the study deals with two features that would stay with Engels: his sense of the political ambivalence of Christianity, torn between reaction and revolution (as he saw it embodied in his formidable minister, F. W. Krummacher); and his intimate knowledge of the Bible, which would lead to a life-long practice of citing biblical passages at will. In the end, Engels may have lost his Christian faith, but he could not evict Christianity from his life and thought, returning to it again and again to explore its revolutionary potential. L’influence exercée par Friedrich Engels sur l’histoire mondiale demeure ambiguë. Souvent reconnues par les chercheurs, les convictions religieuses du jeune Engels ont rarement été analysées. Cet article offre un regard critique sur l’expérience religieuse du jeune Engels. À la longue, il transformera en communisme la foi calviniste dans laquelle il a été formé, une foi qu’il a assumée avec zèle et exubérance. Dans la première partie de l’article, nous verrons que cette exubérance a été freinée par ses frustrations grandissantes devant la piété étroite de sa ville natale, Wuppertal; des frustrations exacerbées par son engagement avec la nouvelle critique biblique allemande. La suite de l’article traite de deux aspects qu’Engels retient tout au long de sa vie: la conviction que le christianisme (tel qu’il le voyait incarné chez son redoutable curé, F. W. Krummacher) était politiquement ambivalent, divisé entre réaction et révolution; et sa connaissance intime de la Bible, qui lui a permis tout au long de sa vie de citer des passages bibliques à volonté. Même si, à la longue, Engels a perdu sa foi chrétienne, il n’arrivait pas à évincer de sa vie et de sa pensée le christianisme et il y est retourné incessamment dans le but d’en exploiter le potentiel révolutionnaire.
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Vysoven, Oksana. "REPRESSIVE PSYCHIATRY AS PUNITIVE AND CORRECTIVE REMEDY IN THE FIGHT AGAINST ACTIVE MEMBERS OF THE BRANCH OF THE EASTERN CHRISTIAN BAPTIST (SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY)." Journal of Ukrainian History, no. 39 (2019): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-4611.2019.39.9.
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The purpose of the study is to unbiased analysis of sources and literature on the use of psychiatry in punitive and repressive purposes in the Ukrainian SSR. The article uses the following methods of research: comparative-historical, typologies, classifications, problem-chronological, etc. The first works in which the facts of the struggle of the totalitarian system with the active members of the brotherhood of the ECB began to be publicized by means of repressive psychiatry were the self-published bulletins that were periodical and published in the 70's and 80's. Soviet researchers did not mention in their works the facts of torture of believers by means of repressive medicine. Modern scholars, especially specialists in the field of psychiatry, partially re-thought and reinterpreted the crimes of repressive medicine over dissent and active members of the brotherhood of the ECB. At the same time, there is no comprehensive scientific-historical research about punitive psychiatry as a form of struggle against political opponents, and in particular with active members of the ECB in the second half of the twentieth century. There is no time for this, so we will try to fill this gap somewhat.The study found that the systematic use of psychiatry for the imprisonment of dissidents in a psychiatric hospital began in the late 1950's in connection with mass rehabilitation of political prisoners who, after returning from places of detention, openly opposed all kinds of abuse of power, lack of freedom of conscience and religion; it is proved that the Soviet regime under the psychiatric repressions was summed up the theoretical and legal basis, that led to the list of restrictions on so-called mentally ill: in professional capacity and in general, in capacity, in correspondence and many others, even if they were not brought to criminal responsibility; it was shown that in the 70-80s of the XX century. punitive and repressive machine of the totalitarian system, in the name of the leaders of the security forces and their analysts with maniacal zeal, developed anti-human torture for dissenters, the main role in their humiliation now relied on psychiatrists and their Jesuit methods based on the so-called «innovative» teaching of the Moscow school of psychiatrists A. Snezhevsky about «slowed down schizophrenia», this diagnosis was recognized only in the USSR and its satellites. Under the diagnosis of «delayed schizophrenia» could fall anyone who somehow expressed dissatisfaction with the actions of the ruling regime. It was found out that in the late 70's of the twentieth century threats with a psychiatric hospital to active believers have become systemic, especially the secret services have been pressured on the members of the Council of the Relatives of the ECB Prison, who were engaged in printing and publishing crimes of totalitarian power against humanity and freedom of conscience and religion; it is proved that in the early 1970's reports of unjustified hospitalization of political and religious dissidents in psychiatric hospitals reached the West and the United States. In order to prevent an international scandal, the leadership of a totalitarian state, together with intelligence agencies, decided to set up a group of advocacy specialists who also developed a plan of major measures to expose anti-Soviet slander campaign on so-called «political abuses» in psychiatry; in spite of the measures taken by the leadership and special services of the totalitarian regime, regarding the debunking of the so-called «myths about punitive medicine in the USSR,» the international community has gathered a lot of facts and interviewed persons over which there were inhumane torture in medical institutions throughout the communist state, which proved to be evidence the fact that the USSR in the 70's and 80's of the twentieth century the main method of combating dissent was the repressive psychiatry.
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Dynybil, Christian. "Die Zusammenarbeit muss enger werden – Erfolgsfaktoren für die Hüft- und Knie-TEP-Versorgung." physiopraxis 17, no. 09 (September 2019): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/a-0963-8212.
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Patienten nach Knie- und Hüft-TEP werden immer früher aus dem Akutkrankenhaus entlassen. Nachsorgende Rehaeinrichtungen gewinnen dadurch an Bedeutung. Dr. Christian Dynybil, Chefarzt in der Waldburg-Zeil Rehabilitationsklinik Saulgau hat 100 Rehamediziner befragt, was für sie eine Operation erfolgreich macht und wann sie eine operierende Klinik weiterempfehlen. Dabei fielen vor allem Stichworte wie Kommunikation, Patientenedukation und Qualitätsstandards.
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Evyatar Friesel. "Zeal for Zion: Christians, Jews and the Idea of the Promised Land (review)." American Jewish History 95, no. 2 (2009): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2009.0004.
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Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. "Zeal for Zion: Christians, Jews and the Idea of the Promised Land (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 30, no. 4 (2012): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2012.0098.
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Gribben, Crawford. "Zeal for Zion: Christians, Jews and the Idea of the Promised Land, by Shalom L.Goldman." Relegere: Studies in Religion and Reception 2, no. 2 (2012): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/rsrr2-2-559.
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Hayami, Yoko. "Karen Culture of Evangelism and Early Baptist Mission in Nineteenth Century Burma." Social Sciences and Missions 31, no. 3-4 (August 17, 2018): 251–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03103006.
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Abstract The success story of nineteenth-century Baptist missionary work among minority ethnic groups in Burma was one well-known facet of the early beginnings of modern Protestant missions. Behind this success was the extensive travel and evangelizing work done by native Karen Christians. In the face of the unexpected speed and zeal with which the Karen converts spread the gospel, to which I apply the term “culture of evangelism”, the Baptist mission in Burma was formed through an interactive process of continual self-reformulation, negotiation, and compromise on crucial matters such as baptism, ordination, self-support, division of roles, and language use. This has had far-reaching effects in shaping the Baptist churches in Myanmar today.
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de Korte, Hannah, and David Onnekink. "Maps Matter. The 10/40 Window and Missionary Geography." Exchange 49, no. 2 (May 28, 2020): 110–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341558.
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Abstract The 10/40 Window map is used by evangelical missionary societies to promote mission in Northern Africa, the Middle East and South East Asia. It has been widely popular among Christians worldwide, but has also suffered sustained criticism. The map itself, however, has received no scholarly attention. This article investigates the 10/40 Window map through the lens of the concept of territoriality. Using insights from the field of critical cartography, it argues that the map is pivotal in directing missionary zeal, but that in turn it has also reshaped missionary thinking. This is so because the actual map’s metageographical proportions, its cartographic language and the accompanying rhetoric communicate several novel key propositions about mission. The overall argument of this article is that maps are not innocuous illustrations, but indeed that maps matter a great deal and that missionary geography should be taken seriously.
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Yung, Tim. "Keeping up with the Chinese: Constituting and Reconstituting the Anglican Church in South China, 1897–1951." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 383–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.21.
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When Anglican missionaries helped to constitute the Chinese Anglican Church (Chung Hua Sheng Kung Hui) in 1912, they had a particular expectation of how the church would one day become self-supporting, self-governing and self-propagating. The first constitution crafted by missionary bishops presupposed an infant church that would require the step-by-step guidance of its parent association. However, the intended trajectory was superseded by the zeal of Chinese Christians and drastic changes in the national government of China. The constitutional basis of the Chinese Anglican Church had to be restructured fundamentally again and again due to political upheaval in republican China, the Japanese occupation and the Communist revolution. This article explores the difficulties of crafting and implementing church constitutions in China in the first half of the turbulent twentieth century. Focusing on the South China diocese, wider questions are posed about the formation of canon law in an age of extremes.
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Isaac, Fred. "Zeal for Zion: Christians, Jews and the Idea of the Promised Land ShalomGoldman. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009." Journal of American Culture 35, no. 2 (May 21, 2012): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.2012.00807_14.x.
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Farmer, Craig S. "Changing Images of the Samaritan Woman in Early Reformed Commentaries on John." Church History 65, no. 3 (September 1996): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169935.
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Medieval Christians were fascinated by the character of the Samaritan woman, whose story is presented in the fourth chapter of the Gospel of John. Numerous legends celebrating her life history recounted in imaginative detail the heroic deeds of this convert to Christ. The Bible itself, of course, gives no information about her following her encounter with Jesus, nor does it even mention her name. But medieval hagiographers named her Photina and recounted her brave witness to the gospel, leading to her ultimate martyrdom. One legend reports that she converted the daughter of Nero and was martyred in Rome. Another places her in Carthage, where she preached the gospel and died in prison. Although ancient and medieval commentaries on the fourth Gospel do not commemorate these extracanonical accomplishments, they portray the Samaritan woman's personality and discipleship in equally flattering ways. Not only does she beautifully model the sinner's conversion to Christ, but she also demonstrates admirable zeal in bearing witness to Christ among her fellow Samaritans. On the basis of her testimony, a host of the citizens of Sychar come to faith in Christ, a feat matched by none of Jesus' disciples in the pages of the Gospels.
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Saposnik, Arieh. "Shalom Goldman . Zeal for Zion: Christians, Jews, and the Idea of the Promised Land . Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2009 . Pp. 367. $35.00." American Historical Review 116, no. 2 (April 2011): 544–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.2.544.
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Kodera, T. James. "Uchimura Kanzō and his ‘No Church Christianity’: Its Origin and Significance in Early Modern Japan." Religious Studies 23, no. 3 (September 1987): 377–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003441250001893x.
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Debate over indigenization of Christianity continues in earnest even after the waning of the missionary zeal of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, set afire in no small measure by the wave of Great Awakening that swept New England and beyond. The context in which the Gospel of Christ is to be heard anew has ceased to be the God forsaken lands of heathens but is now one in which new challenges have emerged, ranging widely from Marxism and Islam, scientific scepticism and technological revolution, to urbanization and the rise of the ‘Third World’. In a country where since the early seventeenth century the Christians have scarcely numbered more than half of one percent of the population, the Gospel continues to intrigue the inquiring minds and the tired souls of the Japanese, particularly among the educated for many of whom the initial exposure to Christianity was through schooling or personal cultural enrichment. While many have regarded Christianity as a passage to Western culture and civilization when Japan still held the West in awe, worthy of emulation, others have taken upon themselves a more sobering, if troubling to some, task of inquiring whether the teaching of Christ could be the spiritual and social force to redeem and to transform the Japanese without relinquishing, if possible, but rather affirming the integrity of their own heritage. In no other country has a religious tradition exerted influence so far out of pro-portion to its membership as has Christianity in modern Japan.
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Rocha, Karina Dosualdo, Odilon Gomes Pereira, Sebastião de Campos Valadares Filho, Amanda Prates de Oliveira, Leonardo Bruno de Bastos Pacheco, and Fernanda Helena Martins Chizzotti. "Valor nutritivo de silagens de milho (Zea mays L.) produzidas com inoculantes enzimo-bacterianos." Revista Brasileira de Zootecnia 35, no. 2 (April 2006): 389–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1516-35982006000200008.
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Este trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir de dois experimentos. No primeiro, avaliaram-se o pH, a relação nitrogênio amoniacal/nitrogênio total (N-NH3/Ntotal), a composição química e a digestibilidade in vitro da matéria seca (DIVMS) de silagens de milho produzidas ou não com inoculantes enzimo-bacterianos, utilizando-se silos laboratoriais. Adotou-se um arranjo fatorial 6 x 3, composto por seis períodos de fermentação (1, 3, 7, 14, 28 e 56 dias) e três inoculantes (um controle e dois inoculantes comerciais), em um delineamento inteiramente casualizado, com três repetições. Avaliaram-se os seguintes inoculantes microbianos: controle (sem inoculante), Maize All (Alltech do Brasil) e Biomax (Christian Hansen). Constatou-se efeito da interação inoculante × período sobre o teor de MS, registrando-se maiores valores para as silagens inoculadas, independentemente do período de fermentação. O teor de PB foi influenciado pelo inoculante, registrando-se menor valor (6,23%) para a silagem não tratada. Para os teores de FDN e FDA, observou-se efeito apenas de período, estimando-se decréscimos de 0,302353 e 0,063321 unidades/dia de fermentação, respectivamente. A DIVMS também foi influenciada apenas pelo período, estimando-se incrementos de 0,0546305 unidades/dia de fermentação. No segundo experimento, avaliaram-se o consumo e a digestibilidade aparente total dos nutrientes das silagens do experimento 1, utilizando-se 18 ovinos adultos, castrados, distribuídos em três tratamentos, segundo um delineamento em blocos casualizados, com seis repetições. Adotou-se relação volumoso:concentrado de 90:10, com base na matéria seca. O consumo dos nutrientes não foi influenciado pelas dietas experimentais, registrando-se valores médios de 1,26; 0,14 e 0,84 kg/dia para os consumos de MS, PB e NDT, respectivamente. Para a digestibilidade aparente total dos nutrientes, detectou-se efeito de inoculante somente para a PB, observando-se maior valor para a silagem tratada com o inoculante Biomax (66,0%). A adição de inoculantes à planta de milho não promoveu alterações na composição química e no consumo dos nutrientes das silagens.
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Casalegno, Alberto. "A AÇÃO DO ESPÍRITO SANTO NA ASSEMBLÉIA DE JERUSALÉM (AT 15)." Perspectiva Teológica 37, no. 103 (May 21, 2010): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21768757v37n103p367/2005.
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No Concílio de Jerusalém, o Espírito atua em duas formas: intervém de forma imprevista e sem mediações humanas, manifestando a vontade de Deus; age por meio dos responsáveis pela comunidade, ajudando-os a tomar uma decisão a respeito da imposição da circuncisão aos étnico-cristãos. Trata-se de modalidades diferentes que devem ser integradas; nenhuma pode ser absolutizada. Desta forma, Lucas mostra que a dimensão pneumática da Igreja não está em contraste com sua dimensão institucional. O evangelista destaca também os critérios que permitem discernir a ação do Espírito Santo, por meio do qual é o próprio Jesus ressuscitado que opera. São os seguintes: o zelo pela unidade da Igreja, a obediência a determinadas normas, o compromisso na pregação do evangelho; não se dá destaque ao dom carismático das línguas. Essas orientações, importantes para a comunidade primitiva, são válidas também hoje.ABSTRACT: In the Council of Jerusalem, the Spirit is at work in two ways: It intervenes in an unexpected way and without human mediations, manifesting God’s will; it acts through the community leaders, helping them to make a decision about the imposition of circumcision to the ethnic-Christians. They are different ways that should be integrated; not absolutized. In this way, Luke shows that the Church’s pneumatological dimension is not in contrast to its institutional dimension. The evangelist also underlines the criteria for discerning the action of the Holy Spirit, through which the risen Jesus is working. They are the following points: the zeal for Church unity, obedience to certain rules, the commitment to preach the gospel; there is no special emphasis on the charismatic gift of speaking in tongues. Important for the first communities, these orientations are still valid today.
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McKee, Elsie. "Katharina Schütz Zell, Idelette de Bure, and Reformed Women’s Views and Experience of Marriage." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 11, no. 17 (June 30, 2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v11i17.486.
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The Protestant movement had a significantly positive effect on early modern understandings of marriage, and women of the Reformed tradition participated actively in these changes. Protestants rejected celibacy as a good work to earn God’s favor and elevated marriage as an ideal for Christians, including for clergy. One way that Reformed women expressed their faith was by marrying priests, thus acting on their conviction of Biblical authority (e.g., 1 Tim. 3) over canon law which prohibited clerical marriage. Former nuns, citizens of good reputation, married reformers as expressions of faith. A second way that Reformed women contributed to the new ideal of marriage was by the ways that they managed their households, making these models of hospitality and partnership in following Christ. A number of Reformed women chose exile for their faith and their Protestant husbands. A few, like Katharina Schütz Zell, were articulate in defending their decision to marry priests and their calling to serve as “church mothers.” Some Reformed women, like Anne Askew, demonstrated their loyalty to their faith by rejecting marriage when it came to a choice between their faith and their marriages – or their lives.O movimento protestante teve um efeito significativamente positivo nos começos da compreensão moderna sobre o casamento, e as mulheres da tradição reformada participaram ativamente nestas mudanças. Os protestantes rejeitaram o celibato como boa obra para alcançar o favor de Deus e consideraram o casamento como um ideal para os cristãos, inclusive para o clero. Uma maneira que as mulheres reformadas expressaram a sua fé foi casando-se com sacerdotes, agindo desta forma a partir de suas convicções sobre autoridade bíblica (por exemplo, 1 Tm 3) em oposição à lei canônica que proibia o casamento clerical. Antigas freiras, cidadãs de boa reputação, casaram-se com os reformadores como expressões de fé. Uma segunda maneira que as mulheres reformadas contribuíram para o novo ideal de casamento foi pela maneira como administravam suas famílias, tornando-as modelos de hospitalidade e parceria no seguimento de Cristo. Algumas mulheres reformadas escolheram o exílio por causa de sua fé e seus maridos protestantes. Outras, como Katharina Schütz Zell, defenderam a decisão de se casarem com os sacerdotes e seu chamado para servir como “mães da igreja”. Outras ainda, como Anne Askew, demonstraram lealdade à sua fé ao rejeitar o casamento quando se tratava de uma escolha entre a fé e o casamento - ou suas vidas.
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Tsekpoe, Christian. "African Traditional Oath-Swearing: An Evaluation from a Ghanaian Pentecostal Perspective." E-Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, September 8, 2020, 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.38159/ehass.2020092.
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Although it has been acknowledged that the early European Christian missionaries to Africa have contributed significantly to the emergence and growth of Christianity on the continent, it is also obvious that the ethnocentric tendencies that accompanied their missionary zeal caused them to demonize many aspects of the African cultures. This demonization led to a long-standing debate among African Christians themselves on whether one can be truly African and truly Christian. Despite the fact that the situation seems to have improved greatly in contemporary times, one of the key areas of contention within African Christianity, which has persisted to date, is the chieftaincy institution. To the best of my knowledge however, not much has been researched in this field from Pentecostal perspectives. Using personal observations and participation in Christian Royal conferences as well as personal conversations with some Pentecostal church leaders and some royals in Ghana, this paper examines the functions of the traditional oath swearing for Christians who are chiefs. The paper argues that although, the oath swearing by itself is not inimical to Christian beliefs, Christians who swear oaths should be mindful of the deity invoked in the swearing process. The paper also recommends that to be able to transform unethical and unscriptural aspects of traditional practices and make disciples of all nations, Pentecostal Christians should not be ignorant of traditional practices within their communities. These include the traditional oath swearing, which is the focus of this paper. The paper is therefore an attempt to initiate an important dialogue among African Pentecostals, both scholars and practitioners, on the subject of Christianity and chieftaincy within contemporary times.
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Gregerman, Adam. "The Lack of Evidence for a Jewish Christian Countermission in Galatia." Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations 4, no. 1 (April 21, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/scjr.v4i1.1513.
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Most commentators on Paul’s letter to the Galatians have argued that his opponents were competing Jewish Christian missionaries. Fired by zeal to convert the Gentiles similar to Paul’s, these outsiders supposedly meddled in his church by preaching about the necessity of circumcision for salvation. I challenge this portrait and propose an alternative explanation for their demand that Gentile believers be circumcised. Instead of seeing them as interlopers with what some scholars call characteristically Jewish âextremistâ (i.e., restrictive) views of Gentile salvation, I demonstrate that theyâlike nearly all other late Second Temple period Jewsâwere unconcerned with Gentile soteriology. Rather, they were responding to an entirely different development, the influx of unconverted Gentiles into their originally all-Jewish religious movement as a result of Paul’s preaching. They responded as other Jews would respond, by insisting that those who sought to be members of such a community undergo circumcision and observe the Torah. I argue that we can say almost nothing about their views of a mission to the Gentiles and should not presume that their concerns were at all similar to Paul’s, whose zeal to convert Gentiles was unique. My reconstruction draws on recent research on this period demonstrating Jewish opposition to attempts to convert Gentiles, along with a Jewish commitment to maintaining traditional religious boundaries between Jews and non-Jews.
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Böhmer, Karl E. "Violence Begets Violence: Anticolonial Mobilisation of Ressentiment in 19th Century Borneo." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 45, no. 1 (March 11, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/4751.
Full textAbstract:
The sudden and violent uprising marking the start of the “Banjarmasin War” in south-central Borneo in 1859 caught the German Rhenish Mission Society (RMS) by surprise. A well-coordinated attack by indigenous Dayaks and prominent Muslim figures led to the brutal massacre of nine people associated with the RMS. In a matter of days, the mission work of 23 years was destroyed. In all, violence was directed at Dutch colonial forces, German missionaries, and Christian Dayaks alike. The coastal city of Banjarmasin, seat of Dutch imperialism, became the last refuge for survivors. Some blamed the RMS for the uprising, arguing that the conversion zeal of the missionaries had provoked an anti-Christian jihad. The RMS retorted that Muslims, conspiring to overthrow the Dutch, had incited indigenous Dayaks to what amounted to an anti-imperialist uprising. Recently, scholars have argued that the interference of Dutch imperialism in local politics was to blame for the uprising, and that the Dayaks were unable to distinguish between Dutch and German foreigners. This paper examines the contribution of Dutch colonial policy to the uprising, particularly its restriction of Islamic religious practices, as well as forms of cooperation between the Dutch and the RMS. Primary sources provide evidence of prolonged and severe RMS brutality against Dayaks in the decade before the war. This leads to the conclusion that the initial violence of the Banjarmasin War directed at RMS persons was no coincidence. Sufficient warrant exists to argue that this was not a matter of mistaken identity, but of reasoned calculation.
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Neoh, Joshua. "Jurisprudence of Love in Paul’s Letter to the Romans." Law in Context. A Socio-legal Journal 34, no. 1 (December 21, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.26826/law-in-context.v34i1.45.
Full textAbstract:
Paul proclaims that Christ is the end of law. The new Christian community promises to be a community sustained not by law, but by love. His zeal for love reinforces his proclamation of Christ as the end of law, for love is lawless, literally outside of law. In contrast to Moses who establishes the rule of law on Mount Sinai, Paul proclaims the power of love over law and asserts the inherent lawlessness of love. Legal rules predict human behaviour; but love makes human actions unpredictable. Legal rules dictate outcomes; but love is, by definition, free. However, inasmuch as love is free, love is also fleeting. According to Paul, Christianity marks the end of law and the dawn of love, but it does not take long for the first church council to be formed and decrees to be issued. The promise of a lawless community ends up with codes of canon law. The modern political state carries with it this ancient theological baggage. We inherit from Paul a particular cognitive dissonance: we dream in the language of love, but speak in the language of law. The radical ideal of love as the ultimate negation of law remains a powerful eschatological vision in our theo-political imaginary.
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"Buchbesprechungen." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 72, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 107–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2013-0005.
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